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- Herausgeber: Eland Publishing
- Kategorie: Gesellschafts- und Liebesromane
- Sprache: Englisch
- Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2014
From time immemorial Afghanistan has both been a fortress of faith and a mountainous crossroads. Through its high valleys merchants traded Chinese porcelains, bundles of indigo cloth, sacks of lapis lazuli, golden jewellery, emeralds and fine carvings from both east and west. Ancient scrolls and beliefs entered the land in satchels of Buddhist pilgrims and in the baggage of military invaders- from Alexander the Great to Mughal, Persian and Arab conquerors and even the ill-fated armies of the British Raj. In this resonant account, Peter Levi seeks the clues which each migration left, in the company of the young Bruce Chatwin. Since his journey in the 1970s, Afghanistan has suffered forty years of invasion and civil war, making it all the more poignant to rediscover, with Levi, not a rocky wilderness guarded by fearsome tribes, but 'this highway of archangels/ this theatre of heaven/ the light garden of the God-forgiven angel King.'
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The Light Garden of the Angel King
Journeys in Afghanistan
PETER LEVI
For George Pavlopoulos and Takis Loumiotis
Contents
Map
Introduction
When all this started, I was a young Jesuit priest of fairly good repute, a classical scholar with a teaching post at Oxford. So long has gone by since 1968 that I now need to write a new introduction to the book. All the same, the idea of going to Afghanistan was not as strange in the nineteen sixties as it has been since the Russian invasion, which readers will observe was already expected in my day. Now of course the valleys have been napalmed, my friends are dead, only the archaeologists survived and have moved on. The French excavator of Ay Khanoum whose lecture in Oxford first excited me is digging this year at Samarkand. I was not alone in being attracted by the strange story of a Greek site in so remote a part of the world, first identified by the King, who was eating his lunch on a hunting trip, sitting on a Corinthian capital; he sensibly called in the French.
In those days the British had not begun their operations at Kandahar, abandoned now, though the Italians were at work at Ghazni and in Seistan and in Sir Aurel Stein’s old stamping ground, the Tribal Territories of Pakistan. Ay Khanoum was the first of Alexander the Great’s eastern frontier cities to be seriously excavated, because the others, which were chosen by the Greeks for their usefulness as fortresses, were all still in use. But at Ay Khanoum the River Kokcha flowed down into the Oxus, down from the mountains where lapis lazuli was mined, and Balas rubies and rock crystal were as easy to find as fossils are at Lyme Regis. It was a fortress for defence and a trading post, and the world’s only source of lapis lazuli until the discovery of Latin America. The deep blue colour was used to make Durham manuscripts; it came from that abandoned place, Persian before it was Greek, and still not far from the Chinese border.
It interested me, though I picked it almost at random for its romantic side. I had not then read Kipling’s Man who would be King, and the film had not been made, but I greatly admired Sir Aurel Stein; I had just finished writing the Penguin commentary on Pausanias’s Guide to Greece, and I wanted to look at some Greek archaeology outside mainland Greece. I felt I had a year or so to play with; for the future I was attracted by the classicism of Angkor Wat, but that was still a step too far. I felt it better to establish what I could about any classical influences on Buddhist architecture and sculpture, before straying so far across the icy deserts. Of course the road not taken is always the one you want to go back to, and the sight of a lapis lazuli hoop on the head of a Chinese prince I saw a few years later in Paris (and again in London) still disturbs me deeply.
In order to go to Afghanistan I would have to write a book with a trusting publisher to pay the expenses. I think the advance was two or three thousand pounds. I had of course tried the alternative of applying to those who gave grants, but from them I experienced no such generosity. I did not know Persian, and the only Afghan I knew personally was someone I had once had lunch with in Oxford. I was introduced to him as the next King, but he turned out to be only Daoud’s son, the King’s cousin once removed, who became an innocent Professor of History at Kabul University. I tried a number of friends but none of them was both free and willing to come with me, and if I must write a book the expedition must take a serious length of time. John Prag, now a Professor at Manchester and Director of the classical museum, nearly came but had to cry off. It was he who told me to read Eric Newby’s A Short Walk in the Hindu Kush, a book as brilliant and inspiring as it was daunting, since his expedition lasted just a fortnight.
I knew that I could get on with John, since we had lived together in a shed in Libya with a railway engine that woke us only once a week, when it issued forth furious among clouds of steam, to shift sand on a miniature railway around the ancient city of Tocra, where we were excavating as apprentices the Spartan colony on the edge of land between the sea and the desert. John Boardman was director and we found what we were after, because luckily the Romans had dug a channel for boats, leaving the sixth century BC material from the bottom of their trench on the surface. I do not remember much about what we found, except an Italian regimental hat-badge and a pop record of the thirties, broken of course. There was a girl who I think became a Byzantinist, whose favourite food was cold tinned peas. I had to go home early, and nearly died on the way, since I turned out to have contracted blood-poisoning from a dirty needle at Athens airport. This story does not give one much confidence about the Afghan expedition.
Bruce Chatwin was in many ways the ideal companion: he was wonderfully entertaining and as a liar he outdid the Odyssey, but he was also deadly serious. I had known him for years, as a Sotheby’s salesman or expert, and then, when he gave that up, as a student of my revered friend Stuart Piggot in Edinburgh. Bruce gave up Sotheby’s because it was driving him mad, and he was suffering attacks of blindness which are a kind of hysteria: anyway the money bored him. He gave up archaeology because lectures at Edinburgh were compulsory and the students stank. He also could not stand being told there are no works of art, only artefacts. He now thought of writing a vast thesis of a book about nomads and the urge to wander. He did in fact finish it in the end, but then under the quasi-magical influence of a girl who disliked the footnotes, he flung it into the fire and started again. His road towards becoming a writer was a long one, and it was only in Songlines that he made use of the notes that had once been the foundation of his nomad studies.
However that may be, his story of the tramp he met in Jermyn Street was then fresh, and he wanted to go back to Afghanistan, where he had already been twice, to ‘see the nomads walking up and down’ as he used to quote from Robert Burton, and luckily I suggested the journey to him one day in the Ashmolean Museum, where we both used to read. I was surprised and delighted when he agreed. I got us diplomatic visas through a Foreign Office friend, which turned out to be vital, and as soon as Oxford term was over, I was ready to be off. I had no qualms about travelling with Bruce. I had met him first as a friend of Tony Mitchell’s on an expedition to Blockley to see the antiquities collection of that formidable eccentric, Captain Spencer-Churchill, Winston’s first cousin, who had bought the necklace of an Egyptian Queen from the German consul in Luxor in 1905 for five pounds and had never stopped collecting ever since. We were in two cars, one of them an old fixed axle racing car, which ended up a tree, teetering over a ten foot drop.
We had our disadvantages: Bruce was married but I did not know Elizabeth, and it did not occur to me that he was homosexual, or that it was any business of mine if he were. I was then a Jesuit priest, but it had not occurred to me that I would not be able to say Mass in Afghanistan. Bruce turned out to be a hypochondriac with some experience of diseases and treatments, from which I benefited greatly. His exaggerations were reserved for romantic subjects where the truth would be no use anyway. When he said had I seen the animal droppings on a path through the woods, and warned me his wife had pondered them doubtfully and was always right about such things, they turned out to be a snow leopard’s. That was a practical, not a romantic matter. He was a charming guest to Chris Rundle, whom we met at the Embassy in Kabul and who took us in out of the kindness of his heart, because he had seen me as Yevtushenko’s translator in Oxford. He became a friend and a companion of our best journey, being the most modest and reliable of men, and his house in the Embassy grounds was a refuge as fortunate for us as Corfu was to Odysseus. He was one of the last Oriental Secretaries left, who knew Persian as well as Russian, seconded from the research department of the Foreign Office, where his job was reading newspapers. He found a wife in Afghanistan a few years later and took her home with him.
So far so good, but this brings me to the difficult subject of Nigel. Bruce and I met by arrangement at the British Institute in Persia, an archaeological centre founded not long ago by Maurice Bowra. Bruce knew the Persian mosques and the museums, and we went as far as Isfahan to acclimatise ourselves. Hanging around the Institute at Teheran we found an old Marlburian who was much younger than either of us and by way of studying a tribe called the Kashkai (was it?) who were the wildest and the most eastern people in Persia, in whose rugs my grandfather once specialised, organising caravans of them to Istanbul, and so becoming the first wholesale direct importer of oriental carpets into England. Bruce had been a boy at Marlborough, and rapidly made friends with this stray Marlburian, whose soul for some reason he was determined to save. Nigel was clever, and must have had a kind of charm. He was taking drugs, was vague, untidy and full of nebulous schemes. When Bruce suggested to me that we should take the young man with us, of course I agreed chiefly because I supposed that having taken a new look at me, Bruce now felt the party lacked allure, and foresaw the need for a third person’s company.
This boy set off on his own, later than us, and we were to meet him in Kabul. He was a disaster, and Bruce tired of him, so we got rid of him by paying his expenses to London. We also agreed I should cut him out of my book, which I was not reluctant to do. He had arrived in Kabul with a huge lump of hash obtained at the border, possibly for sexual favours, Bruce thought, and had in tow a couple of delinquent nurses on the hippy trail from Herat to Kabul and the Khyber Pass, and so to Australia. It stuck in Bruce’s gullet that the appalling Nigel was so disorganised as to miss aeroplanes. When my book at last came out, some years later, Nigel had turned up as a student at Oxford, where he was President of the Gay Liberation Society. To make matters worse, the publisher had chosen his photograph from a sheet of them he was buying from Bruce, and someone, knowing no better, labelled it ‘Author and Companion’.
I remember that morning of the photo very well, because I had come down at about five with dysentery, and found the ponies we had ordered waiting in the courtyard. I was dazed with fever and simply got on a pony and the small boy in charge of the ponies got on behind me. An Afghan soldier in fatigues who was to be the guide also mounted and we set off for Jam. The turban I wore was a useful defence against dust-storms, and the native waistcoat was a place to keep papers, because riding a horse you cannot get your hand into a jeans pocket in a hurry. Bruce was walking a little ahead and suddenly laughed at me, saying I looked a sight; he pointed his camera. I threatened to ride him down, but of course I was too late.
This tale is further complicated because the publisher was keen on quests, and I was made to rearrange some of our dates and travels to make them look more purposeful. The truth is that I was under the overwhelming influence of Basho, whose travels are poetry of a kind. He was a present from Bruce, as mine to him was Mandelstam. Indeed my deepest ambition was to compose a travel poem, as it were by Pushkin or by Byron. All that is a lifetime ago, and I was not up to it. Now even if I were, and could find more suitable models, I am not up to the travelling. One way or the other, Nigel was dropped, and I might never have thought of him again had it not been for the photograph. I did not think there was any homosexual connection between him and Bruce at the time, and there may well not have been. When Nigel was got rid of, Bruce sent for his wife, who joined us at Kunduz. That was where an Afghan schoolmistress, a few years later, got her pupils to let loose hornets from matchboxes up the trousers of a Russian victory procession. But that is another story.
Bruce and Elizabeth left before I did, for a tour of Pakistan. I was playing a waiting game, in which my diplomatic visa would get me to Ay Khanoum as soon as the French arrived for the new season. If I had gone to Pakistan with the others, a new visa for my re-entry would have cancelled the first. I did get there, where a delegation from the British Academy failed the next year. It is one of the most wonderful and inspiring of ancient places, and I am grateful that I saw it in my time on earth. Some of Bruce’s notes, never intended for publication, have recently been published, with more of his wonderful photographs. It may be worth repeating that in those days he had no intention of writing a book about Afghanistan, only the fat thesis that he did write and then burned. It was a study in social anthropology: but he was still in his lost stage, he had not yet become a writer, a vocation towards which this journey was by chance one of his first steps. He was a dear friend, and when I saw him on his deathbed he was full of glee about how he had fooled the doctors over his Aids, and still full of the most wonderful fantasies, his eyes glowing with a brighter intensity than ever.
If it is permitted to write a new dedication to a book for which one writes a new introduction, then I should dedicate this to Maurizio Tosi, my loyal and most valued friend, now Professor of Archaeology at Bologna, Bruce’s friend from before this expedition, our host in Ghazni and the most adorable of men. Bruce was the only witness at one of his weddings.
Peter Levi Frampton-on-Severn Autumn 1999
Preface
Questions of literary form are moral problems; they are a shadow-play of social and political issues. It was hard to decide in advance what form this book should be written in, and how long it ought to be. There is always the attractive thought of reducing an entire proliferating volume as one writes it to the small seed it started from; a moral economy as well as a literary principle demands this reduction. At the same time the classic form of the nineteenth-century travel book with its secure and discursive prose, its unruffled sobriety and impersonal good manners, probably comprehended a wider range of reality than the sharper, livelier style of writing which has succeeded it. Those amazed but calm glances of the Victorians were a uniquely suitable way of seeing wild landscapes and remote peoples. Major Leake and Lieutenant Wood and Dr Chandler and Darwin on the Beagle are not self-conscious observers, or if they are, then just sufficiently so. Their lives were active and their scientific curiosity passionate; whatever was merely dangerous or adventurous in their journeys was laconically expressed, because in itself it hardly interested them. Physical excitement in their writings seems hardly more than a symbolic shadow of an intellectual tension, it is an implicit element that works by being dissolved and diffused. Modern travel writing is more sensuous and more restless, its motives are usually aesthetic and not scientific, more fuss is made about less and nothing is left out.
At one time there seemed to be a possibility of writing this present book as a long travel poem; I was thinking about the verse letters of Horace, about Byron, and in a confused way about Wordsworth. It turns out to be impossible, for physical reasons if for no others. I did write four or five poems in Afghanistan, they say very little about the country and they are extremely personal; I suppose what they express is something I would have been unable to work out in prose. When I arrived at Kabul I was still uncertain what kind of book I was going to write; I knew it would be archaeological, and about a journey, but how to answer so many questions in one book?
All my life I have wanted to travel in central Asia; the discovery of a Greek city at Ay Khanoum, on the banks of the Oxus, just inside Afghanistan on the Russian border, was the final straw. It was the first Greek city ever excavated in Afghanistan, and in order to visit it I engaged to write a travel book, and took the opportunity for some poking around at other archaeological sites. I should have liked to write with more authority about the Buddhist art of the first centuries AD which has so many classical elements, and about the Kushans, the successors to the Greek kingdoms in central Asia, but it was impossible for me to visit Pakistan or India, to see the museums and the southernmost part of Russia was also excluded. To put it in a nutshell, the question I most wanted to answer was what was the Greek occupation of Afghanistan like, and what became of these remote Greek kingdoms? The orthodox view among British scholars is that they perished in a wave of invasions by barbarous nomadic hordes in the century before the birth of Christ. And yet the earliest monumental art and sculpture of the Buddhists in northern India not only contains abundant and undigested Hellenic elements, but in its essential forms it is based on the Greek art of the Roman empire; Afghanistan which had once been Greek became Buddhist at this time, by the sixth century AD it was perhaps the greatest centre of Buddhist pilgrimage. Had the Greeks died out utterly before this time?
As an archaeological unity, Afghanistan is particularly unsatisfactory; as a political unity it is nothing but a chewed bone left over on the plate between Imperial Russia and British India. It has never been a cultural unity in any period, and it is not so today; nonetheless it is a political reality, unified in some way by its religion, Islam, and by its special physical geography and remarkable climate. The centre of the country is the tall ranges of the Hindu Kush, and even the lowest point in Afghanistan is several thousand feet above sea-level. Virtually everyone, even in remote villages, can now speak Persian, at least as a second language. For an individual traveller, there is the narrower unity of his own experience and language and reading and eyesight: a unity of time. But I do not know really whether such a unity is exactly identical with the seed of a poem or a book.
I am inclined to think that the important moment is the laying of this intuitive germ in the egg of a literary form, that it is the form which is style and the form which expresses or fails to express the world. The beginnings of a book, whether in life or in imagination, are dreamlike, in the sense that the dreamer might be responsible in his sleep but without any question of morality. The invisible principles that criticism can detect in a given literary form will reveal at a common-sense level the writer’s convictions about human society and about his times. Most poets feel as if the only forms it was completely decent to write in were the fresh forms of new poems. To make my own feelings worse, I was intimidated as well as enthralled during the time I spent in Afghanistan by getting to know the travel diaries of Basho, so great an example one was ashamed to be planning any other kind of book. I was also reading Malcolm Lowry’s Hear Us O Lord from heaven thy dwelling-place; between them Malcolm Lowry and Basho seemed to exhaust the possibilities of honesty.
The best archaeological travel book I have ever discovered is Leake’s Travels in the Morea, but there are three or four other extremely interesting books which are about Afghanistan: the best is Wood’s Journey to the Sources of the Oxus. Wood was a young Lieutenant of the greatest brilliance and promise who entered Afghanistan, in those days an ill-defined territory, as a member of the British mission to the court of Dost Mohammed at Kabul in 1840. He was sent north with a Dr Lardner who was to try to restore the eyesight of the blind Mir of Kunduz; he seized the opportunity to explore the upper Oxus, a territory as inaccessible to British travellers today as it was a hundred years ago. Immediately afterwards he resigned his commission in protest against the disastrous policy of a British expedition to expel Dost Mohammed and restore Shah Shuja; that expedition ended in the annihilation of the British army of occupation. Apart from one survivor and a handful of hostages, sixteen thousand men were massacred in the Lataband pass between Kabul and Jellalabad in eleven days. Wood left India and never returned to the army; late in life he assumed a naval captaincy as manager of the Indus Steam Navigation Company. His book was published posthumously by the great geographer Sir Henry Yule.
There are three other indispensable classics of Afghan travel, Doctor (later Sir George) Robertson’s Kafirs of the Hindu Kush,Robert Byron’s Road to Oxiana, and Eric Newby’s Short Walk in the Hindu Kush. One ought, perhaps, also to mention a most interesting pioneering work by the Hon. Elphinstone Mountstuart, An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul, which was substantially complete in 1814. Robertson was in Kafiristan, among the free mountain tribes who at that time had still never accepted Islam, in 1889 and again 1890–1; he was a British political agent, an accurate but somewhat bluff and in some directions a maddeningly incurious observer. His adverse report on the Kafirs, with whom he found it difficult or impossible to negotiate, contributed to forming the British Government’s frontier policy which, by the Durand Treaty in 1893 and a supplementary agreement in 1895, abandoned the Kafirs to be massacred or forcibly converted by Abdur Rahman, in the interests of effective central government. They were, in effect, traded for the frontier Pathans further south, whose territory was annexed to British India. Still, to be fair to Robertson, he was a truthful reporter, and a visit to the same villages today confirms one’s respect for him. He was humourless, but for a traveller alone among a wild and unpredictable people humour is a luxury. Robert Byron’s is a more engaging style. The world, and to some degree Central Asia, has changed since his visit, although if he had lived he would not yet be an old man; yet every one of his stories still rings true. Eric Newby’s book is very recent but it already has the status of a minor classic, in my view rightly. Naturally these are not the only writers the country has attracted; it was the subject of Kipling’s Man who would be King, and Professor Gilbert Murray wrote a strange novel about it; it obsessed Matthew Arnold. These were not travel writers; yet there are some lines in ‘Sohrab and Rustum’ and ‘The Strayed Reveller’ that give a clearer, sharper, more accurate sense of what central Asia is like than any other sentences in the English language.
Afghanistan is still sufficiently distant and extraordinary for it to be stupid to travel there alone. There were friends for whose company I longed most bitterly, and through whose eyes I knew I would have seen much more. But it will be obvious from every page of this book that I was extremely fortunate in the travelling companion I did have. Most of our best observations and all the best jokes were his; and it was he who was interested in nomads, he who told me to read Basho, he who had done all the right homework in my subjects as well as his own, who knew the names of flowers and who understood Islamic art history. These are luxuries; but he was even stronger in the bread and butter virtues without which we would have been doomed, for a journey like this one ought to be indefatigable, extremely patient, open-minded, friendly, and talented with the right kind of gifts both of conversation and of silence. In Afghanistan there were so many people from whom we received help that it is impossible to name them all, but I would like to express at least some stuttering formal thanks for the generosity of Mr Christopher Rundle of the British Embassy, and for the great kindness and hospitality of Dr Maurizio Taddei, Professor Paul Bernard, and the other very friendly Italian and French archaeologists who were working at Ghazni and at Ay Khanoum.
The study of the Greeks in India is not standing still. At the last moment possible, five minutes after posting the page proofs of this book to the publisher, I was shown by an Indian friend a new book of astounding interest and importance. It is The Greeks and the Mauryas by Senarat Paranavitana (Lake House Investments Ltd, Colombo 1971). It announces the recovery from inscriptions executed in Ceylon at dates between 1215 and 1467 AD of pieces of a historical account, the first basis of which appears to have been written in 300 AD, of the Greeks and of their history in India. The inscriptions include the record of a twelfth-century discussion with a Byzantine merchant of the relative value of Indian historical sources about the Greeks. Obviously this completely new material needs first to be digested and argued over by Indianists, but at least as evidence for the extent and persistence of Indian knowledge of the Greeks its potential value is high. We already know from Aelian that Homer had been translated into an Indian language; here he is discussed and analysed. Had the book appeared earlier I would have written differently.
Part I:
My Origins and Our Beginnings
Chapter One
IN OXFORD JUST BEFORE CHRISTMAS it was dark in the mornings; and on Friday, the day the gardener comes, you could hear him sweeping the lawn in the dark. I was trying to learn Persian (an unsuccessful attempt) and working my way through Tarn’s Greeks in Bactria and India, a necessary standard book about which everyone complains. The days and the book were full of dark grey gloom and rain, and early in the evening the air became black. I remember the appearance of the pink Christmas lights in St Ebbe’s and, passing through Christ Church one night when it was foggy, the long line of isolated gaslights in the quadrangle. There was a performance of John Blow’s Venus and Adonis at the Playhouse. I went to Eastbourne to see my mother; the air was clearer, but every morning there were seagulls in the garden. The sea was very cold and green-brown and the air had a brownish tinge. Someone sent me a postcard of a Persian painting which I idly propped up on my desk lamp. It began to work on me without my noticing it and, rather without thinking, I jotted down a short paragraph in a notebook as follows:
In that country it always snows for an hour or two a day; it is a pagan Christmas morning, they don’t know there that it’s solstice because they have no understanding of the stars. A single star (all they notice) is enough to navigate by. Long-necked gazelles and willow trees as fresh as salad. The people travel on bay mules. The palaces are abandoned and there are storks on the blue minarets, but the gardens are not overgrown. The road towards the White Tower along which caravans pass for one week in every year, and again in autumn for a week, like migrating birds or nomads with their flocks, crossing the whole of Asia at walking pace.
I must evidently have been trying to project an imaginary Afghanistan to see whether it made a coherent model. The reason for recording this strange jotting here is its curious combination of inaccuracies of fact with accuracy of feeling. It is not surprising that a Persian fifteenth-century miniature should be a wonderful tangle of fantasy and accurate observation of Afghanistan, but it does seem remarkable that such a picture, decoded at a distance of centuries and of thousands of miles by someone who has never seen Asia should still convey (as to me it does) just what Afghanistan is like. It is difficult for a European to arrive in Kabul without passing through Iran; even by air you will usually have to change planes at Teheran, and if you are coming to Asia for the first time you would be crazy not to stop in Istanbul as well. To descend on a remote city out of the air without a slow arrival is to deprive yourself of any chance of understanding where you are going.
My friend Bruce had travelled in Asia and been in Afghanistan before; for me it was still the remotest place I could imagine. When I was nine or ten I founded a society of little boys who wanted to go as Christian missionaries to Tibet; it lasted about three or four weeks I think, a long time in those days. Later when I was learning to be a schoolteacher in London, when I was already a Jesuit, I used to go to gaze at the departure announcements at Victoria Station that read Paris, Warsaw, Belgrade, Athens, Istanbul. Even the name Istanbul was a magnet to me because that was where my father’s family came from, and I had never been so far east. My grandfather was a Jewish indigo merchant and carpet dealer in that city before the eighteen eighties, when he moved to London and set up a carpet business in Houndsditch near the Bevis Marks synagogue. My grandmother had twenty-one children, and at that time sixteen of them had already been born. My father was one of the five born in England; quite late in life he became a Roman Catholic, but that was before I was born, so that my own Jewish origins seemed remote and mysterious to me. The older I have grown the more important they have become. I did not know anything much about the family’s life in Istanbul, except that I had an elderly aunt in St John’s Wood before the war who used to make rose-petal jam from the cabbage roses in her garden, but when I was a schoolboy my father’s letter-headings still had the magic rubric ‘and at Constantinople’.
So I set out for Istanbul by air on the seventeenth of June, hopelessly re-reading lesson eight in the Persian grammar and trying to forget other languages. As we approached Turkey there was a huge, dramatic sunset, and Asia could hardly have been more sinister; we dived into clouds of black, stormy mist. The atmosphere on the ground was thick and wet, and there was a mixed smell of fish, salt water and low clouds; then suddenly the walls, at first sight like the walls of Rome, and those rococo details of architecture which one remembers with a start are associated with the origins of the rococo style in Europe.
The world began to fall into a different focus. What I have to write now about Istanbul is only preliminary to something else, and I was there for a very short time, much of which I spent in the dusty and leafy area of the archaeological museum; for the purposes of this book it is the focus that is important. First, to find the people one met as intelligent and as sleepy as one had always imagined, and to have the concrete experience of one of the great historic centres of the Islamic world. As you imagine it from Greece, Istanbul is still the owl-haunted ruins of Byzantium; what you see when you get there is a dense and living city with the most magnificent skyline in the world, walls far finer than the walls of Rome, and a commercial life like that of late Victorian London. The extent of Asia begins to amaze you, and this is the first step. Then consider the migrations of the Turkish people, from the remote pastoral life of the Mongolian steppe until this point.1 Yet while the Sultan was besieging Istanbul, and the Ikons of the Virgin wept in their churches, Cyriaco of Ancona was reading Livy to the Sultan in his tent;2 and a few generations after the city was taken by the Turks a mosque was built directly opposite Hagia Sophia which deliberately challenged comparison, and which I believe the architects of that heavenly building would have accepted as its rival.*
It is not the equal of Hagia Sophia, which even as a dome in the distance is absolutely victorious. From close below, the great Greek church is so much buttressed that apart from a few splendid and ragged details it is hardly as impressive as the clean-lined sixteenth-century mosques. But the whole point of it is the inside; by extending the principle of buildings like the Roman Pantheon, the architects of Hagia Sophia reversed its effect, and weight and monumentality became this soaring lightness. It is a kind of transfiguration in architecture. Its present condition is terrible, far worse (with all its accretions) than that of comparable buildings in the west. Nor is it possible to think of it without thinking of its history. From outside you look across at the Blue mosque; nothing could be more composed, more handsome or more brilliant. Has there ever been another such case of so daring a site so magnificently filled?
By way of contrast – the Istanbul Museum ranges over the entire Ottoman empire, but everything in it speaks of Greek supremacy. The head of a Samian kouros and the best terracotta figurines from Lindos are in Istanbul, so are the mass of sepulchral carvings from Palmyra, a statue of a Hellenistic prince from Tripoli in Libya, an inscription in Greek from Herod’s temple at Jerusalem, two Byzantine pulpits from Saloniki; in fact a wealth of classical detritus which says as much about the geographical spread of Greek influence as it does about the Turkish empire. But I would personally trade the entire museum for a single object, the upper jaw and living eye of a bronze serpent which is all that survives of the triple heads from the twisted serpent column at Delphi, brought here by Constantine. The lower part of that column still stands where it was found, on the site of the Byzantine race-course†. When it was first made and stood at Delphi, it was nothing less than the thank offering of Greece for the victory of Plataia, when the Persians were defeated and driven away in 479 BC. If it is true that the Ottoman princes who destroyed and rebuilt Byzantium were in some way Hellenised, if it is true that there were remotely Hellenic elements even in the lives of the central Asian Turks, Plataia is one of the reasons why.
What is left at Istanbul does not, of course, represent any single historical moment exclusively. In the development of the city, my grandfather comes halfway between the present time and the birth of André Chénier, who I suppose was the best Istanbul poet since Paul the Silentiary. The atmosphere of André Chénier’s Istanbul still clings to certain quarters. There still exists a mahogany and pink marble hotel where a travelling Englishman, strayed somehow from the grand tour, once told a friend of mine that he carried his own table linen and his own Tiptree’s jam in a small travelling case. There is also a nineteen thirties hotel with the sympathetic title of Park Oteli, which has an Odeon type of décor in shades of coffee cream, and a string band. All night you hear the ships whooping and hooting in the mist, and in the morning they serve rose-petal jam for breakfast. One morning I had a long conversation in French with a Jewish carpet repairer in a small shop which I wanted to think was like my grandfather’s, and was invited to the synagogue. He turned out to have worked in Scotland – ‘C’est très correct,’ he said, ‘les gens sont plus civilisés.’ And there was a pleasing conversation with a museum guard about a Hellenistic tomb known as the Alexander sarcophagus. We were standing outside the museum and I had offered him a cigarette, which he hastily put out when a tourist bus arrived. ‘Look,’ he said, ‘Russians! When they see the Alexander coffin, they say, “Ah, Alexander! He Russian! Tee, hee, hee!”’
From Istanbul another huge aeroplane flew through the afternoon to Ankara, and through the early evening to Teheran. We crossed endless strings of glittering tawny hills with stubble-coloured thistles; from high in the air the landscape seemed extremely wild and barren, but from ground level it was all fine pastures and rolling downs. At Ankara airport there was a storm brewing and both the sky and the land were picked out with a subtle variety of colours. There is nothing that so distinguishes places as the qualities of light; today, the difference between industrial and non-industrial atmospheres is so great as to make other differences seem minimal. In Athens the sharp classical light, in London the equable glow of eighteenth-century summer, and in New England the pure clarity of pioneering days, are memories for which we have only the uncertain evidence of art. But the change of light is what a traveller first notices. The first awakening in a foreign village is an impression that remains. Of course, the light alters; it is modified by what seem irrelevant circumstances, as much by snow as by the sea, as much by trees and crops as by a desert of sand and rock. As you get used to it you stop thinking about it. From Ankara to Teheran it becomes more and more intense until it reaches a kind of absolute at the Elburz mountains; European eyes are hardly capable of distinguishing anything more brilliant. Yet in Afghanistan on the first days there was a crisp blaze which was as different from the quality of light on the great eastern Iranian plain as Iran was different from Ankara, and Ankara from Istanbul. When the summer was over, England seemed to be only half-lighted, but infinitely subtle and varied, just as much a revelation as Ankara on a stormy afternoon with its clothy texture of colours three months before.
Above Teheran the air was like thick black silk, and the spectacular and endless pattern of lights on the ground seemed to promise a great city. By daylight, alas, it was shapeless and hideous, though admittedly still endless. I have never before arrived in a city about which I knew so little; by the time I had encamped on the roof of the British archaeological institute after a maniacal taxi-drive ending at a blank wall, and was searching by torchlight for more conventional objects in my baggage among a welter of ropes, compasses and binoculars, I felt I was close to the ultimate desert. The sky was like a star-eaten black blanket, and so far as I could read them its constellations were unfamiliar. Lawrence speaks somewhere of drawing ‘strength from the depths of the universe’; Malcolm Lowry speaks about the deadness of the stars except when he looked at them with a particular girl; I had neither feeling. The founder of the Jesuits used to spend many hours under the stars; it is hard to be certain whether the first stirrings of scientific speculation or prescientific wonder about space and stars in their own nature were some element in his affinity with starlight, or whether for him they were only a point of departure, but in this matter I think I am about fifty years more modern than Saint Ignatius; stars mean to me roughly what they meant to Donne’s generation, a bright religious sand imposing the sense of an intrusion into human language, and arousing a certain personal thirst to be specific. I fell asleep with this complicated thought and woke much mutilated by mosquitoes.
British archaeological institutions are much the same all over the world; some of them are at first sight extremely comic, but they are sympathetic places. For quite a long time I was a member of the one in Athens, where I became some kind of classical archaeologist. I had spent years on and off writing a commentary on Pausanias, the author of a comprehensive guidebook to contemporary Greece in the second century AD. The archaeological problems of Persia and Afghanistan are a far cry from mainland Greece; the story of the Greeks so far from home had hardly been more than a tenuous and romantic whisper until the last few years.3 But the question of what was the substance of Greek influence in Asia was in my mind from beginning to end of this journey, and for months before and after. I was not much interested in Alexander’s campaigns but in what became of the Greeks and their kingdoms, above all in whatever connection the Greeks might have with the Buddhism of the Hellenistic period and the first centuries AD, when Buddhism first deeply penetrated Afghanistan and reached China. The answers that I discovered, more often by reading and conversation than by visible evidence, were scattered and disjointed, but at some level they are the subject matter of my book. Like everything European, what I have found to say is a mixture of Jewish, Greek and Barbarian elements, which were intermingled a long time ago.
Persian archaeology is connected to Greek as a kind of counter-weight. The Greek military occupation of Persia did not last long, even though the interpenetration of Greek and Persian art is older and lasted longer; the Romans could never control the Parthian nomads who succeeded the Greeks or the revived Persian Empire that succeeded the Parthians.4 But while Rome was still a small city, when the old Persian Empire had fallen to Alexander the Great, he continued eastwards beyond the boundaries of modern Iran to the edges of the Persian Empire in India. He spent several years on that expedition, which was to some degree a solid conquest, and at least much more than an extended raid, but what he left was a remote extent of physically wild territory precariously pinned down by Greek garrisons. The lack of archaeological evidence makes it difficult to estimate what effect the Greeks had on their environment in Asia; the only certainty is that in the end Asia swallowed them. After Alexander’s death, his successors in the east could hardly hope to hold down the whole range of his eastern territories. The military governor of the Greek garrisons in the northeast declared himself independent, and founded the kingdom of Bactria; to the south-east the Mauryan Empire of north India occupied what was once the most eastern Persian province and Alexander’s remotest conquest. Persia itself was overrun by the Parthians in the second century BC; the power of the Seleucid‡ dynasty shrank westwards to Mesopotamia, and finally into Asia Minor.5 The Bactrian Greeks were now isolated in the east, their history was eventful but comparatively brief. Their kingdoms expanded astonishingly and soon split; the rulers were continuously at war with each other and with their non-Greek neighbours. As late as 30 BC, when nomads not unlike the Parthians had already overrun the important and wealthy Greek cities of Russian middle Asia and Afghanistan, there was still one Greek king south of the Khyber Pass; but Greek India, like the whole of Greek Asia, was politically short-lived. It lasted, that is, about as long as British India, only that what seems iron-shod in recent history in the past seems shadow-footed.
The role of the Parthians in Persia is very important; they were the forerunners of wave after wave of invasion by nomadic pastoral tribes pressing downwards into Asia from Siberia. They not only sealed off the Bactrian Greeks from the Mediterranean6 and so perhaps contributed to the necessary conditions for the spread of Buddhism, but they successfully fought off the Roman Empire and handed on to the revived Persian Empire a genuine native tradition which to my eye is one of the most interesting in the whole history of civilisation. It is this sudden sealing off from the Mediterranean in a world which at the same time has been percolated by the essential juices of Hellenism as well as by other influences, including those of the central Asian landscape, that makes a first visit to eastern Persia so heady, and I admit in my case, so dizzying.
In 1968, the British archaeologists in Persia had excavated what is probably the site of Hekatompylos, a Persian and Greek town which became the first capital city of the kings of Parthia. Hekatompylos already existed somewhere near Damghan when Alexander the Great passed eastwards in the fourth century BC, and it was on this road that King Darius was murdered by his own soldiers.7 A hundred and fifty years later, Alexander’s successors had lost it and eastern Persia was in the hands of the nomads. Like the Turkish tribes that followed them after a thousand years and like their cousins who invaded Afghanistan and northern India, the Parthians were a relatively simple and pastoral people, with an uncompromising culture of their own that had developed among the uncultivated pastures of what is now southern Siberia. The Russians have excavated some Parthian sites which have revealed the lives of these people when they were still living outside the bounds of the old Persian Empire. There is one in particular at Koy-Krylgan-kala,8 to the east of the Aral Sea, where the central monument of a great encampment was a massive circular castle consecrated to the use of the dead. There are a whole series of sites on the lower Oxus where this kind of tall funerary tower dominates a fortified camp and is central to it.
At Koy-Krylgan-kala the urns for the ashes of the dead were shaped roughly like the bodies of human beings, although one of them has the ears of a horse. They include crude pottery masks of human or divine faces. Men’s and women’s coffins were on separate sides of the building. There was a well and there were numerous small figures of Anahita, the Iranian water-goddess. Customs varied, particularly on the lower Oxus, but often in these dead men’s castles the dead were not burned but exposed until they were consumed by sun, air and vultures. The bones were collected as the ashes were, and the castle was left to them. These were the people to whom Parthian Hekatompylos belonged. The bodies of the dead had been exposed and rodent tooth-marks were found on their bones, which were mingled with the bones of pony or perhaps wild ass, and also of deer and fox, in a tower inside the city. Unfortunately, the site has been often flooded and badly eroded, and it is never going to be possible to recover the street-plan; but some fragments of Hellenistic pottery have been found on the surface, and the evidence of coins suggests a date of about 70 BC. (There was also a carbon date of about 240 BC, with a wide margin of possible error.) The excavation is still in progress, but it looks as though the longstanding problem of the whereabouts of Hekatompylos is solved.
Because the Romans never conquered the Parthians, their information about Parthian geography was not good, and ours, because it largely depends on theirs, is not much better. When Greek cities were overwhelmed their names easily changed back to the native pre-Greek names; probably in many cases what perished was a Greek cantonment and what survived was the original native city.9 Doura-Europos returned to being Doura, Orrhoe became Edessa and then Antioch, it returned to being Orhai in Syriac and Edessa in Latin. In 1970 no more than one Greek inscription had ever been found east of the Euphrates later in date than the first century BC.10 The Greek alphabet survived, but only to express native languages in writing. In fact it survived curiously long; as late as the eighth century AD the runic alphabet of the earliest written Turkish, which we know from tombstones scattered here and there in southern Siberia and Mongolia, arose partly from the Aramaic script which was the official writing system of the Persian Empire, and partly it seems from a local form of the Greek alphabet.11
