The Florentines E-Book

Paul Strathern

• Herausgeber: Atlantic Books
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2021

Beschreibung

Between the birth of Dante in 1265 and the death of Galileo in 1642 something happened which completely revolutionized Western civilization. Painting, sculpture and architecture would all visibly change in a striking fashion. Likewise, the thought and self-conception of humanity would take on a completely different aspect. Sciences would be born - or emerge in an entirely new guise. In this sweeping 400-year history, Paul Strathern reveals how, and why, these new ideas which formed the Renaissance began, and flourished, in the city of Florence. Just as central and northern Germany gave birth to the Reformation, Britain was a driver of the Industrial Revolution and Silicon Valley shaped the digital age, so too, Strathern argues, did Florence play a similarly unique and transformative role in the Renaissance. While vividly bringing to life the city and a vast cast of characters - including Dante, Botticelli, Machiavelli, Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo and Galileo - Strathern shows how these great Florentines forever altered Europe and the Western world.

Leseprobe

THE FLORENTINES

Also by Paul Strathern

The Borgias

Death in Florence

Spirit of Venice

The Artist, the Philosopher and the Warrior

Napoleon in Egypt

The Medici

THEFLORENTINES

From Dante to Galileo

PAUL STRATHERN

First published in Great Britain in 2021 by Atlantic Books, an imprint of Atlantic Books Ltd.

Copyright © Paul Strathern, 2021

The moral right of Paul Strathern to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act of 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher of this book.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Hardback ISBN: 978-1-78649-872-4

Trade paperback ISBN: 978-1-83895-385-0

E-book ISBN: 978-1-78649-873-1

Map artwork by Jeff Edwards

Printed in Great Britain

Atlantic Books

An Imprint of Atlantic Books Ltd

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WC1N 3JZ

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ToArabella

CONTENTS

Maps

Medici Family Tree

Prologue

1 Dante and Florence

2 Wealth, Freedom and Talent

3 A Clear Eye Amidst Troubled Times

4 Boccaccio and Petrarch

5 War and Peace

6 The Dome

7 The Mathematical Artists

8 Those Who Paid the Bills

9 The Renaissance Spreads Its Wings

10 Medici Rising

11 A Medici Artist

12Il Magnifico

13 Leonardo

14 Shifting Ground

15 Undercurrents

16 The Bonfire of the Vanities

17 Machiavelli

18 Michelangelo

19 Galileo

Epilogue

Sources and Further Reading

Acknowledgements

List of Illustrations

Index

MEDICI FAMILY TREE

PROLOGUE

BETWEEN THE BIRTH OF Dante in 1265 and the death of Galileo in 1642, something happened which would transform the entire culture of western civilization. Painting, sculpture and architecture would all visibly change in such a striking fashion that there could be no going back on what had taken place. Likewise, the thought and self-conception of western European humanity would take on a completely new aspect. Sciences would be born, or emerge in an entirely new guise. Part of this cultural transformation would be influenced by the rediscovery of the pre-Christian literature of Ancient Greece and Rome, but much of it would result from how the novelty of this earlier – essentially pagan – outlook came into conflict with, and was assimilated by, the society in which it was rediscovered.

The collapse of the Roman Empire just under a millennium previously had left Europe largely in a state of historical and intellectual desolation often referred to as the Dark Ages, with the few persisting centres of learning mainly confined to isolated monasteries. Gradually, with the encouragement of Christianity, this dark age evolved into the medieval world. Consequently, the combination of intellect and faith came to be regarded as such a precious commodity, preserving civilization itself, that a widespread orthodoxy prevailed in order to protect it. However, over the centuries this orthodoxy permeated all aspects of life to the point where it dominated intellectual debate, and a state of cultural stasis began to prevail.

The ideas which broke this mould largely began, and continued to flourish, in the city of Florence, in the region of Tuscany in northern central Italy. Such novel concepts, which placed an increasing emphasis on the development of our common humanity – rather than otherworldly spirituality – would coalesce into what came to be known as humanism. As its name suggests, this philosophical attitude emphasizes our individual humanity and its central place in our lives, rather than relying upon divine providence and concentrating on metaphysical matters. Its founding insight can be seen in the assertion by the fifth-century BC Greek philosopher Protagoras: ‘Man is the measure of all things.’ As such, humanism led to an increased self-understanding, and a radical extension of our psychological self-knowledge. We gained a clearer picture of ourselves, and in doing so were inclined to seek more rational solutions to our problems – rather than reverting to the power of prayer.

This philosophical outlook would eventually spread across Italy, yet wherever it took root it would retain an element essential to its origin. And as it spread further across Europe, this element would remain. Inevitably, other ingredients also entered this rich mix. Amongst the trading cities of northern Europe humanism would flourish and develop, absorbing local characteristics. In less cosmopolitan kingdoms it would take on a more static element of empty show. At the same time, more abstemious, narrow-minded populations could not, or would not, tolerate such ostentation and luxury. Despite such apparent resistance, elements of the new humanism would also subtly permeate even their repressive mental outlook. This was in many ways the period in which the modern era began. The way we think, the way in which we regard ourselves, our modern notion of progress… these, and much more, originated from the humanist era.

Transformations of human culture throughout western history have remained indelibly stamped by their origins, no matter how they have evolved beyond these local beginnings. The Reformation would always retain something of central and northern Germany in its many variations. The Industrial Revolution soon outgrew its British origins, yet also retained something of its original template. Closer to the present, the Digital Revolution which began in Silicon Valley remains indelibly coloured by its Californian roots. It is my aim to show how Florence, and the Florentines, played a similar role in the nurture and evolution of the Renaissance.

CHAPTER 1

DANTE AND FLORENCE

IN 1308, THE EXILED Florentine poet Dante Alighieri described how, midway through his life, he found himself lost amidst a dark wood, with no sign of a path. He had no idea how he had arrived where he was. His mind was fogged; it was as if he had woken from a deep slumber. After walking for a while, filled with trepidation, he came to the foot of a hill at the end of a valley. Raising his gaze, he saw the high upland bathed in the rays of the dawning sun. He began to climb the barren slope, finally pausing for a while to rest his weary limbs. Not long after restarting, he found his way blocked by a gambolling leopard, its dappled fur rippling as it skipped before his feet. By now the sun had begun to rise in the heavens, and the sight of this fine frisking beast in the morning sunlight inspired Dante with hope. But this suddenly vanished when he caught sight of a roaring lion charging towards him. No sooner had he escaped from this fearful beast than he encountered a lean and slavering, hungry she-wolf, which caused him to retreat in terror down the slope, back towards the dark silence of the sunless wood. As he stumbled headlong downwards, he saw before him a ghostly form.

‘Help me!’ cried Dante. ‘Whatever you are – man or spirit.’

The shadowy figure replied, ‘No, I am not a man. Though once I was. I lived in Rome, during the reign of the good Augustus Caesar, in a time of false and lying gods. I was a poet, who sang of Troy…’

‘Canst thou be Virgil? The very one who has inspired me throughout my own life as a poet?’

‘I am he.’

‘Oh, save me from this ferocious wolf.’

‘She lets no one pass, and devours all her prey. She will gorge on all who try to get by her, until one day the Greyhound will come. He will hunt her through every city on earth. In the end he will drive her back to Hell, whence she escaped after Envy set her free.’

Then Virgil continued: ‘I think for your own good that you should follow me. Let me be your guide, and pass with me through an eternal place, where you will hear the hideous shrieks of those who cry out to be released, those who beg for a second death but are damned to torment for evermore. Next you will come to another place and gaze upon those who are happy amidst the fire, because they know that one day they will be purged and rise to take their place amongst the blessed. Then, if you wish, you too can see this blessed realm and its Emperor, to which I cannot lead you, because I was a rebel against his law. From that point on, only another spirit, far worthier than I, can lead you through Paradise.’

Dante replied: ‘Poet, I implore you in the name of that God you never knew, lead me through that place you have described, as far as St Peter’s Gate, which stands at the entrance to Paradise.’

So Virgil moved on, and Dante followed him.

Thus opens Dante’s La Divina Commedia (The Divine Comedy), now widely regarded as the finest poem in the canon of western literature. Its full ambition and scope are realized by the imagination which Dante lavishes on his descriptions of the land of the dead and the souls he encounters there. In many ways, his poem is an outline of the past world and many of its leading historical figures. It is imbued with the spirit of the medieval era, yet Dante’s psychological insight into the characters he encounters, and the vividness of their described afterlife, prefigures the coming age of the Renaissance. Each soul he meets on his journey is rewarded according to the life he or she has lived during their time on earth. In this, Dante’s thoughts are thoroughly medieval: this life is but a preparation for the life to come, when we will be rewarded, purged or damned, according to our just deserts. Yet although this ‘divine comedy’ is suffused with the theology of Catholic orthodoxy, as well as the Aristotelian philosophy which underpinned so much of its teaching, the poem is instantly recognizable as being of the modern era.

In a drastic break with tradition, the poem is written in the Tuscan dialect of Dante’s native Florence. At that time, all serious communication and learning was written in the Latin used by the Church, scholars and the educated classes. By writing in dialect, Dante was making his poem available to all. Even those who could not read were able to understand his words if they were read aloud. Indeed, Dante’s poem would play a significant role in establishing Tuscan as the basis of the Italian language which is written and spoken today, causing him to be seen by many as the father of the Italian language.

Yet for all its virtues, The Divine Comedy undoubtedly has its dark and vicious side. In 1300, some eight years before Dante began writing his masterwork, he had been elected to the signoria, the council of nine who ruled Florence. Yet within two years of serving his two-month term of high office, he had fallen foul of the rackety ‘democracy’ which prevailed in the deeply divided city. Consequently, he was sentenced to perpetual exile from his native land, with the warning that if ever he returned he would be burned at the stake. Not surprisingly, several members of the opposing political faction which brought about Dante’s downfall would feature in the Inferno (Hell), the first of the three major sections of The Divine Comedy. Typical of these was Filippo Argenti, who in life had been a tall, silver-haired aristocratic figure, notorious for his wrath. A contemporary commentator mentions that he had once slapped Dante’s face in public, a major insult to which Dante would probably have had no recourse. Argenti’s brother is said to have seized Dante’s possessions after the poet’s banishment, and Filippo’s family were most vociferously opposed to those who sought Dante’s pardon and recall from exile.

Argenti makes his appearance early in the Inferno, as Dante and Virgil are being rowed across the River Styx, in the fifth circle of Hell, which is reserved for those who succumbed to the sin of wrath. Even though Argenti is covered in filth, Dante recognizes him. Virgil explains that, in the world of the living, Argenti had been a man filled with pride, ‘and there is no act of goodness to adorn his memory. He must live for ever like a pig in muck.’ The sight of Argenti reminds Dante of the humiliation he suffered at his hand. Dante is filled with anger, and exclaims to Virgil: ‘How I would love to see him submerged in this filth.’ Virgil assures him that this will happen before they reach the other shore. Later, Dante sees Argenti being torn to pieces by his fellow wrathful damned. And such is Argenti’s own wrath that he even turns on himself, biting at his own flesh.

Dante Alighieri was probably born sometime around May in 1265. This is deduced from the celebrated opening line of The Divine Comedy where he places himself ‘Nel mezzo del cammin di nostra vita…’ (Midway through the journey of our life…). According to the Bible, ‘The days of our years are threescore years and ten’ – a ‘score’ being twenty. If Dante was halfway through his life during the events which he describes in his great poem, he would have been thirty-five. Although, as already noted, he in fact began writing the poem in 1308, he sets it in the year 1300, when as a serving signori he had achieved the pinnacle of his political career. This may well have been intended as a constant reminder to himself of how low he had fallen.

In a further indication of Dante’s birth date, he at one point alludes to the fact that he was born under the astrological sign of Gemini, which was approximately 11 May to 11 June in the Julian calendar of the day. Gemini is the sign named for the twins Castor and Pollux of Greek mythology. The characteristics of someone born under this sign are said to include intelligence and a thirst for knowledge. However, their inclination to adaptability can lead to them appearing fickle or disloyal.

Although astrology is nowadays dismissed as a superstitious pseudoscience, during Dante’s time many regarded it as inseparable from astronomy. The sign of the zodiac under which one was born played a significant role in determining one’s character and fate. Around a millennium previously, the great Christian philosopher St Augustine had perceived that the determinism implied by astrology conflicted profoundly with the Christian doctrine of our individual free will. Nonetheless, the pre-eminent medieval theologian Thomas Aquinas, who was a contemporary of Dante, sought to reconcile astrology with Christian doctrine by appealing to the authority of the Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle. According to Aristotle, the stars governed the course and fate of our ‘sublunary’ body, while it was God alone who had charge of our souls. An ingenious but fraudulent argument – as much so then as it is now. (Just over two centuries later, the notorious but immensely gifted Italian polymath Girolamo Cardano would push this anomaly to its logical conclusion by drawing up a horoscope of Jesus Christ, and would be cast into jail by the Inquisition for his temerity.) Even so, despite Dante’s profound powers of intellectual discrimination, where astrology was concerned he was evidently willing to go along with the tide of contemporary superstition, which retained a deep-rooted belief in such matters.

However, such astrology should not be entirely dismissed. This practice did in its own way contribute to the advancement of genuine human knowledge. Although misguided and based upon false assumptions, astrology acted as an aid to the ancient philosophical injunction ‘Know thyself ’. As we have seen in the case of Gemini, the characterizations of astrology were no simple matter, being imbued with a distinct subtlety of their own. And here lay its legacy: in astrology’s muddled attempts to categorize human personality, it was a forerunner of modern psychological practice.*

Dante’s father was a small-time moneylender, who occasionally speculated in plots of land. His mother was from the distinguished, ancient Abati family, but died when Dante was still a child. This fact may explain a certain austerity and lack of emotion in his character. Dante’s father would die when he was eighteen, leaving him to make his own way in the world.

By this time, Florence had risen to become one of the more prosperous city-states in the Italian peninsula, largely through its involvement in the trans-European wool trade and in banking, two trades which were intimately linked. In the days when almost every large European city issued its own currency, there was much confusion and room for chicanery in international trade, with more than a little debasement, forgery and ‘clipping’ of coins. The authorities themselves were liable to reduce the precious-metal content of their currency during hard times, and unscrupulous citizens would clip off the edges of the coins to gather sufficient metal with which to manufacture counterfeits. The introduction of coins with raised edges, often with milled or inscribed circumferences, was intended to overcome such practices.

When Florence coined its own fiorino d’oro in 1252, the authorities guaranteed each coin would contain fifty-four grains of pure gold, and instructed merchants to carry their coins in leather pouches to avoid the wear and damage which facilitated clipping and forgery. The coin, which became known as the florin, was soon a trusted item in trade throughout Europe and beyond, from the Baltic to the Levant. This reflected well on Florentine bankers and the city’s burgeoning wool trade. The latter involved importing wool from England and Flanders (Holland and the northern part of modern Belgium), by trade routes down the Rhône valley and over the Alps. Later this would be supplemented by sea trade, with galleys being sailed and rowed from the Flanders port of Bruges around Spain to the Tuscan ports of Pisa or Livorno, and thence inland to Florence. Here, skilled wool combers and dyers turned the raw material into fine, tastefully coloured cloth garments and costumery, which could be exported as luxury goods.

Florence was a republic, its citizens proud of their democratic government. Its florins bore the head of no king or ruler – only the lily, the city’s emblem, with an image of St John the Baptist (the city’s patron saint) on the other side. At the time of Dante’s birth, Florence had a population of approaching 80,000 – compared with 80,000 in London and 200,000 in Paris. But although Florence was nominally a democracy, in practice only a select number of its citizens had the right to vote. To qualify, one had to be male, over thirty years old, and a member of one of the city’s guilds. Owing to continuing rivalry between the city’s leading families and factions, the constitution of Florence underwent a number of short-term modifications during this period. These changes would eventually evolve into a more lasting form.

At elections, the names of all members of the town guilds who had not recently held office and were not in debt were placed in a number of leather pouches. The first eight names to be drawn from these pouches served on the signoria, the ruling council, with a ninth name being given the role of gonfaloniere (literally ‘flag-bearer’), the ruling chairman of the council and titular head of the city. Like his fellow members of the signoria, he ruled for just two months. This cumbersome form of government met Aristotle’s requirements for a democracy, in that it elected its rulers to limited terms of office, thus preventing a dictatorship. Yet the very frequency of the elections led to a lack of continuity, which in turn led to manipulation by the more powerful families in the city, who worked in their own vested interests despite being in almost permanent rivalry.

After Dante’s father died, he was placed under the guardianship of the sixty-two-year-old Brunetto Latini, a renowned local scholar who also maintained a position in the public life of the city. Latini would be sent on a number of important missions for Florence, travelling as far afield as Spain and Paris. Dante is known to have formed a close bond with his guardian, who in turn proved to be a formative influence on the young man’s reading and continued education. Latini translated works by Cicero and Aristotle; but most significantly he wrote in French a work called Li Livres dou Trésor (The Treasure Books). This is a compendium of medieval knowledge, regarded by some as one of the earliest encyclopedias. Despite Dante’s deep fondness and admiration for his guardian, in The Divine Comedy he would place Latini in the seventh circle of the Inferno, which is reserved for those who have sinned against God and nature. Dante is filled with sorrow when he encounters Latini amongst his fellow damned, ‘branded by flames, their flesh covered with old and new scars, all wailing at their torment’.

The usually reliable contemporary Florentine chronicler Giovanni Villani thought highly of Latini, writing: ‘He was a worldly man, but we have made mention of him because it was he who was the beginner and master in refining Florentines and in teaching them how to speak well, and in how to guide and rule our republic according to policy.’ This refinement of the Tuscan dialect is precisely what Dante set out to achieve in his poetry – so why is Latini damned?

The clue lies in Villani’s opening words. The word ‘wordly’ covertly alludes to the fact that, for all his virtues, Latini was well known in the city for his sodomy. To modern sensibilities, Dante’s conflicted emotions when he encounters Latini serving out his eternal punishment in Hell may appear somewhat convoluted, not to say suspect. If he loved and respected Latini so much, why did he place him amidst the excruciating and everlasting torments of Hell? The fact is, Dante profoundly believed in the immutable laws of God. Here, his temperament is utterly medieval. For him there is no gainsaying the punishment meted out to those who commit a ‘sin against nature’ – a mortal sin – no matter how distinguished their life might otherwise have been.

It is telling to compare Villani’s description of Latini with his characterization of Dante:

This Dante, because of his knowledge, was somewhat haughty and reserved and disdainful, after the fashion of a philosopher, careless of graces and not easy in his converse with laymen; but because of the lofty virtues and knowledge of so great a citizen it seems fitting to confer lasting memory upon him…

Despite Dante’s aloofness, the most significant and lasting event of his life was one of passion (though he certainly would have disavowed this vulgar description). The love of Dante’s life was a woman called Beatrice Portinari. He fell in love with her early, and would remain so even after he married and had four children.

Dante wrote that he first set eyes on Beatrice when he was nine years old, and she was almost a year younger. This happened when Dante’s father took him to a May Day party at the house of Beatrice’s father, the prominent banker Falco Portinari. According to Dante’s own later description of this event: ‘She was dressed in a very noble colour, a decorous and delicate crimson, with a girdle and trimmings which suited her youth… She did not seem to be the daughter of a mortal, but of a god.’

Despite his age, Dante fell in love at first sight. But this was not to be a worldly passion. In fact, Dante’s love of Beatrice would develop echoes of the courtly love as practised in previous centuries by the French troubadours. Characteristically, he would go on to describe his love in terms of Aristotle’s theory of the soul. Aristotle saw the soul as the form which gave life to the inanimate matter of the body; but the soul also had a spiritual element, which was capable of a purely spiritual love, such as Dante felt for Beatrice.

Dante’s second significant meeting with Beatrice would take place nine years later on the streets of Florence. In his autobiographical work La Vita Nuova (The New Life), he describes how he encountered Beatrice ‘dressed in pure white between two noble ladies who were older than she was’. As Beatrice passed Dante, she turned and greeted him – familiarly, yet without apparently stopping. This was the first time he had heard her voice, and her salutation confirmed his love. He was filled with such joy that he returned to his room to contemplate what had happened. As he thought of Beatrice, he fell into a shallow sleep, where he had a vivid dream of almost hallucinogenic intensity. For Dante, this was a purely symbolic event: indeed, he describes it as ‘a marvellous vision’. To more modern eyes it might appear inhabited by all manner of Freudian imagery, open to interpretations far removed from those which Dante might have wished.

In Dante’s vision, or dream, he became aware of his room being filled with ‘a cloud of fire’. From the midst of this emerged ‘a figure of fearful aspect, who yet seemed filled with joy’. This male figure began muttering various words, of which Dante understood only ‘Ego dominus tuus’ (I am your lord). There was a woman asleep in the figure’s arms, ‘her naked body lightly wrapped in blood-red cloth’. Dante realized that this was Beatrice. The large figure was holding in one of his hands something that was on fire, and said to Dante: ‘Vide cor tuum’ (Behold, your heart). After a while, he appeared to awaken the sleeping woman, inducing her to eat the burning object in his hand. According to Dante, ‘she ate it fearfully’. At this, the figure holding her, previously so joyful, began shedding bitter tears. As he wept, he gathered up the diaphanous form in his arms, ‘and it seemed to me that he bore her off to heaven’. This sight caused Dante such anguish that he awoke.

Dante then began pondering what this vision could mean, and decided that he would ask amongst his poetic friends. He turned especially to those older than himself who had already achieved a measure of fame and wisdom. Could anyone come up with an interpretation? As he would later write: ‘No one at that time realized the significance of the dream, but now it is obvious to the meanest intellect.’ Those less gifted amongst us might find this vision – so filled with emotion, yet redolent of sensuousness and violation – more than a little ambiguous. Indeed, Dante’s poetic friends gave him ‘various opinions’. But Dante was now certain of what his beloved Beatrice meant to him: ‘She has ineffable courtesy, is my beatitude, the destroyer of all vices and the queen of virtue.’ Beatrice would be the guide and protector of his spiritual life. Later, when he came to write The Divine Comedy, she would be the one who led him through Paradise. (However, it is also possible to see in Dante’s description of his violent youthful dream a precursor of the images of savagery, terror and sorrow which he would encounter on his journey through Hell and Purgatory.)

Meanwhile, life in the real world continued. As was the custom, Dante’s family betrothed him at an early age to a woman, Gemma Donati, whom he probably married in 1287, when he was twenty-two. Probably around three years later, Beatrice was to be married off to Simone dei Bardi, the scion of a powerful banking family. But this did not deflect Dante’s feelings. Beatrice was fixed in his mind forever, the one still point in a changing world. His eternal beauty.

By now Dante had become a member of a circle of poets in Florence. Together they sought to create a novel way of writing, called dolce stil novo (sweet new style). This novel form of poetry was devoted to amore (love) and gentilezza (noble-mindedness), as well as establishing a new element of introspection in Italian literature. Along with such traits, it also introduced intelligence and style into the local Tuscan dialect, using literary devices such as symbolism, metaphor, alliteration and punning. What had previously been a distinctly provincial – almost rustic – vernacular began to develop into the most subtle and sophisticated version of the many Italian dialects which prevailed throughout the peninsula. With hindsight, it is possible to detect in this the beginnings of a renaissance in literature. The new style also enabled Dante to lend precision to his idea of Beatrice – not in any physical form, but as a guiding light to the spiritual aspects of his nature.

All this is far removed from the actual life in which Dante found himself involved. The Italian peninsula was plunged into political turmoil, its city-states divided against each other, and even internally. Florence was torn apart by increasingly bitter and violent events. These contained an explosive mix of religious and class conflict, involving a power struggle between the two most influential figures in Europe: namely, the pope and the Holy Roman Emperor.

The pope claimed spiritual leadership over the faithful throughout western Christendom, and as the inheritor of the throne of St Peter saw himself as God’s representative on earth. The Holy Roman Emperor, on the other hand, claimed descent from Charlemagne, the powerful Frankish ruler who around 800 AD had established an empire spanning France, the German lands, much of Italy and northern Spain, and saw himself as the true successor to the emperors of the ancient Western Roman Empire.

The supporters of the pope called themselves the Guelf party, whereas the supporters of the Holy Roman Emperor rallied to the Ghibelline cause.* The Guelfs were determined to resist the increasing German influence of the Holy Roman Emperor in northern Italy. The Ghibellines, on the other hand, contested the temporal power of the pope. This division resulted in a period of violent conflict in northern Italy, particularly in Florence.

Here there had for centuries been intense and bloody rivalry between the different families. By around 1200, Florence was known as ‘the city of a hundred towers’. Some of these were as much as 150 feet high and contained occasional apertures in the upper storeys. These might be boarded up in winter, but open or covered with waxed paper during the warmer months. In case of attack they could be used to pour slops onto the enemy below. The lower floors of such towers were usually storerooms of sorts, containing olive oil barrels, wine casks, tools, and comestibles like dried tomatoes or strings of garlic, as well as farming implements such as hoes and scythes. Living quarters for the different groups within the family were on different floors, which were often connected by an open wooden stairway. The top floor would usually be a kitchen, so that the smoke and cooking smells dissipated rather than spreading through the tower. Living conditions could be comfortable, luxurious or sparse, depending upon the status of the family, or the group that occupied the floor.

It is difficult to conceive of Florence, whose walls then enclosed much less than a square mile, containing such a host of towering buildings.* These tall square towers served as the ultimate protection for their owners, the family clan and their servants or dependants. Aristocratic, merchant and even artisanal families would lock themselves inside as dusk fell and the vesper bells tolled from the monasteries and churches. For a few hours, young hotheads might shout insults, threats and imprecations across the chasms between the towers. Later, the silence of the night would descend, broken only by the occasional cries of the shrikes and nightjars in the nearby woods and fields, the echoes of the hooting owls calling from the hillsides, the squawk of a night heron (squacco) down by the river.

As the dawn light spread across the eastern sky, the heavy doors at the foot of each tower would be unbarred, and the inhabitants would emerge to go about their business. Groups of peasants would make their way out of the city to tend the fields, each heavily armed with farming implements. Bands of workers in their wooden clogs clomped towards the wool-combing sheds and the dyeing houses. (These woolworkers were known as the ciompi, after the sound their clogs made on the cobbled streets.) Butchers, bakers and others set up their stalls; builders began setting up their ladders, sawing wood, hauling stones. Similarly, in later years the money lenders would set up their benches in front of their palazzi, which were attached to their towers. (They were the first bankers, and took their name from the banco, or bench, at which they conducted their business.) Meanwhile the fishermen, nets slung over their shoulders, left through the river gate, their bare feet squelching through the mud and reeds along the banks of the mist-veiled Arno.

Amidst all this movement, if one group had the temerity to take a shortcut, trespassing on another’s ‘territory’, they were liable to be confronted. Fights between rival gangs were frequent, scores settled and resettled. The Florentine chronicler Giovanni Villani evokes the scene, describing how the fighting ‘was so fierce and unnatural that well-nigh every day, or every other day, the citizens fought against one another in divers parts of the city, from district to district, according as the factions were, and as they had fortified their towers, whereof there was a great number in the city.’

Even so, as Villani goes on to explain: ‘This war among the citizens became so much of use and wont that one day they would be fighting, and the next day they would be eating and drinking together, and telling tales of one another’s valour and prowess in these battles.’

Despite such behaviour, by 1200 Florence had a chilling rate of murder, followed by revenge, with feuds frequently persisting through generations. And in 1215, a number of circumstances – including two related incidents – would transform Florentine society for more than a century to come.

Besides having residences in the city, the aristocratic families also maintained fortified country residences in the contado, the swathe of countryside surrounding Florence which fell under its control. This was where the noble families were in the habit of retiring during the hot months of summer, ruling in feudal style over their estates. On a summer’s afternoon in 1215, a noble family threw a banquet in the garden of their country house, which was some five miles outside the city walls. The custom when there were so many in attendance was for the guests to sit at long tables; those seated beside each other would share a plate, helping themselves to the piled food as they watched the entertainment. As often as not, this included musicians, jesters, jugglers, recitations of bawdy rhymes and the like.

However, at one table two young men sharing a plate happened to be from rival families – one being a Buondelmonti, and the other an Uberti. At one point, an overenthusiastic jester snatched the dish they were sharing. One of the young men blamed the other, and a fight broke out. Soon the entire party erupted into mayhem. Amidst the chaos, the young Uberti had a plate smashed over his head, while the Buondelmonti was stabbed. When eventually order was restored and the guests sent on their way, the leaders of the two families consulted about what should be done. Both wished to avoid a long vendetta of increasingly violent incidents. So it was decided that in order to patch things up, an eligible young man of the Buondelmonti family should marry a girl from the Amidei family, who were part of the Uberti clan.

On the day before the wedding, the betrothed young Buondelmonte de’ Buondelmonti was riding his horse through the streets of Florence. A woman from the Donati family called to him from a window: ‘Shame on you, Buondelmonte, for letting yourself become engaged to that Amidei girl. She is plain and not worthy of you.’ The lady indicated her daughter, who happened to be particularly beautiful. ‘I have kept her for you,’ the lady told him. On seeing the girl, Buondelmonte was overcome and immediately changed his mind. Regardless of being betrothed, he swore he would marry the Donati girl.

The following day, with the Amidei family assembled at the church door in preparation for the wedding, Buondelmonte rode to the Donati house and pledged his troth to the beautiful daughter. When the Amidei family heard what had happened, they became enraged at this insult and swore vengeance upon the Buondelmonti family. According to an anonym-ous chronicler who recorded what took place some days later:

when Messer Buondelmonte, in doublet of silk and mantle, came riding over the bridge, Messer Schiatta degli Uberti rushed upon him and striking him on the head with his mace brought him to the ground. At once [Uberti’s Amidei friend] was on top of him and opened his veins with a knife, and having killed him they fled.

The bridge mentioned here is the famous Ponte Vecchio (Old Bridge) lined with shops, which spans the Arno from the city centre to the Oltrarno, the district across the river where the Buondelmonti family lived. The original Roman bridge had been swept away by the floods of 1117, and a new stone structure built. The incident described above was to prove of such import that an inscribed stone still marks the spot where Buondelmonte was murdered. Buondelmonte is even mentioned by Dante in the Paradise section of his great poem. Dante comments that his murder by the Amidei marked the end of a peaceful time in Florence, when there were ‘no cursed woes to weep for, the city tranquil in her place and power’. A somewhat rosy view of the preceding era; yet understandable in the light of what was to come.

The warring families of Florence now set aside their divisive minor differences, coalescing into two large rival groups, which tore the city apart. One group proclaimed allegiance to the Ghibellines, while the other pledged their loyalty to the Guelfs. Thus Florence was to be plunged into the larger conflict which was raging throughout northern Italy and beyond. It was the aristocratic families such as the Alberti and the Amidei, intent upon preserving their feudal rights, who swore allegiance to the Ghibelline party and the Holy Roman Emperor. Meanwhile the city merchants and the popolo (literally ‘the people’), mainly workers and shopkeepers, opted for the Guelfs and support for the pope.

In an attempt to stem the endless internecine conflict within the city, the signori had decided some years previously to appoint a podestà, whose duty it was to maintain public order and act as chief magistrate. To ensure neutrality, this post was given to a foreigner who had no links with any family within the city. By this stage, the Holy Roman Emperor had taken to appointing his own man as podestà in a number of northern Italian cities. In 1246, the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II appointed his illegitimate son Frederick of Antioch as podestà of Florence. Despite the alleged neutrality of the podestà, Frederick of Antioch naturally sided with the Ghibellines, who then set about strengthening their hold on the city. After a vicious street battle between the Guelfs and the Ghibellines, the Guelfs were forced to flee the city for their houses in the contado, leaving their towers abandoned. The Ghibellines immediately broke into these properties and set about destroying them. In the end they smashed or pulled down thirty-six Guelf family towers.

In 1250, the Emperor Frederick II died. The Guelfs were determined to seize this opportunity, and mustered their forces. They confronted the Ghibellines in a battle at Figline, a village in the contado fifteen miles south-east of Florence. After the Guelfs were victorious, they marched into Florence and began imposing a new regime. All family towers were ordered to be reduced in height, to a maximum of seventy feet. At the same time, the Guelfs embarked upon an expansionist foreign policy, raising an army to attack the Ghibelline cities of Pisa and Siena.

In 1260, the Ghibellines wrested back power once more. They then set about eliminating the Guelf strongholds. It was reported that they ordered the destruction of no less than 103 palazzi, over 500 houses, and 85 Guelf towers. In 1266, the Florentine Guelfs joined an alliance of several Guelf cities, along with the troops of the French Pope Clement IV, and defeated the Ghibelline forces at the Battle of Benevento in southern Italy. This resulted in a decline in the power of the Holy Roman Emperor in Italy, and a period of abeyance for the Ghibellines.

The following year, the Guelfs marched on Florence, and the Ghibellines fled from the city. The Guelfs were determined that this time they would maintain permanent control of Florence, and immediately launched into a programme of transforming the city. The stronghold of the Uberti family, a large complex of towers and palazzi in the centre of the city, was razed to the ground. (This would become what is now the large open expanse of the Piazza della Signoria.) At the same time, the Guelfs set about paving the streets, as well as reforming the voting system. This took on the previously described form of an elected ruling council of nine signori, presided over by the gonfaloniere – a constitutional framework which would last for some centuries to come.

It was during this period that the wool trade began to flourish. Relations were restored between Florence and the Tuscan ports of Pisa and Livorno, allowing the city access to the sea. This meant more reliable commercial routes to international markets for importing wool and exporting fine dyed cloth garments. Now was the time when Florence entered an era of prosperity, and its banks began establishing branches in northern Europe to assist in financing the wool trade. At the same time, the city continued to mint the fiorino d’oro, which was beginning to establish itself as a reliable Europe-wide currency, further adding to Florence’s commercial reputation. This was the city into which Dante was born in 1265.

The Alighieri family had long been supporters of the Guelf cause, and the intellectual young Dante would enter civic life. In order to do so, one first had to become a member of one of the city guilds, and Dante was duly enrolled in the prestigious Arte dei Medici e Speziali (Guild of Physicians and Apothecaries). The fact that many apothecary shops also served as booksellers at this time may well have influenced his choice. The Florentine archives contain reference to Dante speaking and voting on various councils. These were part of the civil administration that was subordinate to the ruling signoria and the gonfaloniere, and provided an advisory ministerial function. For instance, the Six of Commerce was the council which advised on trade; in times of war, a council known as the Ten of War took charge of the military.

Despite widespread Guelf victories, the rivalry with the Ghibellines continued in northern Italy, with several cities still adhering to the Ghibelline cause. One of these was the Tuscan city of Arezzo, some fifty miles south-east of Florence in the foothills of the Apennine mountains. Things came to a head in the summer of 1289, when the Guelfs of Florence fought the Ghibellines of Arezzo at the Battle of Campaldino. Here we learn of a different side to Dante, who as a twenty-four-year-old served in the front line of the cavalry at this battle.

According to the contemporary report by Villani, the Aretines (as the inhabitants of Arezzo were known) ‘were 800 horse and 8,000 foot, very fine men; and many wise captains of war were among them’. Although the Aretine horsemen were outnumbered two to one, they had little regard for the Florentine cavalry: ‘they despised them, saying that they adorned themselves like women, and combed their tresses; and they derided them’. In the battle, ‘the two hosts stood over against one another, after more ordered fashion, both on one side and on the other, than any before in any battle in Italy’. (One can only assume that this description did not take into account the efficient military tactics of the Roman era.)

Yet there is no denying that this was a serious battle, involving experienced and well-ordered soldiers on both sides, even if some of Dante’s fellow cavalrymen may have been somewhat over-coiffured. In all, the battle would involve some 20,000 combatants. As Villani recorded it: ‘the Aretines were routed and discomfited, and between horse and foot more than 1,700 were slain, and more than 2,000 taken’.

Dante would not forget this battle, recalling in his Divine Comedy: ‘I have seen knights riding forward, leading attacks and standing muster, and sometimes retreating to save themselves.’ Heroes from this battle would find themselves placed by Dante in Paradise; enemies consigned to Purgatory or damned to eternal torment in Hell.

In the year following this battle, Dante would learn of Beatrice’s death, at the age of just twenty-four. Dante was of course devastated, and wrote that he felt ‘left like a widow, despoiled of all dignity’. He found himself ‘weeping in the desolate city’. Despite his deep poetic grief, during these years Dante’s wife, Gemma, is known to have given birth to four children. At the same time, he himself rose in civil life, eventually serving on the ruling signoria in 1300.

Yet once again the politics of Florence erupted in turmoil. The ruling Guelfs split into the Black party and the White party. The Blacks favoured a closer alliance with the papacy, while the Whites were opposed to papal interference in Florentine politics. Dante supported the Whites, who prevailed, expelling the Blacks from the city. When Florence learned that Pope Boniface VIII was backing a Black invasion of the city, Dante was sent as the head of a diplomatic mission to Rome to intercede with the pope. Dante himself seems to have been the driving force behind this delegation, a fact of which Boniface VIII was covertly informed. When the delegation met the pope he dismissed them, sending them back to Florence. However, Dante was ordered to remain in Rome. In a concerted move, the Black Guelfs seized power in Florence with the aid of outside militia, and Dante was then tried in his absence.

The Black Guelf Florentine authorities condemned Dante to exile for two years, and ordered him to pay an extortionate fine. Dante was unable to pay his fine, largely because all his possessions had been seized in Florence. He thus found himself condemned to several more years of exile, and was warned that if he tried to return during this period he would be burned at the stake.

Dante would retaliate against the pope for the deceitful role he had played in his downfall. In The Divine Comedy he would condemn Boniface VIII to the third ditch in the eighth circle of Hell. This was the destination of all popes guilty of the sin of simony: the awarding of benefices and ecclesiastical posts in return for money. The sinner is buried head first in a round hole, where his feet are constantly burned in an oily fire, whose heat varies according to the severity of his sin. Each sinner is eventually replaced by a worse sinner, before disappearing into the ground for evermore. Dante was aware that he could not meet Boniface VIII in Hell, as the pope was still alive at the time of the poet’s journey through the land of the dead. In order to circumvent this technicality, Dante made Pope Nicholas III, the present incumbent of this fiery torture, predict that Boniface VIII would eventually take his place. This can also be seen as a metaphor for the increasing corruption of the Church.

Dante makes other references to Boniface VIII, at one point alluding to the fact that he had tricked the previous pope, Celestine V, into resigning so that he could himself ascend to St Peter’s throne. Thus Boniface VIII also becomes a symbol of deceit, a further step down towards the worst sin of all: treachery. This moral descent reaches its nadir when Dante descends to the ninth circle, the lowest and darkest of the Inferno, the very pit of Hell itself. Through the dimness and the mist he fearfully makes out the monstrous figure of Lucifer (the Devil), frozen up to his chest in a lake of ice. From Lucifer’s body extend three pairs of great flapping bat wings, and atop his giant torso his head has three faces, each dribbling with bloody slobber as he chews on his victims. In his central mouth is Judas Iscariot, the arch-traitor who sold out Christ for thirty pieces of silver. His other two mouths are devouring the bodies of Brutus and Cassius, the Ancient Romans who betrayed their benefactor Julius Caesar, stabbing him to death in the Senate. It is important to understand that in Dante’s eyes Caesar’s murder was the turning point which led to the decline of the Roman Empire. The longing for a return of Italy’s greatness was a constant and lasting preoccupation during these centuries – in Dante’s case, second only to the pre-eminence of Christianity itself.

According to Dante’s fellow Florentine, the writer Boccaccio, Dante’s arranged marriage to Gemma was not a happy one, so it comes as little surprise that when he was exiled she chose to remain behind in Florence. It cannot have been easy being married to a man obsessed with his beloved Beatrice, a fact which had long since passed into the currency of local gossip. Also, Gemma was a member of the Donati family, who were known to favour the Black Guelfs.

Dante now began his wandering years of bitter exile, ‘where another man’s bread tastes like salt, and heavy it is to ascend another’s stairs’. By this time, Dante had achieved some renown as an intellectual and a poet, and was well received at various courts and castles. It is also known that he lived for periods in Bologna and Padua, and that he lived in Lucca for some time with a woman called Gentucca. She would duly be rewarded with a place in Purgatory, on the sixth terrace reserved for gluttons – who are forced to starve while surrounded by trees bearing fruit forever beyond their reach, until their sins are purged and they are permitted to ascend to Paradise. While in exile Dante also played an active role in several plots to retake Florence for the Whites. Each time, the plotters were betrayed by spies, and in 1308 the city of Florence announced that Dante was sentenced to perpetual exile. The Black Guelfs were in complete control, and there was now no prospect of him ever returning to the city he so loved.

It can be no coincidence that 1308 was the year Dante started writing The Divine Comedy. Only then did he understand that his exile was to be permanent, and the spirit of the city he would never see again haunts this great work. In its three main sections (Inferno, Purgatorio, Paradiso), each containing thirty-three cantos consisting of forty-seven verses of terza rima (Dante’s own three-line rhyme scheme), the people and events of Florence take their place amongst the saints and sinners, heroes, heroines and villains of all history. As we have seen in the case of Boniface VIII, these figures are not only real historical individuals, but also take on a mythic status, achieving archetypical significance. One of the delights of the poem is that it works on so many levels: realistic, symbolic, allegorical and theological threads weave their way throughout, each interpretation yielding its own meaning.

Particularly in the final section, where Dante is led through Paradise by Beatrice, the poem becomes a quest for divine understanding. Indeed, Beatrice herself symbolizes Theology. However, as eagle-eyed scholars over the ensuing centuries have been quick to point out, not all of Dante’s theology is quite as orthodox as he would have us believe. For instance, Dante is on occasion guilty of the heresy of Averroism.

This requires an explanation – as well as an indication of context. With the fall of the Roman Empire, many works of classical literature, especially philosophy, were lost. However, copies of these works were carried to the Middle East, and in time would prove of great interest to the Arabic thinkers of the Caliphates, during the period when this progressive Islamic civilization extended from India to Spain. Arabic scholars studied translations of many classical works, and even wrote their own commentaries.

Averroes (the European corruption of Ibn Rushd) was a twelfth-century Arab scholar living in Al-Andalus (Islamic Spain, now Andalu-sia). Gradually, copies of Averroes’s translations and commentaries on Aristotle began reaching Europe, where they were translated into Latin, the scholarly lingua franca of the entire continent. Since Aristotle formed the intellectual foundation of medieval Christian orthodoxy, these new works stirred up much interest. Indeed, they are now seen by many as presaging the great transformation of European thought which became known as the Renaissance. This term literally means ‘rebirth’, and it was the rebirth of these classical ideas which would prove such an early inspiration for Renaissance thought.

According to Averroes’s interpretation of Aristotle, all humanity shared the same intellect, which accounted for the universalism of human knowledge. Averroes was condemned by the thirteenth-century Christian philosopher and theologian Thomas Aquinas, but his ideas persisted nonetheless. Hence his appeal to Dante, who favoured the interpretation of Averroism that saw each soul possessed of its own intellect, which was but a reflection of the universal intellect.

Dante was not willing to concede that the theology he was pursing in The Divine Comedy was in fact tainted with heresy. Indeed, Dante would reserve the sixth circle of Hell for heretics, who were condemned to burn in agony in flaming tombs throughout eternity. It comes as little surprise that, on his journey through Hell, Dante here encounters the Florentine leader of the Ghibellines, Farinata degla Uberti (head of the family whose palazzi were demolished to form the Piazza della Signoria). Also residing in the sixth circle is the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, who had presided over the Ghibelline cause in Italy. (Ironically, it was Frederick II’s court in Sicily which played a leading role in promulgating the works of Arabic philosophers such as Averroes.) And, for good measure, Dante would include in this region of Hell his rival Florentine poet Cavalcanti, a fellow writer of il dolce stil novo whom Dante referred to as ‘the first of my friends’. Apparently Cavalcanti had adopted the ‘wrong’ form of Averroism, which disavowed the immortality of the soul – the thesis upon which the entirety of The Divine Comedy depends.

Dante would finish writing the Paradise section of The Divine Comedy, thus completing his great work, in 1320. He had been living for the past two years at the court of Prince Guido Novello da Polenta in Ravenna. The following year, the prince sent Dante on a diplomatic mission to Venice. While Dante was returning across the marshy wastes of the Po delta he contracted malaria. Within days he died, aged fifty-six.

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* A similar phenomenon can be detected in the medieval practice of alchemy. This was certainly misguided in its endeavours to turn base metals into gold. On the other hand, it undoubtedly provided modern chemistry with much early expertise, by developing and passing on many of the sophisticated laboratory techniques and instruments which became central to the practice of this genuine science. It is no accident that Galileo’s Irish contemporary Robert Boyle, the ‘father of modern chemistry’, also continued with alchemical experiments. Even Isaac Newton remained a secret devotee. If history is anything to go by, this uncovering of pseudosciences lurking amidst the genuine article will certainly continue to recur. Possible modern candidates include Marxism and even string theory, along with the forlorn hope that our ideas about climate change too might one day prove to be based on unscientific assumptions.

* Guelf and Ghibelline are Italianized versions of the original German adherents to the separate causes. ‘Guelf ’ derives from the House of Welf, the family of the dukes of Bavaria. ‘Ghibelline’ derives from Wibellingen (modern Waiblingen), a town on the north-eastern outskirts of Stuttgart and formerly the realm of the German Hohenstaufen kings.

* All but a few of these towers have long since gone from Florence, for reasons which will be described. However, it is possible to gain an idea of how the city must have looked by visiting, or seeking images of, the small hilltop town of San Gimignano, some twenty miles to the south-west. San Gimignano still retains its clustered towers, some of which are 150 feet high. In medieval times, such towers were a feature of almost all northern Italian cities.

CHAPTER 2

WEALTH, FREEDOM AND TALENT

BY THE TIME DANTE died, the first stirrings of what we now call the Renaissance* were already taking place in the city of Florence. Why should this momentous sea change in European civilization have begun in Florence? And why at this time? The first question has produced a host of answers. Recurrent themes amongst these include money, a certain civic liberty, and a lack of constraint on imagination: in other words, wealth, freedom and talent. Each of these elements encouraged the others, resulting in a sudden flourishing of individual talent in artistic, intellectual and commercial fields. Circumstances in the larger picture also seemed to have played their part.

The Italian peninsula was at the time occupied by a host of independent city-states, frequently at war with one another. The main powers were Milan, Venice, Genoa, Florence, Rome and Naples, with a number of lesser city-states forming tactical alliances with their powerful neighbours in order to preserve their existence. Most Italian city-states were presided over by more or less autocratic rulers: a king, dukes, the pope, aristocratic families, petty tyrants and so forth. Venice and Genoa were exceptions, in that they were ruled by elected oligarchies, and this comparative freedom, along with their coastal locations, enabled both of these city-states to develop into maritime commercial powers. The other major exception was Florence. This city alone had something approaching democracy. Ramshackle, often ineffective, and open to corruption this may have been, but it remained – in name at least – democracy. Its citizens were proud of this; the people felt they had a say in the city’s affairs. As the twentieth-century American philosopher John Dewey understood (especially with regard to his own country), it is the ethos of democracy which appears to be vital in characterizing a society.

Freedom, agency and individualism are all encouraged by such an ethos. A frequent by-product of this is a belief in education. In the decade after Dante’s death, Florence had no less than six primary schools and four high schools, educating 600 pupils (including girls). More and more children of guild members were encouraged to attend school; and, increasingly, upper-class women administered the household accounts, farms and estates of their husbands, tasks requiring both literacy and numeracy. Despite these advances, the city of Florence was frequently in a state of political ferment. This was of course encouraged by the powerful family divisions within the city, but it was also exacerbated by the constant political divisions between city-states throughout Italy. The resemblance to the fractious political situation which had prevailed 2,000 years previously in Ancient Greece is evident. This too had produced a profound transformation in western culture, centred on Athens. It is little stretch to see Florence as the next Athens.