Statehood in the Altaic World E-Book

• Herausgeber: Books on Demand
• Kategorie: Fachliteratur
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 355

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2018

Beschreibung

Altaic Studies deal with a group of languages (and respective cultures) that show obvious similarities: Turkic, Mongol and Manchu-Tungus. Whether they are really related or whether they just influenced each other remains a matter of scholarly discussion. The Permanent International Altaistic Conference (PIAC) was established in 1957 as a working group to further research on this issue. Annual meetings have since been taking place in different countries, and the respective proceedings offer a wealth of information on the Altaic languages and cultures. The 2016 meeting took place at Ardahan, Turkey, a new and modern university close to the borders of Georgia and Armenia; it covered a wide range of subjects of which a peer-reviewed selection is published in the present volume. The papers deal with an Old Turkic inscription, the Bâbur-nâma (memoirs of Bâbur), Crimean history, Uighur calligraphy, the modern role of the Kazakh language, the ancestor cult in Turkic traditions, administrative and state concepts in the 18th century Chinese imperial pentaglot dictionary (which includes Turki), an appreciation of Denis Sinor (1916-2011), celebrated Altaist and for many years secretary general of the PIAC, the publishing projects of the outstanding Lamaist scholar and politician Lalitavajra (Rol-pa'i rdo-rje) and several poetic travelogues in Mongolia. The editors are members of the PIAC: Barbara Kellner-Heinkele is Prof. emer. of Turkic Studies (Free University of Berlin) and secretary general of the PIAC, Oliver Corff is an independent scholar of Chinese Studies, Hartmut Walravens is retired from his positions at the Berlin State Library and as Director of the worldwide ISBN system.

Leseprobe

To the memory of

Albina H. Girfanova (1957–2018),

a faithful PIAC contributor

Contents

Preface

Christine B

ELL

: Bâbur’s Affinity for Fabric

Oliver C

ORFF

: A Boundless Homeland: Terminology of Territorial Administration, Areas and Peoples in the Qing Empire

Barbara K

ELLNER

-H

EINKELE

: Denis Sinor (1916–2011) and Altaic Studies

L

IU

Ge: On the Theory of Regular Script in Uighur Calligraphy

Kyoko M

AEZONO

: A Comparison of (Jap)

kuni

“land, country, state”, (Mo)

ulus

and (Ma)

gurun

Oleg R

USTEMOV

: Crimean Toponyms in the Court Registers of the 17th–18th Centuries and the Issue of the Crimean Tatars’ Tribal Composition

Osman Fikri S

ERTKAYA

: Shall we Read the Verb About “God of Time” (

öd teñri

) which is in Köl Tigin (N 10) as

yaşamak

Living “to live”

Orhan S

ÖYLEMEZ

: Reevaluating the Role of the Native Language as Part of the Nation Building Process in Kazakstan

Hartmut W

ALRAVENS

: Lalitavajra as a Promoter of Manchu and Mongol Buddhist Literature

Münevver Ebru Z

EREN

: The Role of the Ancestor Cult in the Turks’ Statehood Conception

Hartmut W

ALRAVENS

: Poetical Travels in Mongolia

Index

Preface

Annual meetings of the PIAC tend to take place in towns and cities that offer an attractive setting for scholarly encounters. If we consider the towns where we have gathered, just in the last decade, we see a wide variety of academic specialties and local culture on display: 2010: St. Petersburg/Russian Federation; 2011 Bloomington, Indiana/ USA; 2012 Cluj-Napoca/Romania; 2013 Kocaeli/Turkey; 2014 Vladivostok/Russian Federation; 2015 Dunajská Streda/Slovakia; 2016 Ardahan/Turkey; and, 2017 Székesfehérvár/ Hungary.

The 2016 Annual Meeting of 2016 offered its participants from twelve countries a special treat as it took place at Ardahan University in the far northeast of Turkey, near the town of Ardahan, not far from the city of Kars. Ardahan University is a young university, founded only in 2008, its buildings perch on the slope of an undulating mountain range. The view in late June 2016 was of green meadows flush with flowers. A few kilometers further on towards the Turkish-Georgian border, a mountain pass (more than 3000 m high) still carried patches of snow. Some participants sniffed the air of Ardahan and were reminded of the unspoiled nature of other exceptional regions they had visited.

Ardahan University displayed an impressive ensemble of attractive architecture over a wide area – faculty buildings, rectorate, conference hall, library, student housing, indoor and outdoor sports facilities, guest house, and more sites still under construction, all threaded through with flower beds and fledgling trees.

The participants of the 59th Annual PIAC Meeting were most cordially welcomed by the President of the Meeting, Prof. Dr. Ramazan KORKMAZ, rector and founder of Ardahan University. Prof. Dr. Gürkan DOĞAN, the organizer of the meeting, made the participants feel at home and oversaw the smooth running of the program. The participants were delighted with the hospitality they experienced at the very comfortable Yenisey Guesthouse, the realm of Mrs Havva VANLI and her team.

On Monday, 27 June, the Opening Ceremony assembled PIAC participants and international delegates from the Caucasus University Association for a series of lectures on the present state of international reseach in Turkology. In the afternoon, PIAC participants engaged in the “Confessions” (reports on current individual research). The presentation of papers took place on Tuesday and Thursday, leaving Wednesday free for an excursion to the extraordinary ruins of the medieval city of Ani and for a tour of Kars. Participants also enjoyed the visit to the town of Ardahan with its special regional flair.

Participation in the Ardahan meeting was average in number which made the sessions more focussed and left time between sessions for intensive discussions and for making new acquaintances and connections, which, after all, is a major function of all conferences.

This volume presents a number of the papers presented at the Ardahan meeting. Other papers were published independently in academic journals elsewhere. However, the topics dealt with in the present volume reflect the thematic distribution of papers at the meeting. They ranged from problems of the Old Turkic inscriptions to language reform in contemporary Turkic-speaking republics. There were linguistic comparisons encompassing Turkic, Mongolian, Manchu, Japanese, Korean and Chinese, along with a consideration of philological problems of rare texts. In other words, there was a large variety of research approaches and proposed results, accompanied by lively discussions.

In the name of the participants of the 59th Annual Meeting of the PIAC, the editors wish to express their heartfelt thanks to Prof. Dr. Ramazan KORKMAZ and Prof. Dr. Gürkan DOĞAN and their team, for the wonderful hospitality extended to the PIAC participants at Ardahan University. The atmosphere of generous academic exchange they provided will remain a lasting memory for those who attended the meeting.

March 2018

Barbara Kellner-Heinkele

Bâbur’s Affinity for Fabric

Christine BELL (Berlin)

ZAHIR-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BÂBUR (14 February 1483–26 December 1530), the Central Asian conqueror known as the founder of the Moghul empire, remains compelling today through his memoirs spanning 37 years. Annette Susannah BEVERIDGE, the translator of the Bâbur-nâma, wrote “... what has kept interest in it alive through some four centuries is the autobiographic presentment of an arresting personality ...,” that have “the rare distinction of being contemporary with the events it describes, is boyish [age 11] in his boyhood, grows with his growth, matures as he matured. Undulled by retrospect, it is a fresh and spontaneous recital of things just seen, heard or done.” (BEVERIDGE 1922, p. xxxi).

Bâbur is known for having recorded details of his surroundings during his travels: flora and fauna, geological features, biographical details, etc. It was brought to my attention by Dr. Münevver TEKCAN, Istanbul that many textile references can also be found in the Bâburnâma. This led to the idea of extracting them and explaining their relevance. My particular interest is in material culture – specifically the field of textiles. “In today’s world of readily obtained, mass-produced goods, textiles are taken for granted, … but historically textiles were an investment of time and resources that retained value.” (VOLLMER 2002, p. 4). To understand how important fabric is as an economic factor, we need only to consider the effort invested in producing cloth. Industrialization has made the production of fabric less time consuming and less expensive, but the investment of energy and technology in cloth and clothing remains high even today.

Although most of us wear clothing almost all of the time, its importance is often ignored in economics, history and literature; its value should not be underestimated. Clothing demonstrates the group you belong to, the tribe you’re from, your wealth, status and social position. Aisa MARTINEZ, a curator for the Zayed National Museum Project in Abu Dhabi, states that garments are “active participants in creating and fostering a sense of cultural identity.... (and are) a form of non-verbal communication defining our roles in society (through) a language of personal adornment.”1 Even in the midst of marauding, skirmishing and military setbacks Bâbur takes note of cloth and clothing and recorded its tangible presence over and over again.

To keep things brief, I’m only presenting those excerpts and footnotes in the Bâbur-nâma, including untranslated expressions, that appear relevant to my field of interest. Some passages have been abridged. Those with content belonging to more than one subject area are repeated. I’m clarifying these passages by bringing a knowledge of textiles and the role they play into the never-ending discussion on the Bâbur-nâma. My comments and explanations are included in brackets to differentiate from Beveridge’s in parentheses.

Comments on Cloth

Costly textiles were traditionally a highly desirable commodity in Central Asia, that were appreciated as symbols of political power and prestige. From the beginning of their rule, Bâbur’s nomadic ancestors went to great lengths to obtain luxury textiles and to control the sources. The elite of the 15th century were very much in contact with the major centers of Persianate Timurid culture. They were attuned to the concept of portable or wearable wealth; silk had a value that could be applied to the payment of taxes, war indemnity, bestowed as a tribute, used in rituals or as a burial offering. Cloth was collected as booty and clothing was valuable enough to present as a gift. On a local level, spinning wool and weaving cloth either for domestic use or as a cottage industry were ubiquitous in Bâbur’s time. Aside from its aesthetic appeal, cloth was easily transportable and had long played a vital role in the highly profitable trade with China for the swift and slender, long-necked horses of Central Asia. Horses were especially crucial for the Chinese military that was sometimes forced to import them from very distant places. “The presentation of an average horse by a Mongol [for selling to Chinese soldiers] required a bolt of high-quality silk, eight bolts of coarse silk and a cash payment equal to an additional two bolts of coarse silk.” (WEATHERFORD 2010, p. 224).

Cloth was mentioned in the Bâbur-nâma in general terms numerous times without being specific but is almost certainly wool. White cloth appears several times; it clearly originates in Hindustan and almost certainly refers to cotton.

(Sec. I, page →) “When we were near Nûndâk, a servant of KHUSRAU SHÂH brought me one set of nine horses and one of nine pieces of cloth.” [Beveridge explains that the Turks and Mughûls customarily made gifts in sets of nines – toquz. The “auspicious” number 9 appears in the next excerpt in a different context.]

(I, 155) “ ... the standards were acclaimed in Mughûl fashion. The Khân dismounted and nine standards were set up in front of him. A Mughûl tied a long strip of white cloth to the thighbone of a cow and took the other end in his hand. Three other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of three of the (nine) standards, just below the yak-tails, and their other ends were brought for the Khân to stand on one and for me and Sl. Muh. Khânika to stand each on one of the two others. The Mughûl who had hold of the strip of cloth fastened to the cow's leg, then said something in Mughûl while he looked at the standards and made signs towards them.”2

Figure 1. Bâbur holding a bowl of fermented mare’s milk (kumis) salutes the yak-tail standards.

(I, 160) “... in the old fashion, they had hung, on the left side, a haversack (chantâi) and an outer bag, ...”. [A tâsh chantâi is a haversack – literally a sack of oats – and probably refers to a sturdy bag, of wool cloth, used for carrying rations.]

(I, 202) “Down to Kabul every year come 7, 8, or 10,000 horses and up to it, from Hindustan, come every year caravans of 10, 15 or 20,000 heads-of-houses, bringing slaves, white cloth, sugar-candy, refined and common sugars, and aromatic roots.”

(I, 233) “Much white cloth fell into (their) hands.” [This cloth clearly originated in Hindustan and probably refers to fine cotton muslin from Dhaka.]

(I, 234) “Our foragers went from there into the hills, destroyed the ‘Îsa-khail sangur and came back with sheep, herds and cloth.” [This cloth is probably of domestic productions and refers to wool.]

(I, 235) “Some of our men, riding light, reached villages of the Plain in the afternoon, raided a few, and brought back flocks, cloth and horses bred for trade.”

(I, 235) “During our stay there, the foragers brought in from villages in the Plain, masses of sheep and cattle, and, from Afghân traders met on the roads, white cloths, aromatic roots, sugars, tîpûchâqs [the swift and slender, long-necked horses of Central Asia], and horses bred for trade.”

(I, 237) “Cloth and things of the baggage fell to our men.”

(I, 237) “He having driven the enemy off, other soldiers went over who returned with cloth and droves [herds of animals] of various sorts.”

(I, 238) “Our men, by perpetually gallopping off on raids, had knocked up their horses; usually what they took, cattle mostly, was not worth the gallop; sometimes indeed in the Plain there had been sheep, sometimes one sort of cloth or other, but, the Plain left behind, nothing was had but cattle.”

(I, 338-339) “The goods of the elder and younger (Arghun) brethren had been kept in separate treasuries; out of each had come chest upon chest, bale upon bale of stuffs [fabric of undistinguished quality] and clothes-in-wear (artmâq), sack upon sack of white tankas [small silver coins].”

(II, 631) “Before food all the sultans, khans, grandees, and amirs brought gifts of red, of white, of black, of cloth and various other goods. They poured the red and white on a carpet I had ordered spread, and side by side with the gold and silver piled plenishing [furnishings], white cotton piece-cloth [lengths of fabric] and purses of money.”

Comments on fibers

Cotton

Although varieties of wild cotton could be found on several continents, India is generally believed to have first cultivated it. Greek historian Herodotus mentions Indian cotton in the 5th century BCE as “a wool exceeding in beauty and goodness that of sheep.” Arab merchants reportedly brought cotton cloth to Europe as early as 800 A.D. By 1500, cotton was generally known throughout the world.

Gossypium arboreum, native to the Indus valley region, provided a source of fiber that was cheap and readily available since ancient times. Cotton became widespread during the Indus Valley Civilization, a Bronze Age civilization (3300–1300 BCE) extending from what today is northeast Afghanistan to Pakistan and northwest India. Its presence is probably responsible for the proficiency of spinning and weaving in ancient India.

Indus cotton provided the raw material for an industry that developed fabrication methods that were so sophisticated that they continued to be used long after the industrialization of the textile industry in Europe. It remains a major Indian export up to the present day. Bengali spinners developed the techniques to prepare and spin fibers from varieties of Gossypium herbaceum creating an incredibly fine thread that made their woven cotton unique. This fabric later became associated with the power and elegance of the Mughal court (ISLAM 2016 p. 30–31). This fabled muslin was made of the very lightest of fibers spun into thread and woven into an airy cloth that bears no resemblance to the machine-milled cotton we know under this name today3.

In addition to the fineness and delicacy of the fabric, Indian textiles were also noted for their brilliant colours and prints. Indian craftsmen learned early on the secrets of mordants and dyes and how to manipulate them to create colorful textiles. The craftsmen managed to protect their knowlege of the complex techniques of cotton dyeing and printing secret from the rest of the world until the 17th century.

Cotton in its natural state is ivory, or pale green, red or brown and demands bleaching to make it white. It absorbs moisture and retains dye well, is strong and easy to launder and most importantly – it is comfortable. That’s why it is still a favorite fiber today, used in 65% of all fabric produced for clothing and home furnishings. Cotton fiber is mentioned in the Bâbur-nâma twice, muslin once:

(I, 67) “Such however was the discipline of our army that an order to restore everything having been given, the first watch of the next day had not passed before nothing, not a tag [scrap] of cotton, not a broken needle’s point, remained in the possession of any man of the force, all was back with its owners.”

(I, 380) “Do no hurt or harm to the flocks and herds, nor even to their cotton-ends [fragments] and broken needles.”

(II, 632) “On KUCHUM KHAN’s envoy and on HASAN CHALABI’s younger brother were bestowed silken head-wear and gold-embroidered surtouts [long outer robes] of fine muslin [fine Hindustani cotton], with suitable dresses of honour.”

Silk (silken)

Sericulture was widely known in Bâbur’s time, but silk was probably mostly imported from China via trade routes through the Himalayas. In the Bâbur-nâma the term “silk” is only found in relation to yardage or coats. The expression “silken” is mentioned in connection with clothing – especially headwear – but also in regards to furnishings. This usage may refer to a fabric known as “sufi” derived from the Persian word musuffa, meaning pure or – in this case – lawful. Sufi refers to a law that forbids orthodox Muslims from wearing silk unless mixed with cotton. (TORTORA & JOHNSON 2013 pp. 597–600).

(I, 70) “He had many gold and silver drinking cups and utensils, much silken plenishing [furnishings] and countless tîpuchâq horses” [the swift and slender, long-necked horses of Central Asian].

(I, 258) “He [Sultan HUSAIN MÎRZÂ] was slant-eyed and lion-bodied, being slender from the waist downwards. Even when old and white-bearded, he wore silken garments of fine red and green.”4

(I, 338) “Excellent tîpûchâqs, strings and strings of he-camels, she-camels, and mules, bearing saddle-bags of silken stuffs and cloth, -- tents of scarlet [cloth] and velvet5, all sorts of awnings, every kind of work-shop, ass-load after ass-load of chests.”

(II, 632) “On Kuchum Khan’s envoy and on Hasan Chalabi’s younger brother were bestowed silken head-wear and gold-embroidered surtouts [long outer robes] of fine muslin, with suitable dresses of honour.”

Wool (woolen) and felt

Wool has been providing warmth and shelter for at least 6000 years. It affects such aspects of our lives as the domestication of sheep and the development of looms that were closely connected to the rise of industrialization. If the connection in the Western world with wool runs deep, we must understand how much more deeply ingrained it is in Central Asia's history, lifestyle and trade. “Wool” can found several times in the Bâbur-nâma, usually in connection with items of clothing or tents, but also metaphorically. In Central Asia fabric made of wool from sheep, yaks, goats or camels was probably so widespread that the word “cloth” most likely means wool.

Although felt is not often mentioned in the Bâbur-nâma, it was surely ubiquitous. Felt is thought to be the most ancient form of fabric known to mankind, predating looms. It is speculated that the unique natural properties of wool – the scales coating each fiber interlock irreversibly under the influence of heat, friction and moisture – was noticed by early man who discovered naturally felted wool on the inside of hides used in shoes.

White felt (just as white cotton or silk) is the most time consuming to produce. The lightest natural color of felt is yellowish and demands intensive bleaching to render it white, making it the most expensive of its kind.

Wool is a natural insulator that retains an ideal balance of moisture. It can soak up to as much as 30% of its weight in moisture without feeling wet. This is a result of its natural crimp that prevents wool fibers from laying flat.

(I, 20 & 21) “YÛNAS Khân went amongst them and took to wife AÎSÂN-DAULAT BEGÎM, the daughter of their chief, ‘ALÎ-SHÎR BEG. They then seated him and her on one and the same white felt and raised him to the Khânship.” [Beveridge reported that a primitive custom khân kûtârdîlâr was to lift the Khân-designate off the ground. This phrase became metaphorical for the inauguration of a khan.]

(I, 188) “So destitute were we that we had but two tents (châdâr) amongst us; my own used to be pitched for my mother, and they set an âlâchuq at each stage for me to sit in.” [The term chador is known today as a tent-like garment; in Turkish the alacık is a felt-covered round tent of the nomads, a yurt.]

(I, 239) “After passing Chûtîâlî, my own felt-tent [yurt] had to be left from want of baggage-beasts. One night at that time, it rained so much, that water stood knee-deep in my tent (châdâr); I watched the night out till dawn, uncomfortably sitting on a pile of blankets.” [According to Beveridge, Bâbur’s felt-tent was “a khar-gâh, a folding tent on lattice frame-work”. Turkish karagâh however means military headquarters. Perhaps the reference is to the tent’s function and not descriptive.]

(II, 572) “The absurd Hindus, knowing their position perilous, dispersed like carded wool before the wind, and like moths scattered abroad.” [This is a quote from the Koran.]

(II, 678) “We laid them in the folds of a woolen throne-carpet, put this on the throne and on it piled blankets.” [This refers to pages of the Bâbur’s autobiography scattered during an unexpected flood and is apparently related to one of the lacunae.]

Comments on clothing

Clothes play an important role in the Bâbur-nâma and are mentioned repeatedly. As we know clothing is worn in almost all human societies. Apparel depends on social and geographic considerations while providing a protective barrier between the skin and the environment. Central Asia was under nomadic Mongolian influence as of the middle of the 13th century. Costumes were well adapted to the climatic and environmental conditions of life on the steppe and the pastoral activities of nomads. Design elements and terms evolving from this period still prevail in Central Asia today.

One of the most basic aspects of a nomadic life is riding. By the age of 5 to 6 every child had his or her own horse. Trousers worn under layers of clothing were topped by either a hip-long jacket or a knee-long coat with an overlap and sometimes lined with fur. A wide variety of headgear with protective flaps and brims also served to identify clans and groups. Typical weapontry also was adapted to local conditions; cattle rustling was widespread and horse stealing especially popular as a rite-of-passage among young men. (URAYKŐHALMI 1989 pp. 48.)

In wide-open spaces proficiency with the bow was of particular importance. The development of bows and quivers demonstrate innovations to make them easier and faster in usage. Nomad warriors avoided hand-to-hand fighting. Their strength lay in surprise attacks and fake flight. Their tactics of warfare were those of light cavalry and their protective quilted clothing with sparse metallic fittings reflected this. (URAY-KŐHALMI 1989 pp. 49–50.)

Nomads in Central Asia occupied an area between two garmentmaking traditions; both of which reflect the optimal use of available materials. In forested areas of the north, animal hides provided the raw materials for clothing. The physical dimensions of hides and cloth differ, having an impact on garment construction. Hide is limited by the size and shape of the animal and requires reinforcement and piecing. To the south, sedentary populations developed weaving and cloth became the basis of garment construction. Woven fabric depends on the width of the loom resulting in garments with straight seams and rectangular shapes.

Whenever materials from one culture are adopted by another culture to make clothing, concessions are inevitable. Sometimes traditional construction methods are so entrenched that they are retained regardless of economic considerations. Whatever the reason, as cloth became more widespread, it impacted the cut of traditional garments of the steppe (VOLLMER 2002, p. 35–36).

“Strategies for garment construction vary but demonstrate remarkable consistency within geographic regions and among ethnic and linguistic groups” (VOLLMER 2002, p. 143–144). This is fortunate, as not many actual garments or even textiles are in existence from this period and region. The garments that survive almost all come from tombs; they generally reveal more about material and weaves, designs and colors, than about cut. As was often the case with clothing, most surviving garments were altered at some time and usually belonged to members of the higher levels of society. Style is quite another matter; it is influenced by taste, status or rank. A very important aspect of costume is the autocratic intentions of rulers and their influence on it as well as its use to promote ethnic identity for further political ambitions (VOLLMER 1980, p. 30). Regulations, terms and even styles of garments were decreed.6

Manuscript illustrations and drawings by artists working in courtly ateliers between 1400–1500 A.D. provide excellent details of clothing in the essential features of cut, although one should probably disregard an imaginative use of color and patterns (Encyclopædia Iranica, online).

If we accept that animal hides or homespun fibers and the width of handwoven cloth determine the design of a culture's garments, we must also understand the reverence they display for even the smallest piece of material. Historically manufacturing cloth or curing leather was labor intensive and time consuming; imported yardage was an expensive luxury. An accommodating fit and the construction of garments that made the utmost use of fabric was almost always of economic interest (VOLLMER 2002, p. 143).

An important aspect of clothing that I chose not to pursue in this paper is the khilcat-i-khâsa and the bâsh-ayâqin. This formal presentation of sets of clothing (robes of honor and head-to-foot) by rulers and victors to dignitaries, allies and subjects is mentioned 40 times in the Bâbur-nâma.

(I, 258) “He [Sultan HUSAIN Mîrzâ] was slant-eyed and lion-bodied, being slender from the waist downwards. Even when old and white-bearded, he wore silken garments of fine red and green.”

Figure 2. Genghis Khan and three of his four sons. Illustration from a 15th-century Jami‘ al-tawarikh manuscript7

Mongol men’s clothing of Bâbur’s time

Figure 3. Some traditional Mongolian men’s garments – front and back views

(I, 338–339) “The goods of the elder and younger (Arghun) brethren had been kept in separate treasuries; out of each had come chest upon chest, bale upon bale of stuffs [undistinguished fabric] and clothes-in-wear (artmâq), sack upon sack of white tankas.”

Men’s daily wear in Bâbur’s time was comprised of 4 basic items of clothing:

a knee to ankle-length surcoat (

jâmah

) with over-long sleeves;

a shorter version of the surcoat (

nîmcha

) having shorter sleeves;

an undershirt (

kûnglâk

) with over-long sleeves;

trousers (

pai-jama

) with a drawstring waist;

a conical hat of felt or;

a fur trimmed skullcap (

börk

) or;

a skullcap or helmet with protective flaps of leather, felt or padded fabric.

Additional items of clothing not included in this illustration are:

the

jabbah

a sleeveless, ankle-length surcoat with a center-front opening;

the

chapan

a simple T-shaped, ankle-length coat with an overlapping front opening for everyday use. Underwear, meaning a loincloth, and footwear completed the costume.

8

Comments on headwear (Bâshîq)

It is a logical assumption that Turkic headgear evolved, from the practical leather, fur and felt helmets with protective flaps and brims that were preferred by nomads leading an active life on horseback, along with the spread of Turkic culture from Northeast Asia westwards. Historical sources describe royal headgear in leather, fur or fabric as being decorated with metallic thread and ornaments. Textile hats with protective flaps (see Fig. 3 G), coverings and brims as well as helmets and coronets with metallic parts ultimately gave way to the Islamic turban wrapped around a tall cap. (ESIN 1970, p. 72).

(II, 632) “On Kuchum Khan’s envoy and on Hasan Chalabi’s younger brother were bestowed silken head-wear and gold-embroidered surtouts [outer robes] of fine muslin [delicate cotton from Hindustan], with suitable dresses of honour.”

Figure 4. This idealized illustration (ca. 1605) of Bâbur on a hunting excursion provides generally accurate details of clothing of his time.

Börk/bûrkî (cap)

Börk (bûrkî) is a Turkish generic word for cap of so many styles that is usually qualified with an adjective (see Fig. 3 F). It appears that the börk of Central Asia had a brim but the Muslim Türkmens of the Near East wore a brimless börk, that could also serve as the base around which a turban was wound (ESIN 1970, p. 74). In many illustrations of that time and region, men are depicted wearing turbans or armored headgear of leather and metal. Tall felt or fur hats can occasionally be identified (see Fig. 3 E.) as well as hats that can be identified as the tall, 4-sided, brimmed Kyrgyz felt kalpak (qalpaq) that is still popular in Central Asia today.

(I, 150) “QASIM Beg said, with much insistance, 'As these men are going, send something special of your own wear by them to JAHANGIRMirza.’ I sent my ermine cap [âs bûrk].” [This bestowal of a hat owned – and worn – by Bâbur was a designation of honour and status.]

(I, 167) “I had on the cap of my helm; TAMBAL chopped so violently at my head that it lost all feeling under the blow. A large wound was made on my head, though not a thread of the cap was cut.” [According to Beveridge the dûwûlgha bûrkî is the sturdy soft cap worn under the iron helmet. It would have been padded and quilted for insulation as well as for comfort.]

(I, 175) “Next I shot at a man running away along the ramparts, adjusting for his cap against the battlements; he left his cap nailed on the wall and went off, gathering his turban-sash together in his hand.” [This cap – a börk – served as the base for his turban. To trick onlookers he left his cap in an exposed place and left taking his sash with him.]

(I, 258) “He used to wear either the black lambskin cap (qarâqûzi bûrk) or the qâlpâq ...” [The high-crowned, 4-sided kalpak worn by men in Central Asia is made of felt or sheepskin. The brim can be turned up all the way around. A kalpak keeps the head warm in winter and shades the eyes during summer. In the Turkic cultures of Central Asia they taper to resemble a mountain, in Turkey they are more cylindrical.]

(I, 396) “...TAMBAL chopped at my head. It was wonderful! The (under)-cap of my helm was on my head; not a thread of it was cut, but on the head itself was a very bad wound.” [In this skirmish Bâbur had no time to put on his armour, not even his helmet; just a quilted undercap, the dûwûlgha bûrkî, to protect him.]

Mughûl bûrk (Moghul cap)

Redhouse reportedly translates the term bûrk (börk) – as a generic Turkish word for hat or cap, and describes it as being tall and of felt. An adjective used to qualify the Mughûl cap (muftûl or mûftûnlûq) has been understood to mean, solid, twisted or gold-embroidered.9 The sturdy crowns of Mongolian caps of felt or fabric are often reinforced by lines of quilting sometimes with metallic threads. A princely börk was apparently distinguished from other börks through its height (ESIN 1970, p. 73).

(I, 14–15): “In the heats and except in his Court, he [Bâbur’s father UMAR SHAIKH MÎRZÂ] generally wore the Mughûl cap.” [Wearing a cap instead of a turban is an indication of Umar Shaikh Mîrzâ’s preference for comfort and a certain disregard of rank.]

(I, 160) “All his men had adorned themselves in Mughûl fashion. There they were in Mughûl caps (bûrk); long coats of Chinese satin, broidered with stitchery, Mughûl quivers and saddles of green shagreen-leather, and Mughûl horses adorned in a unique fashion.”

Figure 5. Detail from “Bâbur and Humayun receive a courtier” showing a man wearing a turban wrapped around a tall, quilted velvet or felt bûrk.

[It is not clear what Mughûl fashion means, perhaps it refers to the quilted coats and hats of Chinese brocade. Shagreen is untanned leather with a pebbly finish that provides a good grip.]10

(I, 179) “Some men have gone along that road, led by one wearing a Mughûl cap; there is no going that way.”

Turban

It is safe to assume that turbans originally were utilitarian: worn around the waist, flung over the shoulder or loosely wrapped around the head as protection from the sun or to bind up hair; it could be used in transporting property, to carry young or weak animals, or to kneel on for prayer.

Although the turban is of pre-Islamic origin, it came in Islamic times to distinguish first the Arab from the non-Arab and then the Muslim from the non-Muslim. According to certain traditions, when Adam descended to earth, a turban was placed on his head as a substitute for the crown he had worn in paradise thus paving the way for the association of turbans with crowns (Encyclopædia Iranica, online).

As the turban became emblematic with the spread of Islam, originally having a clerical character and later as Islamic royal headgear, its use became increasingly obligatory in court; the bûrk was relegated to military garments. (ESIN 1970, p. 131). Muslim men of Central Asia often shaved their heads and covered them with various types of skullcaps with and without brims. When a turban was worn, a sash was wrapped around a brimless cap and this ensemble was treated as a single unit. It was not unusual to take off the cap wrapped with its twisted sash, place it in on a shelf and don a simple cap for wear at home.

Figure 6. Various Moghul turban styles

A turban came to symbolise authority. They indicated a man’s wealth and social standing. The longer (larger) a turban was, the greater the authority of the person wearing it. Turbans differed in the style of wrapping and the fabric from which they were made; plain white muslin was commonly used and was probably imported from the Indian subcontinent.

The portraits we have of Bâbur were painted after his death; a. contempory rendition of him is yet unknown but he is generally shown with a book in his hand and wearing an elaborately twisted and decorated turban wrapped around a pointed, pleated cap. Although few kavuk have survived to the present day, a portrait of MEHMED II “Fatih” (reigned 1444–1446 & 1451–1481) was portrayed in ca 1480 wearing this headgear (ATASOY 2012, p. 33).

In the collection of the Topkapı a kavuk is described as being made of paper mache and wood. REDHOUSE translates kavuk as a quilted turban, a rather unsatisfactory explanation as the kavuk is clearly the quilted undercap around which a turban is wrapped. Perhaps kavuk came in time to mean an ensemble including both items.11 The word turban appears seven times in the Bâbur-nâma.

Figure 7. 16th century Ottoman turban with a pleated red velvet kavuk

(I, 14-15) “He [UMAR SHAIKH Mîrzâ] was not choice in dress or food. He wound his turban in a fold (dastar-pech); all turbans were in four folds (chār-pech) in those days people wore them without twisting and let the ends hang down.” [In this case Umar Shaikh Mîrzâ apparently folded a sash once lengthwise, wrapped around his skullcap and tucked in the ends, although the fashion of the time was to wrap the untwisted sash four times around the cap and leave the ends hanging free.]12

(I, 33) “He [Sl. AHMAD Mirza] had very pleasing manners. As was the fashion in those days, he wound his turban in four folds and brought the end forward over his brows.”

(I, 70) “He had many gold and silver drinking cups and utensils, much silken plenishing [furnishings] and countless tîpuchâq horses. He now lost everything. He hurled himself in his flight down a mountain track, leading to a precipitous fall. He himself got down the fall, with great difficulty, but many of his men perished there.” [He purportedly escaped from the precipice by tying turban-sashes together and letting himself down.]

(I, 101) “On that day, Page KHALIL, the turban-twister, went well forward and got his hand into the work.” [Wrapping turbans was a task that required skill. Often the turban with the undercap were removed and stored together.]

(I, 175) “Next I shot at a man running away along the ramparts, adjusting for his cap against the battlements; he left his cap nailed on the wall and went off, gathering his turban-sash together in his hand.” [He hung the cap worn under his turban on the wall and ran off with the sash.]

(I, 258) “He used to wear either the black lambskin cap (qarâ-qûzi bûrk) or the qalpaq, but on a Feast-day would sometimes set up a little three-fold turban, wound broad and badly, stick a heron's plume in it and so go to Prayers.” [He preferred wearing traditional Central Asian caps on a daily basis, but put a badly-twisted turban on for prayers and Islamic holidays.]

(I, 409) “I bestowed on him a turban twisted for myself, and also a head-to-foot (bâsh-ayâq).”

Kûnglâk (undershirt or vest)

In many illustrations a garment worn next to the skin can be seen at the neck of the jâmah (Fig. 3, C.). The opening was rounded, usually undyed and sometimes appears to be quilted. This is the straight-cut kûnglâk (undershirt) found throughout most of Central Asia. It was pulled on over the head and generally closed on the right shoulder. It is constructed of rectangular pieces of fabric without tucks or darts but with gussets under the arms to provide freedom of movement.

(I, 171) “Drowsy with sleep, he gets into his vest (kûnglâk), goes out, with five or six of his men, charges the enemy and drives them out with blow upon blow.”

(I, 175) “As we came opposite the Gate, we saw Shaikh BAYAZID, wearing his pull-over shirt above his vest, coming in with three or four horsemen.”

Jâmah (coat)

Jâmah in the Bâbur-nâma is translated variably as a tunic, shirt or a coat. In Bâbur’s time it demonstrates its nomadic background and practicality in an active outdoor life. This garment, usually with a waist seam and flaring skirt, was undoubtedly derived from animal-hide prototypes. Although few jâmah from Bâbur’s time have survived, a wealth of artistic evidence allows us to identify this garment and the gradual changes in its design throughout his era (VOLLMER 2002, p. 42).

Figure 8. The Portrait of Ottoman Sultan MEHMED the Conqueror by İtalian painter Gentile BELLINI, 1480.

Essentially it is a knee-to-ankle-length garment with over-long, tapered sleeves that created folds at the wrist and could be pulled down to cover the hand. The close-fitting bodice has a distinctive crossover front that provided additional warmth and protection for a horseman. Fabric ties – 10 to 15 cm in length – descending under the right arm keep the jâmah bodice closed. These were placed to allow easy access to a sword belted on the left side of the body and a dagger or a quiver of arrows on the right. The sleeves feature a gusset in the armpit to allow a snug fit without compromising mobility. The crossover front of the bodice was often used as a pocket.

To prevent it from bunching at the waist when riding jâmahs generally had either a gathered or pleated “skirt” that was attached to the bodice by a seam usually hidden under a sash or belt. The front bottom corners of the jâmah could be tucked into the belt to provide freedom of movement.

Unlined coats were called yaktâî jâmah; two-fold ones du-tahi jâma [presumably meaning lined]. See Fig. 3 and 9.

(I, 14) “He [Umar Shaikh Mîrzâ] used to wear his tunic [jâmah] so very tight that to fasten the strings he had to draw his belly in and, if he let himself out after tying them, they often tore away. He was not choice in dress or food.” [Umar Shaikh Mîrzâ was apparently disinterested in appearance but liked food; the fashion of the time was for the tunic to be worn tight – his jâmah did not properly accomodate his belly.]

(I, 104) “If we had them seized and stripped bare, where would be the wrong? and this especially because they might be going about before our very eyes, riding our horses, wearing our coats [jâmah? chapan?], eating our sheep. Who could put up with that?”

(I, 166) “It was my habit to lie down, even in times of peace, in my tunic [jâmah]; up I got instanter, put on sword and quiver and mounted.”

Figure 9. Mongolian silk deel (jâmah) 13th–14th century, Inner Mongolia

Figure 10. Pattern schemes for two differing styles of jâmah

(I, 180) “Each of us putting a loaf into the breast of his tunic [the crossover above the waist sash was often used as a pocket] we went quickly up the rise, tethered our horses there in the open valley and went to higher ground, each to keep watch.”

(II, 642) “In congratulation on the birth of HUMAYUN’s son and KAMRAN’s marriage, Mulla TABRIZ and Mirza Beg TAGHAL were sent with gifts to each Mirza of 10,000 shâhrukhis, a coat I had worn, and a belt with clasps.” [This bestowal of a jâmah worn by Bâbur was a special honour.]

(II, 652) “After the meal, he and his sons were dressed in unlined coats (yaktâî jâmah) ... “ [According to Beveridge the yaktâî or one-fold coat is an unlined coat in contrast to the du-tahi or two-fold coat; it follows that the du-tahi is a lined coat.]

Figure 11. 17th cent. illustration showing Isfandiyâr killing two lions.

This brilliantly colored image from FIRDAUSI’s Shahname shows details of Central-Asian traditional clothing that have remained much the same for centuries. ISFANDIYÂR is wearing a long-sleeved mauve jâmah with a green lining under a red nîmcha over his yellow paijâmas. He has tucked the front corners of his jâmah and nîmcha into his belt to have more freedom of movement. He is wearing a greenish sash under his leather belt and has a shield on his back. He appears to be wearing heeled shoes – Persian style – for riding. He is wending a sword, wearing a dagger in his belt and has a quiver of arrows at his waist. On his head he wears a princely helmet with chain mail covering one ear and that continues around the back of the head to the other one. His helmet sports an aigrete with black and white plumes.

Nîmcha (jacket)

The nîmcha of Bâbur’s time was a jacket much the same as the jâmah but shorter and having cap sleeves that extended beyond the shoulders and ended above the elbow. It sometimes appears to have a center front opening instead of the jâmah’s usual crossover. This jacket was worn over the jâmah and transformed the appearance of it through a contrasting color, fabric or insignia thus also providing an indicator of rank or status. Its functional role was to provide an extra layer of insulation and protection while retaining the ease of movement convenient on horseback (VOLLMER 2002, p. 48–49). A sash and/or sword belt was worn with it. (See Fig. 3 B).13

Period illustrations show the popularity of this garment as the outer layer of clothing worn daily by soldiers and hunters14. The front opening of a military nîmcha can be decorated with vertical rows of horizontal braid ending with “knots” made of braid15 opposite loops of braid on the other. These provide additional protection for the torso and were popular with light-armed cavalry instead of heavy armor. (See Fig. 11) This costume proved very practical for troops on reconnaissance in advance of the army, harassing enemy skirmishers, raiding for fodder and pursuing fleeing troops. This style of jacket survives even today in the regimental clothing of light-horsemen such as in modern “hussar” uniforms.

(II, 642) “Through Mullâ BIHISHTI were sent to Hind-âl an inlaid dagger with belt, an inlaid ink-stand, a stool worked in mother-o’pearl, a tunic and a girdle [tak-band]