Social Insecurity among the Vulnerable Groups in Tanzania E-Book

Dr Kanyumi, David Henry

• Herausgeber: novum publishing
• Kategorie: Gesellschafts- und Liebesromane
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 520

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2024

Beschreibung

Dr David Henry Kanyumi, author of "Social Insecurity among the Vulnerable Groups in Tanzania", speaks from an authentic point of view to engage and inform readers of Tanzania's current social problems and how they can be fixed. Here, he provides a unique insight into the lives of everyone, from street orphans to battered women, as drawn from research and interviews. Standing alone as his first book, it takes readers into a country's seldom discussed areas.

Leseprobe

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All rights of distribution, also through movies, radio and television, photomechanical reproduction, sound carrier, electronic medium and reprinting in excerpts are reserved.

© 2024 novum publishing

ISBN print edition: 978-3-99146-145-6

ISBN e-book: 978-3-99146-146-3

Editor: Stephanie Marrie

Cover photo: Catay Cagatay | Dreamstime.com

Cover design, layout & typesetting: novum publishing

www.novum-publishing.co.uk

Acknowledgements

Without the support of many people, this book could not have been successful. Therefore, I would like to express my gratitude to those people who kindly provided me with invaluable assistance in many ways.

Special thanks go to all the brave participants in my original research, who willingly shared their precious time and experience-based knowledge related to research questions during interviews. Participants who took part in interview meetings included: older people, street children, women, and the disabled—also, employees within the local non-governmental welfare organisations.

I want to express my sincere gratitude to the leadership of the three local organisations – MAPERECE, Dogodogo Street Children Trust, and SMGEO. They graciously allowed the original research to be conducted within their organisations and facilitated the participation of their respective clients in the study.

I would also like to express my gratitude to my family members, Esther Mageni, Henry Kanyumi, Bless, Ethan, Lydia, Saskia, and Lily K, for their unwavering love, support, and motivation.

1 Introduction

The Tanzanian government provides minimal welfare support to its citizens, leaving many without reliable means to address their well-being. This lack of full and effective governmental involvement in providing social welfare leaves people in disadvantaged areas vulnerable. As a result, they often rely on relatives, take out loans, beg, or seek assistance from charities. However, local non-governmental welfare organisations have stepped in to fill the gap, focusing on specific social issues and supporting individuals to address societal problems and reach their full potential. However, the work and contribution of local non-governmental welfare organisations towards social problem-solving is an under-researched topic. There is currently a limited understanding of how people who work in local non-governmental welfare organisations and people who use these organisations’ social services understand social problems, how they experience them, and what impact these organisations have on their experiences.

The emergence and involvement of local non-governmental social welfare organisations in social problem-solving occurs amidst a prevalence of social problems that affect citizens’ livelihood and wellbeing. Tanzania is currently witnessing a lot of changes. These changes include rapid urbanisation, industrialisation, and the movement of young adults from rural areas to cities. Additionally, globalisation impacts the labour market due to the high flow of goods from outside Tanzania, negatively impacting local businesses. Local businesses are being negatively impacted by the availability of cheaper goods, particularly in the food industry. This trend is making it increasingly challenging for homegrown products to remain sustainable. Mkenda (2005a:3) understood globalisation as ‘the process of increasing economic, political, social, and cultural integration, whereby influences beyond national boundaries have a crucial impact on constraining and influencing all aspects of national wellbeing.’ In Tanzania, this interaction manifests through an increased flow of goods, ideas, and services, raised capital, and the migration of people. This new economic model and a unique way of realising livelihood entices young adults to move away from farming activities. Migration to cities is not a straightforward process. These social and economic phenomena enormously impact family structures, changing how family support- networks function. During a crisis, people, in general, previously tended to rely on the extended family network for support in their attempt to secure some normality in life. Vulnerable people, such as people with health problems, older people, and orphans, were supposed to rely on the extended family network support model. However, this extended family network-support model is crumbling. This fast diminishing of the extended family supporting network model necessitates the development of other social structural support, including local non-governmental welfare organisations, to address the welfare concerns of the majority disadvantaged populations of Tanzania. This book underscores the importance of understanding the responsibilities and social activities that local organisations fulfil in response to social issues. It explores how they carry out their work and the impact they have on situations and individuals. This knowledge is crucial for recognising the significant and useful role these organisations play in Tanzanian society today.

The book discusses four socially significant issues: old age, gender, street children, and disability. While appealing to a broad audience, it delves into academic perspectives to clarify these social problems. Social science research has reflected and demonstrated numerous studies on social problems and welfare concerns, including the four areas discussed in the book. Chapter Two provides a detailed analysis of each of the aforementioned social problems.

2 Four social problems characterising contemporary Tanzania

This chapter discusses the four social issues that significantly impact the wellbeing of some citizens in contemporary Tanzania. The discussion follows the following order:

The challenges that affect older people’s welfare in rural areas. The issues affecting street children’s wellbeing.Gender inequality and discrimination and the impact of this on women’s wellbeing. Inequality and discrimination and their impact on the wellbeing of people with disabilities.

2.1 Problems Affecting Older People in Rural Areas

Growing old in rural Tanzanian environments remains a vulnerable state of affairs for many. Various studies have attempted to understand, explain, and perceive the issues behind the problems experienced by older people. Stark evidence indicates the existence of social problems in Tanzania. A study by HelpAge International (2002) in the Mwanza rural area found that older people’s issues included:

Food shortages.Problems with drinking water.Inadequate clothing.Difficulty obtaining firewood.Lack of financial support to pay for health services. (HelpAge International, 2002).

Other issues mentioned were a lack of governmental assistance when medical attention is needed, a lack of local government support towards older people regarding food and housing, and concerns surrounding security among older people due to accusations of witchcraft (HelpAge Tanzania, 2002). others see the lack of wide application of social protection coverage scheme in Tanzania leaves the majority disadvantaged population at risk and, in some cases, irreversible risks. Lerisse et al. (2007) investigated the necessity of social protection and identified ‘Extremely Vulnerable Groups.’ Social groups including children and street children; persons with disabilities, unemployed youths; older people; people living with a long-term illness, such as people with HIV/AIDS; women and widows, people with substance abuse and alcoholics, are considered the most vulnerable social group in the Tanzanian society (Lerisse et al., 2007:8; Chitereka 2009) According to Lerisse et al. (2007:8), these highly vulnerable groups include individuals and households with high risks and a low capacity to cope. The vulnerability level varies from group to group due to differences in access to assets, whether social or capital and the physical capability necessary to mitigate the effects of impoverishing forces. (Lerisse et al, 2007). 

The tremendous impact of social problems on people’s well-being, especially the population in disadvantaged areas, including rural settings, is primarily caused by the Government’s apparent lack of general welfare provisions and other protection schemes that could enhance living reality and benefit vulnerable groups, including older people. Kitoka (2011) studied the dilemmas faced by the older population in Tanzania and discovered two aspects he considered the root causes of the problems. One aspect was a lack of general socio-economic protection covering all older people in the country. “Older people like those in the category of fishermen, herdsmen, and peasants do not belong to any existing formal social security schemes from which they can enjoy old-age benefits.” (Kitoka, 2011:4). Indeed, a more significant percentage of the elderly live in rural areas where the main economic activities are predominantly informal or subsistence farming. This group represents a substantial social deficit whose problems cannot simply be addressed through self-help calls (Kitoka, 2011). As other research has found, the existing social security and pension schemes in Tanzania provide some protection, but only to those who were or are still formally employed, most of whom are urban dwellers. 

The Tanzanian Government provides no general social welfare to its citizens, except for a small part of the population, mainly in urban settings, covered by a protection system and pension plan. Evidence shows that only around five per cent of the older generation benefit from a pension in Tanzania. The existing pension scheme, characterised as a pay-as-you-earn system, excludes most older people in rural areas who depend mainly on subsistence farming and small businesses, which may not always be reliable. Hence, most rely on informal and non-state-regulated social protection, mainly provided through family and community support structures (Stiglitz 2011:18, cited by Spitzer & Mabeyo, 2011). Research by Kitoka (2011:5) explained that “the rural elderly, most of whom have never had a formal job in their lifetime, are either left to depend on their children and close relatives or provide for themselves a basis of survival through some petty and income-generating activities. These activities include mat making, basket making, brewing local alcohol, selling baked items, to mention a few.” Indeed, petty income-generating activities help in the short term but not in the long term without other formal support, e.g., from the Government. Additionally, the lack of money circulation affects small businesses in rural areas, as few people can buy things.  

The traditional family network support structure has historically played a significant role in shaping people’s lives. It was common for individuals from different generations to reside together under one roof. This system is predominantly the case in rural areas but also characterised urban communities to a small degree. This socio-cultural life practice reflects the Tanzania Ageing policy, which prioritises family as the primary institution of care and support for older people (The United Republic of Tanzania: National Ageing Policy, 2003a:2). However, in today’s Tanzania, dependence on children or close relatives as a reliable social protection system for older people is problematic. That traditional support structure is steadily diminishing, caused partly by the migration of young adults into cities and other places and, in doing so, leaving the rural lifestyle and their older family members alone. Kitoka (2011:5) observed, “the rural-urban migration is depriving the majority of the rural elderly, not just the social and economic support, but it also leaves them vulnerable to the vicissitudes in their livelihoods.” Other studies have observed this notable social change related to the care of older people in different communities within sub-Saharan Africa (Mwanyangala et al., 2010; Theron, 2013). 

For disadvantaged social groups, meeting their social welfare needs essential to their well-being is vital. Bruggencate et al. (2017:1745) wrote, “Social needs are important basic human needs. When social needs are not satisfied, this can lead to mental and physical health problems.” This observation is correct. Indeed, the chances for older people to stay physically and mentally healthy without the availability of ways to satisfy their social needs are slim in Tanzania’s rural areas. A lack of general social security provision is a reality in Tanzania. Rwegoshora (2014) stressed the need for the Government to provide social security to all, regardless of the social and economic status of the individual. Rwegoshora considered social security a basic human right and a fundamental means of social cohesion. A social security scheme is essential for workers’ well-being, in addition to that of their families and other community members.

Additionally, these schemes’ benefits to their beneficiaries are purely based on pay-as-you-go arrangements (Spitzer and Mabeyo, 2011). Contributions to the schemes are made as earnings allow them. The absence of any social protection coverage by the state and others that encompass a range of public actions addressing risk, vulnerability, and poverty leaves older people in precarious situations and susceptible to a host of dangers in rural settings (Spitzer and Mabeyo, 2011). There are numerous reasons why older people in rural areas do not have formal social security and are severely affected by problems. One explanation is that these people may not have had the chance and ability to contribute sufficiently to public or private social security provision schemes during their youth and adult lives. Indeed, other research has attributed the struggle of meeting older people’s social welfare needs in rural areas to the history of a life of poverty at a young age, citing this as a root cause of the difficulties a person experiences in old age. Mwanyangala et al., (2010:37) observed that:

“In Tanzania, many older people reach retirement age after a lifetime of poverty and deprivation, poor access to health care and poor diet. This situation can leave them with insufficient personal savings because of a fragile earning history.”

This quote raises a valid point that weak earning history in a person’s life plays a part in difficulties in old age. The economies of rural Tanzanian settings are predominantly subsistence agriculture, which provides little or no pension coverage and limited health care services. 

Older people’s means of living and livelihood depend on a good harvest and selling agricultural products such as maise, rice, beans, and sorghum. However, when the harvest is poor, securing a high earning and surplus income is complicated. Other factors, such as the amount of rain and the timing of the rainy season, contribute to a good or bad harvest and, therefore, a person’s income. It is no wonder that in these context settings, a person can reach old age with little or no savings at all in these settings. Tanzania’s social security schemes typically target public employment and are confined to urban areas. Efforts to encourage outside formal employment to secure social security for their lives are not apparent. Indeed, in the past, the total reliance on traditional family-network support structures has meant that the idea of contributing to social security schemes for the future might not have been deemed necessary. In the past, most people would see the possibility of living and maintaining their social well-being through their children and grandchildren. Reflecting on the existence and usage of the traditional support structure, Kibuga and Dianga (2000:30) wrote:

“In the past, older persons in Africa lived within an extended family system. This system ensured that they were supported as their strength decreased and that there would be numerous family members to take over the more arduous household tasks, such as fetching water, gathering firewood, and cultivating crops. If the older members fell ill, there would always be someone to look after them.”

As this quote indicates, the traditional support structure has served as a social security model that encompasses sources of livelihood and general social security for older people, especially in rural settings. Mesaki (2016) observed that populations, especially those in disadvantaged areas, are susceptible to poverty, sickness, and social exclusion. Indeed, the impacts of social problems on an individual’s lived experience and general societal conditions are severe, partly due to a lack of intervention from the Government (Spitzer and Mabeyo,2011; Spitzer, 2019).

Furthermore, new structures, such as formal social security systems, fail to compensate for this void left by the breaking up of traditional family structures to protect older people. The National Ageing Policy is the most recent policy for older adults. (The United Republic of Tanzania, Older People Policy 2003a:2) reads: 

“The Government realises that older people are a resource in the development of our nation. The existence of Tanzania as a nation is evidence of older people’s contribution in [the] political, economic, cultural and social arena.” (The National Ageing Policy, United Republic of Tanzania, 2003a:2) 

Despite this complimentary view of its senior citizens, the central Government still does not sufficiently intervene and address older people’s social welfare needs in rural areas. The extended family system practised by most African societies has been interrupted by the emergence of social factors. These factors include colonial rule intrusion in African communities, modernisation, urbanisation, and industrialisation. These social forces contribute to and weaken the family network of care for older people (HelpAge International, 2001; Oluwabamide, 2005; Oluwabamide et al., 2012). The idea that one day circumstances could change or socio-economic changes could alter social living reality among traditional African communities might not have been part of their thinking framework. The apparent declining phenomenon of conventional support structures in Tanzania and other parts of sub-Saharan has devastating consequences on older people’s experience. This reality means that many older people in rural communities are on their own, vulnerable, and unprotected (Mabeyo et al., 2014; Spitzer and Mabeyo, 2011).

Other studies associate the lack of support for older people with a change in attitudes by the younger generation. Kaseke (1998:51) explained that:

“Most young adults see things differently, assuming new modern cultural attitudes, values, interests, and priorities. Some children no longer feel obliged to support their parents, and this undermines their roles as a source of social protection in old age. Others still recognise their obligations but are constrained by the harsh economic climate. The difficult financial situation makes it difficult for them to extend adequate support to their parents. Overall, the assistance rendered is too little to make a difference in the lives of older people.” 

Kaseke’s perspective on the situation is that the new modern lifestyle young Africans adopt strains financial resources. Therefore, it becomes a challenge to balance meeting their immediate needs and the needs of their parents or grandparents who have remained in rural areas. 

Other studies saw HIV/AIDS and its effects as a significant factor affecting and altering family structures in traditional African societies. The loss of able young adults to HIV/AIDS has consequences for the patterns of care and support and the social fabric of the family, directly affecting the security of older people (Van Staden and Weich, 2007; Fernandez-Castilla, 2008). The AIDS pandemic has significantly eroded the principal financial and material support sources for older people (Tati, 2009). Indeed, many families have lost young family members to HIV/AIDS; consequently, older people are left to care for themselves, and others are left with the burden of caring for grandchildren.

Other studies have revealed health-related issues as another challenge facing older people in Tanzania. Bujari (2004) surveyed three regions, Dar-es-Salaam, Kilimanjaro, and Morogoro. He found that older people in the selected regions suffered from various health-related problems. He observed that older people’s health-related issues are exacerbated by Tanzania’s weak health system that lacked a specific focus for the aged. Consequently, this means that older people continue to suffer silently. Bujari suggested that Tanzania’s health sector should acknowledge that health care for older people is deficient, recommending that the Tanzania Public Health Association spearhead a healthy lifestyle and active ageing campaign. He suggested that there should be a range of services and facilities for older people. For example, health promotion education should target older people and focus on a healthy lifestyle and moderate exercise to maximise physical fitness and restore functions. Bujari (2004:1) asserted, “although ageing may be an inevitable and irreversible biological process, it often reflects the success in the history of public health policies and social, economic development in a society.”

Although Bujari conducted his research sixteen years ago, his observations about the welfare of older people still bear relevance today. Older people, particularly those in rural communities, still lack proper health-related provision services that could improve older people’s physical and mental well-being. Indeed, this is an issue the Tanzanian Government must tackle, and it is an essential gap that this research will seek to address.

Other research noted other developments, such as the changing role and status of older people in a society. Studies conducted in 1999 and 2000 observed that older people participate less in family and community in Africa and Tanzania. In the past, older people played a significant role, including guiding the younger generation in understanding history and culture, often advising their communities (O’Donoghue, 1999; Heslop et al., 2000). After more than five years, subsequent research made a similar observation about social change impacting older people’s position and participation in the current African societies, including Tanzania. Urbanisation and modernisation are noted as the social forces affecting contemporary African cultures by breeding a new cultural way of thinking and lifestyle in the minds of the younger generation. Consequently, older people are increasingly socially isolated and unable to fulfil their roles (Nyaundi, 2005; Theron, 2013).

Another problem that older people face in rural settings, according to the literature, is victimisation and mistreatment. Older activists in Tanzania are concerned about the number of older people murdered because of witchcraft beliefs. Incidents of victimisation, abuse, and killing of older people are prevalent in Tanzanian rural communities (HelpAge Tanzania: Sauti Ya Wazee, 2014). The Tanzania Legal and Human Rights Centre report showed that 765 people, 505 of whom were women, were killed following alleged witchcraft accusations in 2013. Sadly, women seem twice as likely to encounter these allegations than men. This rate is a stark increase from the murders of 630 older people reported in 2012. This image is disconcerting and challenges the commonly held belief that respect for elderly individuals is a deeply ingrained feature of African societies (HelpAge Tanzania: Sauti Ya Wazee, 2014). Advocates for the well-being and rights of older people stated, “Violence against older people is a global issue. We should be celebrating ageing, and the invaluable contribution older people make. Everyone has the right to life; no one should have to live in fear of growing older.” (HelpAge Tanzania: Sauti Ya Wazee, 2014:1).

A study by HelpAge International (2011) observed that witchcraft accusations are a critical factor in violating women’s rights in Sukumaland and are often generated by broader problems in the community. For example, a limited understanding of the nature or cause of illnesses can result in believing that a family has been bewitched. In cases where husbands have died, widows are often blamed, providing a pretext for deceased relatives to deny them the right to inherit family assets (HelpAge International 2011). Older people in rural settings are an easy target because they are physically weak and cannot defend themselves. Allegations of witchcraft are often linked to hatred and personal jealousy among relatives, disputes between neighbours or family over land and inheritance. Additionally, beliefs in witchcraft are encouraged by those in the traditional healing business for their own material gain; in this way, traditional healers are a part of the problem (HelpAge International 2011). Some traditional healers use witchcraft claims to maximise their profits; hence, they cunningly manipulate and play with the vulnerability of those seeking help. Unfortunately, those who are influenced by these superstitious beliefs and base their existence on them will always look for the physical agency in which they believe witchcraft manifests itself. Thus, older people are labelled as that agency (HelpAge Tanzania, 2014; Miguel, 2005). Often, to help a client believed to have a problem, such as illness, the traditional healer points to an older, vulnerable woman in the village as a cause of the problem (HelpAge International 2011). A person’s ageing process is complicated, and the physical manifestations of ageing, such as wrinkles and other features, have now been construed as signs or indicators of someone being a witch. Kibuga and Dianga (2000) studied the victimisation and killing of older women by looking at witchcraft in four village communities in the Magu District of Tanzania. They found that in desperation, many people in the Magu district who faced social and economic problems sought answers from traditional healers, some of whom promoted notions of witchcraft. They found that older women in rural communities around the Magu district were beaten or murdered following these accusations of witchcraft because they had wrinkles and red eyes. The study suggested some recommendations to help break out of this cycle of violence against older women. They recommended that the Government adopt appropriate measures to enable society to change its negative and hostile attitude toward older people. Many older women live alone, in isolation, leaving them exposed to danger. Kibuga and Dianga, (2000:30) wrote of one woman:

“If she is frail due to poor nutrition and illness, she may not have the strength to leave her house much and an air of mystery may grow around her, which may strongly contribute to accusations of her being an mchawi (witch). The poor conditions in which she lives and the smoky fuel with which she cooks help to cause twisted limbs and gnarled hands, wrinkles and red eyes—unmistakable signs within this culture of being a witch. Also, the dilapidated state of her house makes her an easy target for break-ins and attacks on suspicion that she is a witch… Since she lives alone, she has no support to ward off the accusations and no resources to fight off attacks.”

The above quote shows how dangerous the influence of superstitious beliefs can be on a community’s mindset and attitude towards older people, adding to the issues they face. However, another perspective on the social problems that affect older people’s well-being views them as structurally caused or having the origin of their problems at a structural level. Related to this perspective of the source of the problem, Kitoka (2011:6) wrote: 

“The problems of the older people as it appears could be indicative of a rather bigger problem constructed and embedded in the socio-economic structures, processes and institutions of the national policy within the Tanzanian society. To address the problem of the rural poor is an attempt to look at the structures and institutions, both “modern and traditional” within which those problems are found and embedded.”

According to Kitoka, older people’s issues are part of issues on a broader scale, including poverty, vulnerability and deprivation (2011). When considering the early quote by Kibuga and Dianga, 2000:30, and this quote by Kitoka, the notion that the social structure underpins the problems which affect older people’s well-being is emphasised. So, while the discussion revealed issues relating to older people’s immediate needs, the debate has also indicated that these issues emanate from within the community and the broader social and political contexts and are rooted in social structure.

The second problem area considered is the one concerning the welfare needs of street children.

2.2 Problems Affecting Street Children

This section discusses some of the perspectives by scholars concerning street children’s living situation issues affecting their well-being in the Tanzanian context and some possible suggestions for improvement.

The problem of street children is a significant issue that characterises most cities in contemporary Tanzania. Various studies shed light on problems affecting the well-being of street children. Street children experience a shortage of welfare provisions. Their lives are vulnerable because they live and operate in a hazardous environment (McAlpine et al., 2010). By leaving home and living on the streets at a young age, children expose themselves to a dangerous physical and social environment. They miss out on the care essential to their personal and social development. Some children as young as six years old find themselves in unfortunate, complex living situations on the streets due to the loss of parents, lack of care from extended kinship, and other reasons (Niboye (2013) ; Railway Children Organisation-Street Children,2014). Fulfilling individual needs is a critical human demand; however, it is incredibly challenging, if not impossible, for a child or young person living on the streets to meet their essential needs.

Street children experience stigmatisation. The implications of living on the streets cause street children to become trapped in a cycle of poverty and neglect that few can escape (Moncrieffe, 2006; Nolan et al., 2007; Nolan et al., 2011; Afolabi, 2013). A child’s vulnerability in the street manifests itself in an insufficient living environment, characterised by a lack of food malnutrition, and emotional support and security (Hai, 2014; Tsoka-Gwegweni et al., 2016). This book does not highlight and address the underlying root causes or situations that influence children to live and work on the streets but understands and considers addressing the aftermath of living on the streets and the social problems children living on the streets experience. The discussion focuses on the availability of social services provided by a local non-governmental organisation that ensures the well-being and needs of children, particularly those living and working on the streets. Indeed, what can be done to ensure that children or young people receive their necessities while living on the street? What can be done to reverse child homelessness altogether in Tanzania? Other perspectives have suggested that the emphasis on research on street children should shift away from attempts to define street children and engage more in analysing street children’s relationship with the street environment (Connolly and Ennew, 1996; Parveen, 2014). 

In the last twenty or more years, Tanzanian cities have undergone rapid changes that have transformed the urban environment and the lives of the millions of people who live in these settings, as discussed above. These changes have affected almost everybody, particularly the urban poor. One of the growing social problems associated with these changes is the tremendous increase in unsupervised children and young people living alone and working in the urban streets, as Lugalla and Mbwambo in 1999 indicated. The street children problem has grown and is especially acute in big cities like Dar-es-Salaam, Arusha, Morogoro, Moshi, Tanga, Mbeya, and Mwanza, where urban population growth rates have exploded amidst the severe social and economic crisis (Lugalla and Kibassa, 2003). This trend is also confirmed in a recent report issued by the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and USAID Kizazi Kipya Project (2018). Gracey (2002) attributed the high presence of children working and living on the streets to the high influx of people moving from rural areas to larger towns and cities to seek better-paid work. In doing so, they leave behind family, destabilising traditional communities and cultural structures in the process. Children can be seen living alone on urban streets or spending most of their day on the streets in their quest for survival. Growing up in a city or town can offer these children a brighter future—or condemn them to a life of poverty and social exclusion (Luena, 2011).

Research and various social bodies have tried to understand street children at a conceptual level. The United Nations definition quoted by Lusk, (1992:294) perceived ‘a street child as any boy or girl… [under the age of eighteen] for whom the street (in the widest sense of the word, including unoccupied dwellings, wasteland) has become his or her habitual abode and/or source of livelihood, and who is inadequately protected, supervised, or directed by responsible adults.’

Various scholarly perspectives exist about street children. One view provides a better way of considering and engaging with street children’s social position (McAlpine et al., 2010). They insist on the importance of considering street children and youth homelessness as a problem from a community mental health, human rights, and economic development perspective (McAlpine et al., 2010). Undoubtedly, approaching the street children’s social situation in this manner holds some potential in engaging people and the social structure to seriously address these problems and offer practical support that could change the situation.

Researchers of the street children phenomenon have attempted to identify and explain the reasons behind the emergence of street children in Africa and Tanzania. Heggenhougen and Lugalla (2005) considered how social change impacts young people’s physical health, including HIV/AIDS, and mental health. They considered the implications of poverty and social inequalities on health, observing that the poorest disproportionately suffer the adverse health effects of social change in Tanzania. Another perspective is that of Japhet (2017), who linked the emergence of young children living rough in the streets of cities in Tanzania also to the outbreak of HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and 1990s, which along with economic hardships and the challenges of urbanisation damaged social relationships and structures. This situation resulted in a rapid increase in the number of street children as children, and young people lost their parents and guardians. Equally, Sangale (2004) made the same observation about the impact of HIV/AIDS on older people. Additionally, Japhet (2017) pointed out that while HIV/AIDS was a driving factor in the 1980s, new infections did drop.

However, today other factors lead children to live on the street, including broken families, poverty and lack of education. Other studies have suggested that the causes of children migrating to live on the streets away from their families are rooted in poverty, hunger, family breakdown, physical and mental abuse in the family, and the breakdown of traditional supportive community structures or the absence of them (Gracey, 2002; McAlpine et al., 2010). Similarly, Kopoka (2000) suggested that children living in difficult circumstances are more likely to find themselves in the streets than those cared for by both parents and growing up in a conducive social environment.

Other studies have conceptually categorised street children to understand their needs and vulnerability due to their street-dwelling status. Accordingly, Lugalla and Mbwambo (1999; 2002) have identified two types of street children in Dar-es-Salaam. They observed that ‘children of the street’ were more vulnerable and at a higher risk than ‘children on the street’. ‘Children of the street’ here refers to a category of children who live and work in the streets but have no parents or close family to go to at the end of the day; hence, the street is their home. In contrast, the phrase ‘children on the street’ refers to children and young people who come to the streets every day to work but have a family to go home to at the end of each day. In their observation, Lugalla and Mbwambo found that more boys and fewer girls live or work in the streets, attributing the lower number of girls to cultural factors. Girls in Tanzanian society, especially in rural areas, appear to be under supervision or monitoring by their families, reducing their chances of running away. However, the girls who live or work in the streets suffer abuse and sexual exploitation in cities and are very vulnerable to mental and physical mistreatment.

Equally, Lerisse et al. (2007) talked about the vulnerability of street children and the risk they experience as a result of activities such as begging, garbage rummaging and stealing, working as a houseboy or house girl, and receiving meagre pay or no pay. In addition to being subjected to exploitation, they do not attend school. Additionally, other studies observed that Tanzanian children struggle due to a lack of care, security, and protection. As a result, orphaned and vulnerable children are often pushed into critical discrimination, stigmatisation, exploitation, abuse, and general neglect (Yangwe 2014; Save the Children, 2013).

Another researcher, Thomas de Benitez (2003), focused on perceptions’ role and how they potentially underpin the public reaction towards street children. One perspective regards street children as deviants: threats or potential threats to public order whose allegedly deficient characteristics differentiate them from other children. This perspective naturally invites a repressive response to individual children. With this perspective, society or individuals implement a corrective, reactive, or repression-oriented model in dealing with street children. Another view, according to Thomas de Benitez (2003), is that which sees street children as victims. This perspective prompts a response toward street children with a more rehabilitative or protection-oriented model. Individuals or a society that holds this view assume a human rights-based perspective in dealing with or supporting street children. Indeed, perceptions about street children play a significant role in shaping the public or individual attitude and response towards the concerns of street children.

Some research has uncovered how negative perceptions affect street children within Tanzanian society. An investigation into the public’s perception of street children in Dar-es-Salaam found that the reactions of both the public and officials have been to consider the street children a problem. This is a view shared by municipal officials, the police, and politicians alike. Street children are considered hooligans and vagabonds, prone to commit crimes (Buske, 2011; Chingonikaya et al., 2019; Quarshie, 2011). Consequently, the negative perception of street children and youths as being a threat to civil order has often resulted in their harsh treatment, with forcible removal from towns a frequent response and general repressive response and harassment by municipal authorities and police a common practice in Tanzania (Luena, 2011; Buske, 2011).

Other studies made a similar observation. They maintained that politicians, policymakers, and urban planners seem to be helpless in their efforts to either resolve the problem or assist street children; they have failed to prescribe plausible solutions that are realistic, down-to-earth, and concrete (Lugalla and Kibassa, 2003). This failure stems from the fact that the Government and the public are ignorant regarding urban street children in Tanzania. There has been no attempt to understand who these children and young people are, which would be a significant step towards generating better methods to deal with the social issues affecting their lives.

The East African Community, a political-socio-economic federation made up of five countries in the East African region—Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi—has made a joint effort to investigate social problems in the East African area, including street children and their need for social support and protection. Their investigation observed that children constitute more than 50% of the population of the East African Community, though, of course, not all live on the streets. Most of these children’s living reality within the region is alarming, and their lives as children are made worse by conflict situations. Many children are affected by abuse, neglect, child labour, child trafficking, and child prostitution (East African Community, EAC Strategic Plan, 2012–2016:22).

As this discussion illustrates, the challenges that affect the well-being of street children are significant. However, the response, or lack thereof, to the plight of street children is often influenced by our perception of who they are. It is crucial that we recognise and understand that a street child is a human being, just like any other citizen. They, too, deserve the right to access all the welfare assistance that society can provide.

2.3 Gender Inequality and Discrimination of Women

Another issue that is so relevant to the Tanzania context this book has looked at is gender inequality. The reason for examining this issue is because it is an issue that seems to cut across all three of the other problems. Gender inequality and discrimination against women in Tanzania have received much attention in recent literature. The mistreatment of women is apparent at the domestic and societal levels. In the African context, including Tanzania, gender inequality often manifests itself in a variety of ways, including experiencing mistreatment and violence at the domestic level, having no equal access to opportunities that harness personal, social, and economic development, encountering obstacles in their quest for justice and experiencing their rights (McCleary-Sills et al., 2013; Idris 2018; Fox, 2016). There are many explanations for why this issue is so perpetual and critical in that society. One key noticeable reason worth highlighting is that the widespread dominance of patriarchal culture in Tanzania has shaped the community’s perception of women’s societal roles and positions. At the heart of the patriarchal cultural frame’s social outlook in life is that women are subservient to male members of society.

While the prevalence of this issue may vary from region to region due to the reality that Tanzania has 125 ethnic tribes, the consequence of gender discrimination on women’s social function and well-being is equal across tribes. In many other parts of Africa, women’s social position and influence, whether at the domestic or societal level, has always depended on the justification by men. The held cultural and traditional values and practices often influence the reality of life for women. (Hamel, 2016; Mbepera, 2017; Tanzania Media Women’s Association, Tanzania Gender Networking Programme, 2012; Tanzania Gender Indicators Booklet, 2010). when cultural preferences precede women’s potential rights to welfare and how significant their contribution to social and economic progress can be, one realises how much society has and is depriving itself of utilising this pool of human capital. Studies on this issue have contemplated what could be the solution to gender inequalities that manifest in forms such as women’s discrimination, women’s lack of freedom of self-expression, and the pursuit of their dreams and aspirations as they see fit. One way to address gender inequality and its effects on women is to have a paradigm shift in understanding gender relations, the status attributed to women in society, and promoting women’s rights (Tibaijuka, 1994; Shastri, 2014).

At a conceptual level, ‘’inequality’’ ‘’Is a violation of human dignity. It denies the possibility for everybody’s human capabilities to develop. It takes many forms and has many effects: premature death, ill health, humiliation, subjection, discrimination, exclusion from knowledge, or mainstream social life. Other effects are poverty, powerlessness, stress, insecurity, anxiety, lack of self-confidence and pride in oneself, and exclusion from opportunities and life chances.’’ Matotay (2014:2). Often, individuals guided by a traditional cultural lens may not completely construe inequality and how it affects women. Yet, as the definition above shows, women experience disadvantages in various aspects of their lives. One of the aspects is the possibility of the individual utilising their full potential and realising social and economic progress. This consequential reality is collaborated by various sources. For example, The United Republic of Tanzania and USAID (2008) report on gender inequality expressed that gender-based violence is often used interchangeably with violence against women. There is an understanding that the term gender-based violence points to the dimensions within which violence against women takes place: women’s subordinate status (both economic and social) makes them more vulnerable to violence and ‘contributes to an environment that accepts, excuses, and even expects violence against women’ (Heise et al., 2002; cited in Betron and Doggett, 2006:7).

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development-OECD (2010) produced a report on gender and economic development in African countries, including Tanzania, found that Tanzanian women’s rights within the family are poorly protected. In the year 2012, a United Nations report on gender equality and women status in Tanzania estimated that 25% of girls between 15 and 19 years of age were married, divorced, or widowed. The minimum legal age for marriage is 15 years for women and 18 years for men. Still, the law allows exceptions for girls aged 14 years under ‘justifiable’ circumstances, revealing the power imbalance between women and men in this culture.

The report also revealed another reality, namely, the culture of male dominance that in many ways leads to the subordination and even repression of women’s voice in critical decision making. This cultural system deprives girls of the opportunity to grow and realise their potential instead of being subjected to marriage at a young age without their consent (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development—OECD, 2010). The report went further. The Tanzanian law recognises two types of marriage: monogamous and polygamous. Almost one-quarter of Tanzanian women live in polygamous marriages. Although, by law, mothers and fathers in Tanzania have equal rights regarding parental authority, many traditional practices discriminate against women. Even in inheritance matters, the Government and the judicial system recognise customary and Islamic laws, both of which contain provisions that discriminate against women. The Law Reform Commission has drafted amendments to remove discriminatory measures from existing inheritance laws (OECD, 2010).

While this report is now ten years old, many of the issues raised remain in society. The amendment drafted by the Law Reform Commission, 2010 had little effect on the situation. Like on many other social problems, adequate deliberations occur at the policy level; however, these efforts do not always result in a changing reality on the ground. The lack of impact of adopted policy and law can be down to a lack of effective strategies and practical push by both central Government and local governmental authorities that can affect the intended change.

Global Gender Inequality Index gap report provides ways in which to assess the reality of gender disparity on the ground in societies and therefore shed light to the way in which we can understand gender-based problems especially in relation to women discrimination, particularly women’s social status in the Tanzania society. Global Gender Gap Report (2018) set benchmarks that assess countries worldwide on their progress towards gender parity across four thematic dimensions: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. The Global Gender Gap Report 2018 understands that Gender parity is fundamental to determining that economies and societies thrive. Ensuring the full development and appropriate deployment of half of the world’s total talent pool has a considerable bearing on the growth, competitiveness and future-readiness of economies and businesses worldwide (The Global Gender Gap Report, 2018).

The Gender Inequality Index (GII) tool reflects gender-based inequalities in three dimensions—reproductive health, empowerment, and economic activity, shed light on Tanzania’s social gender inequality situation. According to Gender Inequality Index-GII: Reproductive health is measured by maternal mortality and adolescent birth rates. Empowerment is measured by the share of women’s parliamentary seats and attainment in secondary and higher education. Economic activity is measured by the labour market participation rate for women and men. The GII can be interpreted as the loss in human development because of the inequality between female and male achievements in the dimensions mentioned above (UNDP, 2019). Examining Tanzanian gender situation data through the Gender Inequality Index (GII) lens, the Human Development Index shows that Tanzania has a GII value of 0.539, ranking it 130 out of 162 countries in the 2018 index. In Tanzania, 37.2% of parliamentary seats are held by women, and 11.9% of adult women have reached at least a secondary level of education, compared to 16.9% of their male counterparts. For every 100,000 live births, 398 women die from pregnancy-related causes; the adolescent birth rate is 118.4 births per 1,000 women aged 15–19. Female participation in the labour market is 79.4% compared to 87.2% for men (UNDP, 2019). Several scholars and research bodies have indicated that many women in Tanzania do not have the same opportunities as men for education and economic independence. For example, the 2004 Demographic and Health Survey found that 64% of men completed primary education, while only 58% of women did the same (National Bureau of Statistics and ORC Macro, 2005).

Cultural mindsets and traditional practices significantly impact women’s experiences of life. Several studies have delved into and sought to comprehend aspects such as gender roles in these societies. Zambelli et al. (2017) investigated one aspect concerning women’s social living experience in Tanzania. They looked at women balancing paid and unpaid care work in rural settings and how gender norms play a part in keeping women in unpaid work areas, preventing them from seizing other potential social and economic opportunities. The perception of unpaid care work as a predominantly female activity reflected a broader, gendered view of work. For example, most women perceive men to be naturally better at household repair and construction, agricultural activities or care for animals—all activities that require more energy and strength. Gender norms appear to be enforced from a young age, with girls doing more household chores than their brothers, who do more work outside the home; however, this allocation is not as rigid as in later life stages (Zambelli et al., 2017:15). The point emerging here is that held gender cultural norms serve as a benchmark to determine women’s role in society. Consequently, such cultural perspectives on gender roles impact other dimensions of social life, particularly the interpersonal social relationship of men and women and how they engage with each other when building a family.

Similarly, the studies of TAMWA (2013) and Ahmed (2017) considered women’s social position and attributed gender-based violence in society to African traditions, arguing that most traditions are oppressive. Ahmed (2017:7) explicitly states, “Most African traditions discriminate against women and favour men in different social, economic, and political aspects. African traditions see women as commodity and have no value, thus promote gender-based violence among members within the family.”

One aspect of social reality in this quote is the dominance of patriarchal culture—male members occupy a position of power and influence the community’s way of life. In contrast, female members in the same community are seen as second-class citizens and do not receive dignified treatment. Male-oriented culture fuels violent attitudes against women, undermining women’s voices on critical social matters. There can be no doubt that traditional beliefs in communities partly cause inequality and violence against women. These problems revolve around views regarding gender roles and women’s social status. Therefore, understanding the cultural aspects that act as the foundation for men’s violent behaviour and mistreatment of women in society is critical in the fight against violence and discrimination against women.

Other perspectives focus on cultural and social norms to explain inequality and gender-based violence. Violence is visible in actions and behaviour intended to cause harm, i.e., domestic abuse. Women’s life experience varies from one tribe to another due to the existence of different norms, values, and attitudes of the communities (The United Republic of Tanzania-Ministry of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children, 2017; Vyas & Jansen, 2018).

There are essential contextually based insights on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Tanzania. In Tanzanian culture, factors associated with partner violence against women are often framed within gender inequality and power imbalances between husbands and wives (Vyas & Jansen, 2018). Inequalities are thus considered products of broader structural systems. For example, Vyas & Jansen (2018:1) explained that Tanzania had undergone rapid economic and social changes over the past two decades. Increasing numbers of women are seeking paid work, and men’s ideals of manhood have been reshaped with evidence of extramarital relations and alcohol use. Nationally representative population-based data documents that 46.2% of ever-married women have experienced physical or sexual partner violence in their lifetime (Vyas & Jansen 2018).

The Tanzanian government’s report on inequality has pointed out that gender inequality and gender-based violence start from cultural practices and gender-biased societal attitudes. (United Republic of Tanzania-Gender Indicators Booklet 2010). Similarly, the World Health Organisation (WHO) report (2009) recognised traditional beliefs that influence men to think they have a right to control or discipline women through physical means. The WHO report observed that victims of sexual violence in many societies, including Tanzania, also feel stigmatised, inhibiting reporting (World Health Organisation (WHO), 2009). Likewise, Hagues (2017) found that discrimination towards women and girls still exists within families, schools, and the community, leading to the devaluation of girls’ wellbeing and often resulting in the normalisation of their exploitation. One proposed solution to combating abuse, exploitation, and discrimination of adolescent girls is to educate women and girls directly. Girls, female teachers, and female mentors in each district need more knowledge of how the law protects them. Raising awareness of women’s rights and the law must happen at the micro and macro-community levels, e.g., the village level. Her suggestions focus on victim empowerment and risk mitigation strategies. However, she does not focus on the root causes of those problems.

Other sources share how violence against women occurs in society—gender-based violence as appearing in various forms of physical, psychological, and sexual violence. Since much of this happens in the family environment, these forms of abuse are not often recognised as violence (Heise et al., 2002). Indeed, the lack of understanding or confusion about what constitutes violence renders the gaining of women’s rights and conducive social living environments complex. In order to maintain a level of social well-being for individuals and the community, society must identify the attitudes and actions that put people’s well-being at risk and seek ways to facilitate change. Family and community must understand which activities and behaviours constitute violence. In clarifying what physical abuse entails, Heise et al. (2002) elucidated that physical abuse is the intentional use of physical force with the potential to cause death, injury, or harm. It includes slapping, hitting, biting, and using or threatening to use a gun, knife, or weapon against another person (Heise et al., 2002, quoted in Ahmed 2017:7). Also, violence against women can take the form of coercive control and language that demeans women’s self-belief and self-esteem. Other studies, including Vuckovic et al., 2017 the United Republic of Tanzania and USAID, 2008 and Holt, 2008, have made a similar observation. Domestic violence covers abuse across genders, regardless of age, ethnicity or sexuality; generally, men are more likely to be perpetrators of violence. Women tend to suffer more frequent and severe physical, mental, and psychological assaults that consequently impact their lives over a longer period (Devaney, 2014; Stanley and Devaney, 2017).

In Tanzanian society, resolving gender-based violence has not been very effective for a long time due to the lack of commitment and practical strategies that identify the root causes of stigma and violence against women. In tackling violence against women, Tanzanian society must strategically place effective strategies and support female victims of violence. One category of strategic measures must aim at helping victims of violence feel protected, recover, and realise their fundamental human rights. Implementing an adequate legal criminal justice system-based action plan is also necessary to ensure that men who abuse women at the domestic and social levels are held accountable for their behaviour. The insight expressed in the strategic vision of the Council of Europe provides sound and practical guidance about tackling domestic abuse and supporting victims. Specifically, the Convention states that its purpose is to ensure that:

“all parties shall take the necessary measures to promote changes in the social and cultural patterns of behaviour of women and men with a view to eradicating prejudices, customs, traditions and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority of women or on stereotype roles for women and men.” (Council of Europe, Convention, Article 12.1, cited in Devaney 2014:481).

While there may be other factors for discrimination and violence against women, patriarchal Culture ranks first. The governmental and legal bodies responsible for ensuring each citizen’s welfare and rights must fulfil their responsibilities in all spheres. The idea of ‘private’ or ‘public’ should not limit the involvement and extent of governmental legal and social intervention efforts to address this problem, especially when individuals’ lives and well-being are threatened due to abuse. Other perspectives look at gender-based discrimination and violence against women from the perspective of policies and laws, arguing that they do not adequately address gender inequality-related issues in many African societies. Ndulo (2011) studied African Customary Law, Customs, and Women’s Rights in sub-Saharan Africa and Tanzania societies. He observed that:

“In a typical African country, the great majority of the people conduct their personal activities in accordance with and subject to customary law. Customary law has great impact in the area of personal law in regard to matters such as marriage, inheritance, and traditional authority, and because it developed in an era dominated by patriarchy some of its norms conflict with human rights norms guaranteeing equality between men and women.” (Ndulo, 2011:87)

We should remember that using the term “African customary law” does not indicate a single uniform set of customs prevailing in any given country. Instead, it is a blanket description covering many legal systems. These systems are primarily ethnic in origin. These laws usually operate only within the area occupied by the ethnic group and cover disputes in which at least one of the parties is a member of the ethnic group (Ndulo, 2011:88). Customary law sees women as adjuncts to the group they belong to, such as a clan or tribe, rather than as equals (Ndulo, 1985; Van Doren, 1988). The study has revealed the tension between human rights activists and traditionalists regarding whether customary norms in national bills of rights in federal constitutions are compatible with human rights in African societies. The African traditionalists favour the application of customary law. African activists for human rights and women’s rights maintain a different stance.

In Tanzania, laws and policies that offer women legal protection from gender-based violence (GBV) are limited. The Law of Marriage Act prohibits a spouse from inflicting corporal punishment on their spouse. However, the law has little impact because it does not protect unmarried couples from domestic violence and does not define corporal punishment, thereby excluding many forms of domestic violence, such as economic deprivation (Tanzanian Women Lawyers Association, 2004). There is an observation that the traditional customary laws upon which most people base their lives are outdated and require changes to realise women’s rights and justice. Ndulo (2011:87) argued that:

“The courts have an important role in ensuring that customary law is reformed and developed to ensure that it conforms to human rights norms and contributes to promoting equality between men and women. The guiding principle should be that customary law is living law and cannot, therefore, be static. It must be interpreted to take account of the lived experiences of the people it serves.”

Furthermore, Rugira (2015) researched the causes and effects of violence against women concerning social and economic empowerment in the Mbulu District. He learned that a lack of tolerance and patience, excessive alcohol consumption, jealousy on the part of husbands and broader economic conditions such as lack of food and other basic needs underpinned violent behaviours towards women in domestic settings. Rugira’s study found that very few women subjected to violence report these incidents, contributing to the lack of effectiveness of applicable laws and policies at the district level (Rugira, 2015). Patriarchal Culture contributes to gender inequality and violence against women in Tanzanian society (Minde, 2015). Similarly, Ali et al. (2017:1) explained that violence against women occurs primarily because of gender norms that appear at the societal and familial levels. Patriarchal gender norms and values reinforce and sustain girls’ and women’s low status and increase the likelihood that men will perpetrate violence against women (Dillip et al., 2018; Tanzania Gender Networking Programme, 2006).

Many studies agree that Culture plays a massive role in promoting gender equality. Culture is primarily seen as the distinctive patterns of ideas, beliefs, and norms that characterise the way of life and relations in a society or group within a community (Reeves and Baden, 2000). I believe that women and men are responsible for ensuring they sanction cultural values, cultural practices and social-cultural ways of living that promote equality and human dignity for all in a society. However, one traditional practice in Tanzania and Africa that many researchers see as a contributory factor for men abusing their partners is paying a bride price or dowry during the wedding process. Ahmed (2017:8) stated “Bride price is a common cultural practice in many African countries. Typically, the bride price consists of a contract where the groom pays material items (often cattle or animals) or money to the bride’s family in exchange for her labour and her capacity of producing children.”

While bride-price practices are widely accepted and validate customary marriages, negative ramifications of this practice are noticeable, including violence against women (Tanzania Media Women’s Association (TAMWA), 2013; Ahmed 2017). Some men in this Culture believe they own and control their wives because they paid a bride price. Adichie (2014:1) noted, “Culture does not make people. People make Culture. If it is true that the full humanity of women is not our Culture, then we can and must make it our Culture.” Reiterating her point, Adichie seems to be saying that the Culture in existence has created an unfavourable living environment for women, treating women as less and denying their rights. It is true when she says that people make Culture and, therefore, can change it. Thus, a culture that perpetuates inequality and suppression of women’s rights, freedom, and progress can be changed by the same people of that society.

Researchers investigated gender inequality 15 years ago; they recommended that the Tanzanian government and society as a whole must continue learning different and new ways to challenge deep-rooted gender stereotypes in communities (McCloskey, Williams & Larsen, 2005; McCrann, Lalor & Katabaro, 2006). This suggestion is still relevant in fighting against gender inequality in Tanzania in 2020. Gender equality is a phrase or notion that describes the absence of apparent or hidden differences between people based on gender. These differences can include discrimination regarding opportunities, resources, services, benefits, decision-making, power, and influence (Heise, Greene, Opper, 2019). What lies behind the drive for gender equality globally is the aspiration to see women and men in every Culture enjoy the same rights and opportunities across all sectors of society, including economic participation and decision-making.

The other issue considered in this discussion is inequality, discrimination, and its impact on people with disabilities’ well-being.

2.4 People with Disabilities

People with Disabilities are a social group that face many challenges in realising their welfare need. People with disabilities should experience a life characterised by respect, dignity, and equal access to all the social rights and life opportunities available in society. It is their right to participate in development personally and socially, and a person’s social well-being must not suffer just because they are physically disabled. Yet, stories of the life experiences of people with disabilities in Tanzanian society reveal the opposite. Evidence shows people with disabilities in Tanzania face challenges regarding their social welfare needs. They experience discrimination in accessing social and job opportunities (Mostert, 2016; Stone-MacDonald and Butera, 2014). Scholars’ opinions about the situations the disabled face oscillate between two elements: on the one hand, they highlight the actual living reality of a person with a disability.