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David A. Wells

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Beschreibung

   David Ames Wells (1828-1898), a prominent American financial economist, political activist and apostle of laissez faire, was a staunch advocate of free trade and the abolition of the tariff. "Wells wrote a large number of books, pamphlets, and articles ... 
 
His chief interests were the tariff, the theory of money and the currency question, and taxation. His discussion of all of these took character from his inspection of American economic life, which was marked in his period by progressive lowering of costs of production through the application of science. 
 
He, more than others, was the expositor of the nature and consequences of the 'machine age' ... Some of his most effective writing was in opposition to fiat money or depreciated monetary standards. 
 
An excellent example of his work in this field is his "Robinson Crusoe's Money", issued first in 1876 when resumption was in doubt, and again in 1896 when the 'free silver' advocacy was in full swing. Wells was among the earliest to appreciate the importance of what has since been known as 'technological unemployment,' the displacing of men by machines ... 
 
His writing and speaking was marked by simplicity, candor, and extraordinary facility in the popular adaptation of statistics. His aptness in illustration was as charming as it was effective ..."

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Robinson Crusoe's Money

“The Remarkable Financial Fortunes and Misfortunes of a Remote Island Community”

David A. Wells

Illustrated by Thomas Nast

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ISBN:978-605-2259-45-0

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Table of Contents

About The Book & Author:

Preface & Foreword

Chapter I

The Three Great Bags of Money.

Chapter II

A New Social Order of Things.

Chapter III

The Period of Barter.

Chapter IV

How They Invented Money.

Chapter V

How the People on the Island and Elsewhere Learned Wisdom.

Chapter VI

Gold, and How they Came to Use It.

Chapter VII

How the Islanders Determined to be an Honest and Free People.

Chapter VIII

How the People on the Island Came to Use Currency in the Place of Money.

Chapter IX

War with the Cannibals, and What Came of It.

Chapter X

After the War.

Chapter XI

The New Millennium.

Chapter XII

Getting Sober.

* * *

About The Book & Author:

§

David Ames Wells (1828-1898), a prominent American financial economist, political activist and apostle of laissez faire, was a staunch advocate of free trade and the abolition of the tariff. "Wells wrote a large number of books, pamphlets, and articles ...

His chief interests were the tariff, the theory of money and the currency question, and taxation. His discussion of all of these took character from his inspection of American economic life, which was marked in his period by progressive lowering of costs of production through the application of science.

He, more than others, was the expositor of the nature and consequences of the 'machine age' ... Some of his most effective writing was in opposition to fiat money or depreciated monetary standards.

An excellent example of his work in this field is his “ROBINSON CRUSOE'S MONEY”, issued first in 1876 when resumption was in doubt, and again in 1896 when the 'free silver' advocacy was in full swing. Wells was among the earliest to appreciate the importance of what has since been known as 'technological unemployment,' the displacing of men by machines ...

His writing and speaking was marked by simplicity, candor, and extraordinary facility in the popular adaptation of statistics. His aptness in illustration was as charming as it was effective ..."

* * *

 

Importance of Money in De Foe's “Robinson Crusoe”

Becasuse of Money plays an important role in De Foe's “Robinson Crusoe” – even though the islander repeatedly celebrates his triumph over the whole attribution of value to money, a medium of no value to him, who is deprived of all human commerce. Crusoe keeps a continuous account of his wealth and he is finally overwhelmed when he has to realise how rich he became in the time of his isolation. His computations mention:

§         English pounds sterling,

§         Portuguese Moidors and Cruisadoes, i.e. gold moedas and silver cruzados,

§         Spanish Doubloons and Pieces of Eight, i.e. gold doblóns and pesos, silver coins of eight reales,

§         unspecified (gold) ducats

§         unminted gold

All coins mentioned matched specific amounts of gold and silver and one knew how to calculate between these coins. Our marginal notes offer the equivalents in English money at the rates valid in 1719.

The computations for 1719 are not a weak compromise. A gold Moidore minted in 1670 would not contain one gram less gold in 1719 – its value as a gold coin would hence remain stable. The value of gold in silver money was, however, unstable.

None of the European currencies could fix a price at which gold could be converted; and all currencies gave sums on national silver standards. The problem increased where a country failed to stabilise its silver money (by failing to issue new silver coins of the expected quality). The 1680s and 1690s thus saw the English public unwilling to continue changing their gold guineas into silver shillings at the established rate of 20 shillings the guinea. The guinea rose from 20 to 30 shillings in 1694, it was successfully fixed at 21s, 6d in 1698; the rate was modified to 21 shillings in a new attempt to stabilise the monetary system in 1717, and it was to remain at this ratio till 1816.

* * *

 

 

Preface & Foreword

§

 

“I smiled at myself at the sight of all this money. ‘Oh, drug,’ said I, aloud, ‘what art thou good for? Thou art not worth to me, no, not the taking off the ground. One of these knives is worth all this heap.’”—

 

The origin of this little book is as follows: Some months ago, the expediency was suggested to the author, by certain prominent friends of hard money in this country, of preparing for popular reading—and possibly for political campaign purposes—a little tract, or essay, in which the elementary principles underlying the important subjects of money and currency should be presented and illustrated from the simplest A B C stand-point. That such a work was desirable, and that none of the very great number of speeches and essays already published on these topics in all respects answered the existing requirement, was admitted; but how to invest subjects, so often discussed, and so commonly regarded as dry and abstract, with sufficient new interest to render them at once attractive and intelligible to those whose tastes disincline them to close reasoning and investigation, was a matter not easy to determine.

At last the old idea—recognized in fables, allegories, and parables—of making a story the medium for communicating instruction, suggested itself; and, in accordance with the suggestion, a remote island community has been imagined, in which, starting from conditions but one remove from barbarism, but gradually rising to a high degree of civilization, the progress, the use, and the abuse of the instrumentalities and mechanism of exchange—through barter, money, and currency—have been traced consecutively; and the effect of the application of not a few of the most popular fiscal recommendations and theories of the day practically worked out and recorded. And, in carrying out this scheme, the reader will not fail to perceive, by reference to the marginal notes accompanying the text, that hardly an absurdity in reference to exchange, money, or currency can be imagined, which somewhere and at some time has not had its exact counterpart in actual history or experience.

If any apology for the objects designed or the course pursued is needed, the author thinks he finds it in the precedent established by the illustrious Geoffrey Crayon, Gent., who, in the introduction to his “Tales of a Traveler,” thus happily sets forth the special advantage which accrues from the proper employment of a story as a means of communicating information. “I am not,” he says, “for those barefaced tales which carry their moral on their surface, staring one in the face; on the contrary, I have often hid my moral from sight, and disguised it as much as possible by sweets and spices; so that while the simple reader is listening with open mouth to a ghost or love story, he may have a bolus of sound morality popped down his throat, and be never the wiser for the fraud.”

Whether in “Robinson Crusoe’s Money” the author shall succeed in inducing his fellow-countrymen—to whom the ordinary currency medicine is becoming distasteful—to swallow without wry faces the same dose sugar-coated, remains to be determined.

Norwich, Conn., January, 1876.

 

 

Chapter I

§

 

The Three Great Bags of Money.

All who have read “Robinson Crusoe” (and who has not?) will remember the circumstance of his opening, some time after he had become domiciled on his desolate island, one of the chests that had come to him from the ship. In it he found pins, needles and thread, a pair of large scissors, “ten or a dozen good knives,” some cloth, about a dozen and a half of white linen handkerchiefs concerning which he remarks, “They were exceedingly refreshing to wipe my face on a warm day;” and, finally, hidden away in the till of the chest, “three great bags of money—gold as well as silver.”

The finding of all these articles—the money excepted—it will be further remembered, greatly delighted the heart of Crusoe; inasmuch as they increased his store of useful things, and therefore increased his comfort and happiness. But in respect to the money the case was entirely different. It was a thing to him, under the circumstances, absolutely worthless, and over its presence and finding he soliloquized as follows: “I smiled at myself at the sight of all this money. ‘Oh, drug!’ said I, aloud, ‘what art thou good for? Thou art not worth to me, no, not the taking off the ground. One of these knives is worth all this heap. Nay, I would give it all for a gross of tobacco-pipes; for sixpenny-worth of turnip and carrot seed from England; or for a handful of pease and beans, and a bottle of ink.’”

In introducing this episode in the life of his hero, nothing was probably further from the thought of the author, De Foe, than the intent to give his readers a lesson in political economy. And yet it would be difficult to find an illustration which conveys in so simple a manner to him who reflects upon it so much of information in respect to the nature of that which is popularly termed “wealth;” or so good a basis for reasoning correctly in respect to the origin and function of that which we call “money.” And in such reasoning, the truth of the following propositions is too evident to require demonstration:

1st. The pins and needles, the scissors, knives, and cloth were of great utility to Robinson Crusoe, because their possession satisfied a great desire on his part to have them, and greatly increased his comfort and happiness.

2d. Possessing utility, they nevertheless possessed no exchangeable value, because they could not be bought or sold, or, what is the same thing, exchanged with any body for any thing.

3d. They had, moreover, no price, for they had no purchasing power which could be expressed as money.

4th. The money, which is popularly regarded as the symbol and the concentration of all wealth, had, under the circumstances, neither utility, value, nor price. It could not be eaten, drunk, worn, used as a tool, or exchanged with any body for any thing, and fully merited the appellation which Crusoe in another place gives it, of “sorry, worthless stuff.”

Finally, the pins, needles, knives, cloth, and scissors were all capital to Robinson Crusoe, because they were all instrumentalities capable of being used to produce something additional, to him useful or desirable. The money was not capital, under the circumstances, because it could not be used to produce any thing.

Starting, then, with a condition of things on the island in which money had clearly neither utility nor value, let us next consider under what change of domestic circumstances it could become useful, acquire value, become an object of exchange, and constitute a standard for establishing prices.

 

 

Chapter II

§

 

A New Social Order of Things.

The first person that came to join Robinson Crusoe on his island was Friday, and next, Friday’s father. But even with this increase of numbers there was still no use for the money, inasmuch as the three constituted but one family, the members of which labored and shared all useful things they acquired in common, and made no exchanges.

But when Will Atkins and the English sailors came, and the population of the island, we may suppose, was largely and permanently increased, a new social order of things became inevitable. Incompatibility of taste and temper, and a natural desire for personal independence, soon made it impossible for all to live and share in common as one family. And self-interest also soon taught, that, in order that the quantity of useful things available for the new community as a whole might be increased, and their quality perfected, it was desirable, that, instead of each man endeavoring to supply all his own wants, and for this purpose following irregularly the business of a carpenter, baker, tailor, mason, and the like, it was best for each man to pursue but one occupation, and, making himself skilled in it, procure the things which he himself did not produce, and which he might need, by exchanging his own products or services for the products or services of some other man. They saw instinctively that Robinson Crusoe, although originally civilized, would, if he had remained alone on the island, have inevitably become a pure savage, and simply because he was alone, and could make no exchanges. For a time, the things which he obtained from the wreck raised him above this condition; for what the ship brought him—the knives, axes, guns, cloth, etc.—were capital, or the accumulated labor of other men. But if the ship had given him nothing, he would have had to make every thing for himself—“his hat, his garments, his feet-covering, his bread, his meat with bow and arrows, his house by blows of his hatchet, his hatchet by blows of his hammer, his hammer heaven knows how”—and become a barbarian in spite of himself, because all his effort would have been required, and would have only sufficed, to insure him a bare subsistence.

Systematic division of labor and the exchange of products and services thus, for the first time on the island, came in, and constituted a part of the perfected machinery of production, or the means of getting a living. And it is also to be here noted, that, because commodities and services now for the first time became exchangeable, they also for the first time acquired the attribute which we call value.

 

 

Chapter III

§

 

The Period of Barter.

All exchanges must, however, in the first instance, have been made directly, or, as we term it, by barter; so much of one commodity or service being given for so much of some other commodity or service—corn for cloth, furs and skins for knives or tobacco, so much labor in building a house for so much skill in constructing a canoe.

But in all this method of exchanging, which, while it is the most ancient, is also one which still extensively prevails in even the most civilized societies, there was no place for the use or intervention of money; and consequently, also, there was no such thing as price; for price, as before stated, is the purchasing power of any commodity or service expressed in money.

But the people on Robinson Crusoe Island soon found out by experience that there was an obstacle in the way of carrying on all exchanges according to the principle of direct barter, so serious in its nature as to constitute, unless removed, a complete bar to any further considerable progress in civilization and social development. And the discovery happened somewhat in this wise:

Twist, who was a tailor, and had made a coat, discovered all at once that he was out of bread; and being hungry, suspended work, and went in search of Needum, the baker, to effect an exchange. He found him without difficulty, just heating his oven, and with plenty of bread to dispose of; but as the baker had all the coats he wanted, he declined to trade. Needum, however, kindly informed Twist that if any fellow should call with any surplus grain or flour, he (Needum) would be most happy to supply him with all the bread he needed in exchange; but as the tailor was neither a farmer nor a miller, and had neither of these articles, he (Twist) set off for the other end of the island, where there was another baker, to see how the latter was situated in respect to garments. On his way, Twist was overtaken by Pecks, the mason, who had no coat, and, wanting the very garment which Twist had been making, had stopped work on a stone wall and gone in search of the tailor, to whom he proposed to exchange the coat for a new chimney. But as Twist had already two chimneys to his house, and nothing to cook, and didn’t want another chimney, the mason was as unsuccessful in his effort to trade with the tailor as the tailor had been just before with the baker. At last, after much vexatious traveling about, involving great waste of time and labor, Twist found a baker who wanted to exchange bread for the coat, and Pecks a tailor who would give a coat for a chimney; Needum having, in the mean time, shut up his bakery and gone in search of Diggs, the farmer, who was willing to supply grain for bread. But when all these different persons, each desirous of exchanging his special products or services, had been found, and had come together, a new perplexity at once made its appearance, and one so embarrassing as to cause each man seriously to consider whether it were not better to return home and endeavor to produce every thing for himself, rather than attempt to exchange any thing. “For how,” said they all, “is the comparative value of our different commodities and services which we propose to exchange to be ascertained?” “How can I know,” said Twist, “how many loaves I ought to receive for my coat?” “Or I,” said Pecks, “find out how high and broad a chimney I ought to make for my garment?” Diggs, furthermore, got up a little private dispute of his own with Needum, growing out of the circumstance that the latter wanted to make his entire payment in bread to the former at once; while Diggs, who did not relish the idea of living on stale and possibly moldy bread for an indefinite length of time, wanted pay for his grain, from the baker, at the rate of one fresh loaf per day. As for poor Twist, he had become by this time so humble through hunger that he had not the heart to object to the proposition to take a cart-load of bread at once in exchange for his coat, although his house was so small that he knew he would have to store part of his “pay” on the roof, where it would be certain to be eaten by others than his own family.