An Update on Adult Development Theory E-Book

• Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
• Kategorie: Bildung
• Serie: J-B ACE Single Issue Adult & Continuing Eeducation
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 213

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2011

Beschreibung

Our approach to adult learners and the learning process is shaped by our knowledge of how adults change and develop across the life span. This issue of New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education reviews the latest work in adult developmental theory in the biological, psychological, sociocultural, and integrated domains, and explores the implications of this work for adult education. Chapters examine how gAnder, race, and sexual orientation affect our sense of self; explore spiritual development and theories of aging; and offer a way of understanding development in terms of how people use narrative to organize and make meaning of their experiences.This is the 84th issue of the quarterly journal New Directions for Adult and Continuing Development.

Leseprobe

Contents

Editors’ Notes

Chapter 1: Theorizing Adult Development

Defining Adult Development

A Typology of Developmental Theories

Looking Ahead

Chapter 2: Our Complex Human Body: Biological Development Explored

Biological Development

Theories of Aging

Toward New Perspectives on Biological Development

Implications for Adult Learning

Chapter 3: Psychological Development: Becoming a Person

What Is Development?

Classical Time-Honored Theories

Newer Theoretical Conceptualizations

Implications for Adult Learning

Chapter 4: Gender Development and Gendered Adult Development

The Development of Gender Identity

Impact of Gender on Adult Development

Implications for Adult Learning

Chapter 5: Racial and Ethnic Identity and Development

Definitions of Racial and Ethnic Identity

Models of Ethnic and Racial Identity Development

Implications for Adult Learning

Chapter 6: The Development of Sexual Identity

The Historical Construction of Sexual Orientation

Traditional Sexual Orientation Development Theories

Beyond Identity

Queer Theory

Implications for Adult Learning

Chapter 7: Development as Separation and Connection: Finding a Balance

Development as Separation Versus Connection

Development as Separation and Connection

Separation and Connection in an Educational Context

Implications for Adult Education

Chapter 8: Time as the Integrative Factor

Three Kinds of Time

The Influence of Time in the Development of HIV-Positive Adults

Time, Learning, and Development

Chapter 9: Understanding Adult Development as Narrative

A Narrative Orientation

Adult Development as Narrative

Implications for Adult Learning

Conclusion

Chapter 10: The Spiritual Dimension of Adult Development

Psychological Perspectives on Spiritual Development

Spirituality in the Context of Culture

Implications for Adult Education

Chapter 11: Development and Learning: Themes and Conclusions

Revisiting the Typology of Adult Development

Implications for Adult Learning

Index

An Update on Adult Development Theory: New Ways of Thinking About the Life Course

M. Carolyn Clark, Rosemary S. Caffarella (eds.)

New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, no. 84

Susan Imel, Editor-in-Chief

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Editors’ Notes

It is hard to imagine the field of adult education apart from the literature on adult development; many aspects of our thinking about adult learners and the learning process are shaped by our knowledge of how adults change and develop across the life span. It is essential, then, for us to stay current with the advances in this rich and influential literature. The purpose of this volume is to help us do that.

An Update on Adult Development Theory captures some of the most recent work across the broad domain of adult developmental literature and assesses its significance for us as adult educators. Our first task in designing the volume was to figure out how to make sense of this diverse and multidimensional literature. We wanted to revisit the more traditional theories and see what new ideas were being generated there, but even more we were interested in seeing in what new ways the life course was being theorized.

The four-part typology of Merriam and Caffarella (1999), consisting of biological, psychological, sociocultural, and integrative models of development, seemed to serve us best, and it provided the underlying structure for the volume. We identified major topics in each of those areas that addressed different dimensions of development and invited chapter authors to explore them. We asked that they review the major tenets and assumptions of their topics, discuss the most salient work, and assess the implications of this work for adult learning.

We begin the volume with our chapter on the whole project of theorizing about adult development—determining its definitional boundaries and deciding its scope—and discuss how those decisions are made by theorists. Then we explain the typology of developmental theories that serves as the framework for the volume.

In the first section, consisting of two chapters, we look at the more traditional perspectives on development—the biological and psychological aspects. Vivian W. Mott explores the complexities of biological development and aging, as well as work on the mind-body connection. Then Patricia M. Reeves summarizes the major research done from the psychological perspective, both the classical theories and the newer work that has arisen from their critique.

The next section addresses the social and cultural aspects of our lives that drive growth and change in adulthood. In her chapter, Jovita M. Ross-Gordon explores the complexities of gender development and what it means to develop as a woman or a man in our culture. Next Alicia Fedelina Chávez and Florence Guido-DiBrito examine how we develop our sense of ourselves as members of a racial or ethnic group. Then Kathleen Edwards and Ann K. Brooks look at sexual identity development, focusing primarily on sexual orientation as a core aspect of this developmental process.

We next investigate some of the integrative models of adult development—models that incorporate multiple dimensions of development. The chapters in this section suggest some of the rich possibilities of this approach. Kathleen Taylor, in her chapter, examines the tension between separation and connection in developmental theory, focusing on several theories that seek to strike a balance between these two powerful drives. Then Sharan B. Merriam explores the biological, sociocultural, and historical understandings of time and applies these notions to the experience of HIV-positive adults. Next Marsha Rossiter looks at the storied nature of development and provides an entirely different perspective—one that views development as narrative and places the adults themselves in the role of interpreter. Finally, Elizabeth J. Tisdell discusses the notion of spiritual development and explores the various cultural manifestations of this significant aspect of adult growth.

We close the volume with a final chapter in which we assess the state of adult developmental theory overall, focusing especially on the integrative mode that currently dominates the literature. From this material we draw some implications for the field of adult education.

M. Carolyn Clark

Rosemary S. Caffarella

Editors

Reference

Merriam, S. B., and Caffarella, R. S. Learning in Adulthood: A Comprehensive Guide. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1999.

M. Carolyn Clark is associate professor of adult education at Texas A&M University, College Station.

Rosemary S. Caffarella is professor of educational leadership at the University of Northern Colorado, Greeley.

Chapter 1

Theorizing Adult Development

M. Carolyn Clark, Rosemary S. Caffarella

This chapter outlines a typology of developmental theories that consists of biological, psychological, sociocultural, and integrative models.

The whole point of theory—any theory—is to help us understand something better. This volume examines the theories that have been constructed about adult development, and the “something” that all these theories are trying to help us understand better is the life course—how it unfolds and the meaning that can be given to various aspects and dimensions of that unfolding. A particular theory or family of theories serves as a kind of lens through which we view the life course; that lens illuminates certain elements and tells a particular story about adult life. Multiple lenses give us many different ways of illuminating different aspects of that life course. The purpose of this volume is to provide an overview of those lenses.

This chapter presents the frame for the volume. First we address central issues inherent in any discussion of adult development—issues that define the parameters of the concept of development and shape the production of theory. Then we examine a four-fold framework for categorizing adult developmental theories.

Defining Adult Development

One of the striking things about adult development as a field is its age. It is entirely a twentieth-century phenomenon, in no small part because the concept of adulthood has crystallized only in this century. Jordan (1978) tracks the evolution of the concept in America and argues that rapid social change is responsible for a shift from condition to process: “In our culture, adulthood as a condition used to be simply assumed; as a process, it now seems to demand explanation” (p. 198). It is precisely understanding this process that is the focus of developmental theory.

There are many vexing definitional issues here. For starters, when does someone enter adulthood? Answers are highly domain-specific. Legally, in the United States at least, this varies by state and by specific arena. There are stipulated ages at which a person may work, drive, vote, marry, or join the armed forces; these ages differ from state to state. But legal definitions set only one type of boundary. Culturally, in this country, people are considered adults when they are responsible for themselves and often for others, but these boundaries are also blurred. A college student, for example, can be living on her own but be fully supported financially by her parents. Or a fourteen-year-old can be living with his family and working after school to help support the household. A common convention among theorists is to use age eighteen as a benchmark, because this marks the end of mandatory schooling and is the typical point at which young people begin to assume responsibility for themselves and others (Bee, 1996). But this is an approximation at best.

More complex is defining the process of adult development itself. What exactly do we mean by development? Of course development involves change over time, but that isn’t sufficient. Meacham (1997) argues that development involves change that is orderly and predictable, producing results that are “both irreversible and novel” (p. 43). So there is a certain sustainability and newness here. Bee (1996), following Werner and Kaplan (1956), defines development as “increasingly higher, more integrated levels of functioning” (p. 15). This adds the notion of greater complexity to the mix, as there is an implicit sense that a normative standard shapes the developmental trajectory, in this case the valuing of sustainability and complexity. In more recent years this normative standard of development has been as aspect of critique in the field (see, for example, Tennant and Pogson, 1995).

Then there are the tensions around what, exactly, is caught in the net of developmental theory. We study individuals so that we can generalize beyond them, but how can we account for both individual uniqueness and commonalities across groups? And how can continuity and change be explained, both in terms of the sense of self that endures and changes across the years and the life course itself, during which we experience periods of stability and periods of major change? And the thorny issue of differences (gender, race and ethnicity, class, education, sexual orientation, personality, intelligence, to name some of the big ones) arise, along with the question of how those differences affect development. How does all this get captured in adult developmental theory? Imperfectly, it seems. No one theory explains everything, but each provides a particular way of looking at adult development and illuminating certain aspects of it. The richest insights into the life course come from the application of more than one theory (see, for example, Daloz, 1986).

A Typology of Developmental Theories

So many theories are out there that it is helpful to make sense of the whole first—to categorize them by purpose or orienting assumptions—so that we can see what each cluster is seeking to accomplish. There are many ways to do this, but we are most persuaded by the typology offered by Merriam and Caffarella (1999). Building on the work of Perlmutter and Hall (1985), Bee (1996), and others, they have developed a schema consisting of four components: biological, psychological, sociocultural, and integrative models. Although they recognize that not all theories fit neatly into one of these categories, this framework does provide a useful starting point for understanding the many-faceted ways of thinking about development in adulthood.

Biological Perspective

The biological frame acknowledges that we are physical beings; as such we will change physiologically, whether those changes are driven by natural aging, the environment, our own health habits, or by an accident or disease process. Our ideas about biological aging tend to be negative and associated largely with decline. The stereotypes we hold about the physical aging process are strong and prevalent within our own psyches and are embedded in societal expectations and norms. The fact remains that, although the life expectancy of adults in the Western world has doubled over this past century, “our capacity to live longer does not mean we have been able to halt the primary process of aging—those time related physical changes governed by some kind of maturation process, as in vision and hearing, for example that happen to all of us” (Merriam and Caffarella, 1999, p. 95). Still, current literature stresses that the natural physical changes that we all will experience won’t affect us much until our sixth and seventh decade. Even then researchers are questioning whether some of the assumptions we have been making about biological aging are indeed true, and medical advances are either arresting some of these changes or in some cases restoring function.

Psychological Perspective

This perspective focuses on how we develop as individuals and examines primarily internal developmental processes, including how the environment may shape this internal sense of self or inner being. Numerous concepts form the foundation for the study of development from the psychological frame: ego development, cognitive and intellectual development, moral development, faith and spiritual development, life events and transitions, and relational development.

The ideas within this frame can be organized into three categories: sequential models of development, life events and transitions, and relational models (Merriam and Caffarella, 1999). The sequential models, exemplified by the work of Erikson (1963), Levinson (1986), and Kohlberg (1973), view life as unfolding in major stages or phases. Some theorists tie these changes to age parameters, whereas others view them as bounded more by the resolution of key dilemmas or completion of tasks or responsibilities. In the second category, life event or transition models, particular events or periods of a person’s life are seen as driving development—as markers that give “shape and direction to the various aspects of a person’s life” (Danish and others, as quoted by Sugarman, 1986, p. 131). Life events may be individually focused—events such as birth, marriage, and death—or they may affect a group of people such as survivors of a tornado, a war, or a flood. The third category, relational models, have largely been built from the experiences of women (Gilligan, 1982; Jordan, 1997). “The metaphor of the ever-changing web of interconnectedness is often used to describe how women (and perhaps some men) grow and develop throughout their lives” (Merriam and Caffarella, 1999, p. 110).

Sociocultural Perspective

Within the sociocultural frame of development, the social and cultural aspects of our lives are the primary forces that drive growth and change in adulthood. One area this perspective focuses on is the social roles we play, such as that of parent, spouse, partner, worker, and friend, and the “correct” timing of those roles as defined by the societies in which we live. As Neugarten (1976) observes, “Every society is age-graded, and every society has a system of social expectations regarding age-appropriate behavior” (p. 16); these shape the developmental process. More recently a great deal of attention has been paid to the socially constructed notions of race, ethnicity, gender, social class, and sexual orientation as they relate to development (Tennant and Pogson, 1995; Evans, Forney, and Guido-Dibrito, 1998; Merriam and Caffarella, 1999). Bee (1996) argues that sociocultural factors shape the trajectory of the life course.

In taking into consideration these contextual factors, it often is difficult to separate which factor or factors have the greater impact on development, as often they intersect in people’s lives. People are always multiply positioned socially and culturally. Therefore, understanding how these various contextual factors influence development is not enough; we must also gain a clearer picture of how the intersections of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, and ethnicity affect how adults develop.

Integrative Perspective

Viewing development from an integrative frame recognizes that adults are far too complex to put in one box or another. In order to fully understand development, we need to look at how the biological, psychological, and sociocultural frames intersect and influence each other.

Although researchers have studied development from this perspective for at least two decades (Perun and Bielby, 1980; Baltes, 1982; Magnusson, 1995), models that integrate all three frames of development are not as prevalent as those that consider just one or two of the frames discussed. In addition, few of these models have been studied empirically; rather, they remain in the conceptualization stage. Often what these researchers advocate is the “need for new ‘development-specific’ research methodologies to address the more interactive and complex models of development” (Merriam and Caffarella, 1999, p. 133). Although some researchers have responded to this call, such as Schaie (1994) in the area of intellectual development, it is acknowledged to be a difficult task. However, the integrative perspectives appear to offer one of the most promising ways for capturing the intricacies of how we grow and develop as adults.

Looking Ahead

The chapters that follow are organized according to this typology of theories. Each focuses on a particular dimension of adult development and summarizes the major work done in that area, as well as implications for adult education. Although the traditional perspectives are addressed (biological and psychological), we have purposely placed the greatest emphasis on less familiar approaches. Under sociocultural perspectives we examine gender, race and ethnicity, and sexual identity. We have used a different approach toward integrative models, choosing various lenses, each of which incorporates multiple dimensions of development, to view the balance between separation and connection, the role of time, development as narrative, and spirituality. We conclude with a chapter that assesses the state of adult developmental theory overall and speculates on how this work will continue to affect our understanding of adult learning.

References

Baltes, P. B. “Life-Span Development Psychology: Some Conveying Observations on History and Theory.” In K. W. Schaie and J. Geiwitz (eds.), Readings in Adult Development and Aging. Boston: Little, Brown, 1982.

Bee, H. L. Journey of Adulthood. (3rd ed.) Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1996.

Daloz, L. A. Effective Teaching and Mentoring. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1986.

Erikson, E. H. Childhood and Society. (2nd ed.) New York: Norton, 1963.

Evans, N. J., Forney, D. S., and Guido-DiBrito, F. Student Development in College: Theory, Research, and Practice. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1998.

Gilligan, C. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982.

Jordan, J. V. (ed.). Women’s Growth in Diversity. New York: Guilford Press, 1997.

Jordan, W. D. “Searching for Adulthood in America.” In E. H. Erikson (ed.), Adulthood: Essays. New York: Norton, 1978.

Kohlberg, L. “Continuities in Childhood and Adult Moral Development.” In P. Baltes and K. Schaie (eds.), Life-Span Developmental Psychology: Personality and Socialization. Orlando, Fla.: Academic Press, 1973.

Levinson, D. J. “A Conception of Adult Development.” American Psychologist, 1986, 41 (1), 3–13.

Magnusson, D. “Individual Development: A Holistic, Integrated Model.” In P. Moen, G. H. Elder, and K. Luscher (eds.), Examining Lives in Context: Perspectives on the Ecology of Human Development. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1995.

Meacham, J. “Autobiography, Voice, and Developmental Theory.” In E. Amsel and K. A. Renninger (eds.), Change and Development. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 1997.

Merriam, S. B., and Caffarella, R. S. Learning in Adulthood. A Comprehensive Guide. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1999.

Neugarten, B. “Adaption and the Life Cycle.” Counseling Psychologist, 1976, 6, 16–20.

Perlmutter, M., and Hall, E. Adult Development and Aging. New York: Wiley, 1985.

Perun, P. J., and Bielby, D. D. “Structure and Dynamics of the Individual Life Course.” In K. W. Back (ed.), Life Course: Integrative Theories and Exemplary Populations. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1980.

Schaie, K. W. “The Course of Adult Intellectual Development.” American Psychologist, 1994, 49 (4), 304–313.

Sugarman, L. Life-Span Development: Concepts, Theories, and Interventions. New York: Methuen, 1986.

Tennant M. C., and Pogson, P. Learning and Change in the Adult Years: A Developmental Perspective. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1995.

Werner, H., and Kaplan, B. “The Developmental Approach to Cognition: Its Relevance to the Psychological Interpretation of Anthropological and Ethnolinguistic Data.” American Anthropologist, 1956, 58, 866–880.

M. Carolyn Clark is associate professor of adult education at Texas A&M University, College Station.

Rosemary S. Caffarella is professor of educational leadership at the University of Northern Colorado, Greeley.

Chapter 2

Our Complex Human Body: Biological Development Explored

Vivian W. Mott

This chapter focuses on concepts and theories of human aging and introduces current thought regarding the interaction and interdependence of various influences on physical well-being.

What makes us so anxious about our own biological development? Why do we strive for cognitive and psychological development, delight in the development of a child’s personality, and celebrate moral development and reasoning—but bristle at the thought of aging or developing biologically? Perhaps our anxiety is due to the close relationship between biological development and illness, decline, and death. A biological description of the process of human aging is a necessary but insufficient explanation of human physiology; that is, even though “we can describe something physically, the error is to believe that we have sufficiently explained it as only physical” (DeBoe, 1995, p. 128).

The purpose of this chapter is to examine the complex process of human biological development—aging—from a variety of perspectives. The chapter begins with terms, definitions, and theories used to describe and explain human aging, continues with a discussion of new perspectives on human aging, such as interactions among psychosocial influences, state of mind, and physical well-being, and concludes with implications for learners and practitioners alike.

Biological Development

Three concepts are commonly used to explain how long people live: life span, life expectancy, and longevity. Life span refers to the perceived upper limit of human life—about 110–120 years. Life expectancy is the average number of years a person can expect to live, based on current age. Today, for example, Americans at birth can expect to live an average of 76.1 years. A female at birth has a life expectancy of 82.7 years, but at age sixty-five her life expectancy is 18.9 additional years; a male at birth can expect to live 75.7 years but has a life expectancy of 15.7 more years at age sixty-five (National Center for Health Statistics, 1998). Whereas life expectancy is based on current age, longevity is the expected length of life, which is influenced by a person’s culture or by the specific time in history that a person lives. For instance, human longevity is currently longer for Caucasians than for African Americans or Native Americans, and all cultural groups enjoy more longevity at the end of this century than was the case in the seventeenth century. Increased longevity in this century and across many cultural and ethnic groups is the result of advancing medical technologies, improved hygiene and nutrition, and increased awareness of environmental and lifestyle influences on health and well-being.

We also define ourselves by age, but we do it in a variety of ways: by chronological age, which is merely the number of years since birth; by functional or physiological age, which is a reflection of the body’s functioning capacity; and by psychological age, or how old we feel ourselves to be. Although chronological age is an easily determined and (usually) indisputable number, chronological age is not the same as—or even a good measure of—functional or psychological age. More important, our psychological age (how old we feel) can have a significant influence on functional age.

In Langer’s book, Mindfulness (1990), she describes a variety of experiments aimed at understanding human aging. Langer became convinced that people can “create their own development rather than being trapped in a pattern that is inescapably played out” (p. 46). To confirm her emerging findings of self-determined functional and psychological age, Langer invited a group of eighty men, approximately seventy-five years of age, to consider themselves as men twenty years younger. During a week-long retreat, the environments of half the men realistically reflected a time twenty years earlier; that is, their rooms included newspapers and magazines, decor, and even videotaped television and audiotaped radio from that era. In effect, the men were asked to “be” fifty-five again in their thoughts and daily activities. The other half, a control group, were asked only to think, talk, and write about their lives when they were fifty-five but enjoyed none of the carefully reconstructed environments of that stage of their lives. At the conclusion of the experiment, both groups enjoyed significant improvements in both physiological and psychological functioning. Their blood pressure, heart rate, stamina, cognition—even hearing and blood profiles—all improved, pointing to the fluidity of psychological and functional age. The experiment further convinced Langer of the fallacy of inevitable biological decline based on chronological age alone.