7,49 €
Fascism in its various iterations swept through continental Europe like a tidal wave in the 1920s and 30s. While Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy tend to steal the show in historical examinations of the topic, Spain was also one of its most fruitful strongholds. Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, born in Spain at the beginning of the 20th century, made a name for himself as one of the most fervent pioneers of Fascism in his country, combining what he saw as the best elements of Mussolini’s and Hitler’s philosophies in order to create the ideal synthesis for Spain.
Instrumental in the formation of the Falange, the leading Spanish Fascist political organization, Ledesma personally designed the yoke and arrows symbol that would remain in use after the organization's assimilation by the Francoist government. It is often said that the war of ideas finds its seeds in the young, and
Speech to the Youth of Spain implored the next generation to raise Spain up to be a great European power once more. In this appeal to the young men and women of Spain, the author draws upon the lessons learned from his country’s ideologically aligned neighbors, as well as from its own rich history.
Caught in enemy territory at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, Ramiro Ledesma Ramos was arrested and ultimately executed by the Republicans, but his ideas would go on to shape the subsequent decades of Spanish history. Antelope Hill is privileged to publish the work of this preeminent political philosopher, translated into English for the first time.
Das E-Book können Sie in Legimi-Apps oder einer beliebigen App lesen, die das folgende Format unterstützen:
Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2024
Speech to the Youth of Spain
Speech to theYouth of Spain
by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos
Translated by Artemios Sylvanus
A N T E L O P E H I L L P U B L I S H I N G
Translation Copyright © 2024 Antelope Hill Publishing
Speech to the Youth in Spain is a translation from Spanish of Discurso a las Juventudes de España, from the Ediciones edition first published in 1935.
First Antelope Hill edition, first printing 2024.
Translated by Artemios Sylvanus, 2024.
Covert art by Swifty.
Edited by Tom Simpson.
Proofread by Harlan Wallace.
Layout by Sebastian Durant.
Antelope Hill Publishing | antelopehillpublishing.com
Paperback ISBBN-13: 979-8-89252-011-9
EPUB ISBN-13: 979-8-89252-012-6
CONTENTS
Preface
I What Is Right in Front of Our Eyes?
1. Sterility of Criticism
2. Historical Distance
3. The Hour of the Empire and the Hour of Defeat
4. The Fruitless Conflict of the Nineteenth Century
5. The Restoration
6. The Republic: April 14th
II The Problems of National Youth
1. Youth and the National Dimension
2. We Must Be Soldiers
3. The Unity of Spain
4. A National Morality
5. Social Nationalism and National Socialism
6. Demographic Growth and Military Strength
7. The Pathways to International Strengthening
III Strategic Schemes
1. Political Action
2. Direct Action
3. The Ruling Minority, the Political PowerSpain Needs
4. The Issue Does Not Lie with Majorities
5. The Reality of the Spanish People
6. The Catholic Church and Its Inference with theNational Revolution
7. The Contribution of the Workers, the SpanishWorking Class
IV Final Call to the Youth
First Digression on the Revolutionary Sign of the Youths
1. The Presence of the Youth
2. Conservative Eras and Revolutionary Eras
3. The Messianic Consciousness of the Youth
4. Facing Subversive Juncture
5. The Lack of Solidarity Among Youth
6. Neither Moral Crisis, Nor Corruption, NorAdventurism
7. The Rupture of “Progress”
Second Digression on the Current Profile of Europe
1. Pacifism, the League of Nations, and FrenchImperialism
The Two Pacifisms
Geneva, A Reactionary Trench
Geneva: Metropolitan Capital of French Imperialism
Integral Pacifism: A Weary Attitude
2. Russian Bolshevism and the Global Projection ofRed Subversion
Bolshevism, Russian National Revolution
The Global Bolshevik Revolution: A Failed Banner
3. Italian Fascism: The Second Message of Subversive Youths
Fascism and Marxism, Face to Face
Fascism: A Revolutionary Phenomenon
The Economic Interests of the Masses
The Strengthening of the State Through the Inclusion of Workers
Fascism and the Democratic Bourgeois Institutions
4. Socialist Racism in Germany
What Is the “National”?
The National Socialist Synthesis
Not a Socialism for Man, but for the German
In Service of Subversion
After the Marxist Wall, the Other Two: The Military Oligarchy and the Junkers
5. The Impotence or Revolutionary Incapacity ofMarxism
The Triumph of Bolshevism in Russia
The Slogan of Class Exclusivity: The Dictatorship of the Proletariat
Its Ignorance of the National
Marxism Underestimates Revolutionary Valuesof Maximum Effectiveness
6. The Demolition of Liberalism. Decrepitude of the Political and Economic Forms of the Individualistic Bourgeoisie
Its Individualistic Attitude
Diminishment of Man
The Discontented Vanguard
Exhaustion and Contemplation of One’s Own Ruins
7. Forced Unemployment. Humanity Exposed to the Elements
The Ideal of Progressive Enrichment
Man Reclaims His “Social” Sense
Unemployment: A Decisive Symptom
8. The Uniformity of the Masses: The Political Uniformand its Authenticity
The Meaning of Uniformity
The Emergence of the Masses
The Political Uniform
Conclusion
Do you have a political book in your hands? Politics, in the only profound sense it possesses, is not an abstract science that feeds and sustains itself on general ideas and pure reasoning. Furthermore, it is not a science, nor does it really have much to do with science. Politics—and stating this does not imply any original invention—is an art, and above all, a strategy.
Therefore, if a book aspires to be in any way a political book, it has to address or tackle strategic challenges. It must be based on facts and, to a greater or lesser extent, extract from them the path toward new facts. There is no abstract politics. There is also no such thing as stagnant politics, politics at rest, the aims of which are fulfilled or accomplished in ten years.
Now it turns out that I have worked on this book during a few weeks in which I was forced to take on something of a pause, a vacation, from my tasks of active, concrete, and daily politics that, up until now, have been my work since 1931. During those years, I had the fortune of making a discovery, the importance and fertility of which a broad sector of the Spanish youth is already fully aware of.
That discovery was none other than finding a historical and political perspective for Spain that drew simultaneously from the only two truly effective triggers to make Spain what this generation must make it out to be: a just, great, and liberating fatherland.
Here are those two triggers: one, the national idea, the Fatherland as a historical enterprise and as a guarantee of the historical existence of all Spaniards; the other, the social idea, the socialist economy, as a guarantee of bread and economic well-being for the entire people. It seems the task of unifying these two banners has fallen to me, providing them with the necessary evocative symbols, and pointing out and laying the foundation of an organization that would interpret them. These elements are already there, moving around Spain. I believe they are inescapable and visible. They are the J.O.N.S.1
Well, this book has been written during the few weeks that I have remained outside the movement, due to irresolvable differences with those who currently hold sway within it. Therefore, it is the product of a time somewhat removed from active politics.
From there, its peculiar character, a character of discourse, not directed toward specific individuals in front of me, but toward the youth of Spain as a generic category, which is not easily put in line by anyone. Therefore, it is a discourse that must find its expression not in a direct style, as is typical of political speeches, but rather in a truly discursive and general manner. This prevents it from having a close projection on daily events and inevitably gives it an air of greater ambition.
Perhaps it is that certain things still need to be said in Spain in this way, with a certain conceptual framework and without the responsibility of political decisions that, when considered, will sooner or later become obligatory. It is appropriate to do so, taking advantage of the circumstances in which, as I mentioned earlier, I find myself while writing these lines: outside the concrete discipline of a party.
I firmly believe that the entire world, and more specifically Europe, is currently going through a period of broad and significant transformations. In the final breakdown, which I publish at the end of this discourse, I maintain the view that the subversive realities that now govern the European transmutation are taking place under an unusual sign: that those executing and realizing them are not the traditionally revolutionary forces—such as Marxism, for example, which has come to our era equipped with revolutionary doctrine and tactics—but rather, others that have emerged in these recent years. These forces are characterized both by their national expression and their connection to youth, and they achieve their victory precisely at the expense of Marxism.
Therefore, this discourse, in light of the belief that the decisive manifestations of modern subversion are also approaching Spain, aims to exhibit to our youth the need for them to transform the revolution into a national revolution, liberating both the people and the Fatherland. It calls for seizing the transformative juncture as a great historical opportunity for Spain to fulfill its grand destinies. Whether this becomes a reality depends solely on the youth finding their path, rising to its challenges, and pursuing it militantly.
The very moment I have finished writing this book coincides with my reintegration into militant politics: a role that I acknowledge and see as fatally tied to my destiny.2 I do not want to be among those who shy away from even the slightest part of its presence in the historical phase our Spanish fatherland is currently entering. I joined in battle again, pursuing the justice that the popular masses desire and need, and striving for the unity, greatness, and freedom of Spain.
I only hope that these pages, born out of the interim period I mentioned earlier, serve to effectively guide the revolutionary struggles being carried out by the national youth.
It seems, comrades, that all the omens today firmly point to the current Spanish youth as the only creative and liberating force that the Fatherland has at its disposal.
I believe this without hesitation; thus I say it to you with the zeal of camaraderie, the optimism of a soldier, and the hope inherent in every genuine and true Spaniard. This discourse aims to closely examine the experiences of the youth, revealing their current reality and the challenges they face. Ultimately, it seeks to outline the glorious destiny that their struggles should aspire to achieve.
The one thing that cannot be demanded of the current youth of Spain is to engage in a purely critical work. The fertility of criticism is always very limited. It is reduced to examining things from different angles, discovering their setbacks, their layers, their hidden truths and complexities. However, criticism alone will never allow one to completely disengage from what lies before them, nor will it ever be able to overcome and replace it with something entirely new and different.
If the youths are discontented with what they come across, they have no need to justify their attitude with a plethora of reasons. They do not need to explain their dissatisfaction, a task that would consume their entire youth and render them incapable of their own active and creative mission. Criticism is made according to certain standards, to patterns of perfection, and all of this, in reality, must be learned; thus it must be taught to the youth, for it is not inherent to them, nor does it form a part of them.
But a minimum level of criticism, in terms of appreciation or assessment of what lies ahead, is perhaps indispensable. In order to fulfill this minimal orientation, in the shortest number of pages possible, we will briefly cast our gaze upon the past of the Fatherland, and then, with a bit more focus, examine the period that immediately preceded us—the Restoration—in order to also scrutinize the ground we currently tread upon—the Republic.
Before we proceed, comrades, it is necessary to provide a warning, serving as both illustration and guide throughout this discourse: it appears since ancient times that Spain is fated to go through hardships. Spaniards have been aware of this from the moment they came into the world. Countless interpretations and explanations exist concerning the reasons why Spain has endured a history marked by struggles, difficulties, sorrow, and a lack of glory. It is time to abandon these preconceptions. They are false, dangerous, and serve no purpose whatsoever. Let it suffice to know that Spain is not burdened by any curse, and that Spaniards are neither incapable nor mediocre people. We are not constrained; there exist no boundaries or chains of any kind that prevent us from once again embedding Spain in universal history. The effort of a generation is all that is needed for this endeavor. Fifteen or twenty years will prove sufficient.
It seems that Spain has been trying for two hundred or more years to find the most efficient way to die, and the limited historical knowledge possessed by the youth is sufficient to lead them to suspect that throughout this extensive period—whether it be a period of decadence or whatever else—Spain has been led and governed by people, groups, and ideas characterized by a mentality of dissolution, inheritance, and cowardice. To find complete victories and firm pulses, one must make the effort to journey far back along the path of history. We choose not to excessively dwell on that path. For just as it is enough for us to have a hunch or suspicion of the existence of that long and endless historical zone of liquidation in order to adopt an attitude of detachment toward it, it is also enough for us to suspect that our own race has indeed experienced magnificent days, in order to embrace an attitude of admiration and pride.
Apart from the fact that we should not wage our battle in the historical past, for our battle to be effective, we need close and real enemies. Thus, instead of looking back in search of a fateful event, a specific man at fault, or virulent ideas to blame for the deficient state of our Fatherland today, it is in our interest to perceive and uncover the facts, the individuals, and the ideas of this modern time. Otherwise, we run the risk of fighting against ghosts and illusory enemies, which would turn us into ghosts and repugnant deserters ourselves.
It is not permissible for us, then, to turn our gaze upon the Spanish past with any sense of languish, to rest in it and admire the greatness it possesses, which we lack today. If the glorious past of Spain served only that purpose, then we would have to renounce it without hesitation and erase it from the memory of Spaniards. However, Spain’s past contains not only triumphant moments and magnificent successes, but also significant catastrophes and cacophonies. It is equally perilous to spend one’s life solely celebrating the former and lamenting the latter.
The history of our Fatherland is a straightforward matter for us: we take responsibility for it and accept it in its entirety. However, for the purpose of the present, historical tradition holds limited relevance. Only the living values that reach us, whether they be good or bad, and thrive to inspire us, are deserving of our esteem. To answer the question of what history offers us, we need not delve deeply into chronicles and books. Instead, we must firmly focus our gaze on our own time, for it is within this context that we will find the information to form our response.
However, the historical dimension is fortunately unavoidable. To be aware of being born in the heart of a great nation, where individuals of the same heritage, endowed with similar capabilities, have accomplished remarkable historical feats, is undeniably a source of great inspiration and potential. It instills the certainty of pursuing legitimate ambitions, where reclaiming the reins of triumph is merely a matter of ingenuity, heroism, and willpower.
In the mid-sixteenth century, Spain reached its pinnacle. It was reaping the benefits of having achieved its national unity. It had discovered and largely conquered America. It possessed the most efficient institutions of the time. It had a colossal task, formulated by combining the two most powerful forces in history: religious faith and the Empire. Spain discovered and conquered territories with the cross in hand, winning them over for the Catholic faith. This faith played a pivotal role in consolidating the conquests and imbuing the new subjects with a deep sense of belief, effectively nationalizing them.
The spectacle that Spain presents from 1492 to 1588 is of a greatness rarely achieved by any people in any era. Our soil witnessed an authentic revolution, enabling the transition from a fragmented society with regional divisions, as seen during the Reconquista, to a nation driven by universal aspirations characterized by exploration, colonization, and ambition. The Empire of Charles V, with immense effort, facilitated this profound transformation. The arrival of a young king, with ties to the traditional Castilian dynasty, yet possessing distinct foreign attributes, was instrumental in shaping the Spanish people into assuming the imperial and powerful profile demanded by the times.
Emerging as a reactionary manifestation, the Spanish comuneros had various grievances to support their cause.3 However, they stood in opposition to the truly revolutionary and magnificent phenomenon of the Empire. Their triumph, despite enduring humiliation and pain, was marked by episodes reminiscent of the rapacity of Caesar’s early companions and a longing for past liberties. However, such resilience and sacrifice are the demands and requirements history places upon those entrusted with the role of catalysts, leaders, and global creators. If the comuneros had triumphed in Villalar and imposed a “national” and narrow reign upon Charles V, the grandeur of the sixteenth century in Spain might have been thwarted. The endeavors of the conquistadors might not have come to fruition, and, of course, Spain’s victorious projection onto Europe would not have existed. The conflict between the comuneros and the imperial conception of Charles V represents perhaps the first significant event in our homeland that reveals a deep divide, a rupture not easily reconcilable, between two factions of Spain regarding the differing understanding of the historical destiny of the Spanish people.
Just as Spain’s ascent was great, triumphant, and swift, so its subsequent descent was equally steep. However, it should not be misunderstood that this decline spanned an extended period of decadence. No, the decline originated from the ruling institutions—the monarchy and the Church—at the beginning of the seventeenth century, permeating the spirit and psyche of the people. From that point onward and up to the present, Spain has not experienced a proper decline, but rather an absence, a real departure from history.
And perhaps it should be said, comrades, that the term “decline” is not even fitting for Spain’s hour of descent. When speaking of a nation in decline, it implies that such a decline occurs due to internal causes, originating from the nation itself, as a sort of natural phenomenon of aging. We must resist accepting this judgment regarding what is commonly referred to as Spain’s decline. Our Fatherland—and far from concealing this fact, I believe, on the contrary, it is important to reiterate it often—was defeated. In the history of Spain from the seventeenth century onward, it is not difficult to comprehend: Spain was defeated, overcome by rival empires. These empires bore a dual nature. One was economic, commercial, and material—represented by England. The other was moral, spiritual, and cultural—embodied by the Reformation. But would anyone dare to take the criminal stance of siding with the victors?