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- Herausgeber: Booksell-Verlag
- Kategorie: Fantasy und Science-Fiction
- Sprache: Englisch
In "The Age of Chivalry," Thomas Bulfinch presents a compelling exploration of the medieval romantic tradition, intertwining the legendary tales of knights, quests, and mythical figures into a cohesive narrative. Bulfinch's work, rich in its poetic articulation and vivid imagery, serves as both an anthology and a retelling of classic chivalric stories. With a keen eye for detail and a commendable balance of prose and poetic forms, the text illuminates the cultural ideals that defined the chivalric age, while situating these tales within the broader context of European history. Bulfinch's literary style reflects the Romantic era's fascination with myth and legend, presenting these narratives not merely as stories but as cultural artifacts that speak to the values and aspirations of a bygone age. Thomas Bulfinch (1796-1867) was an American banker and author whose interest in mythology and folklore was deeply rooted in the intellectual currents of his time, particularly those celebrating the Renaissance revival of classical literature. His background in the humanities, combined with a passion for storytelling, led him to curate these ancient legends for contemporary readers, making them accessible and engaging. Bulfinch's scholarly approach and meticulous research offered a bridge between past and present, allowing readers to appreciate the enduring significance of chivalric ideals. For readers fascinated by the rich tapestry of medieval lore, "The Age of Chivalry" is an indispensable resource. Bulfinch's artful storytelling not only entertains but also educates, revealing the moral lessons and societal norms embedded in these legendary narratives. This book is highly recommended for anyone seeking to delve into the heart of chivalric literature and its lasting impact on Western culture. In this enriched edition, we have carefully created added value for your reading experience: - A succinct Introduction situates the work's timeless appeal and themes. - The Synopsis outlines the central plot, highlighting key developments without spoiling critical twists. - A detailed Historical Context immerses you in the era's events and influences that shaped the writing. - A thorough Analysis dissects symbols, motifs, and character arcs to unearth underlying meanings. - Reflection questions prompt you to engage personally with the work's messages, connecting them to modern life. - Hand‐picked Memorable Quotes shine a spotlight on moments of literary brilliance. - Interactive footnotes clarify unusual references, historical allusions, and archaic phrases for an effortless, more informed read.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2019
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The Age of Chivalry
Table of Contents
Introduction
Where honor meets desire and legend tests the measure of humanity, a code of knighthood emerges as both aspiration and ordeal, binding rulers and wanderers to vows that illuminate courage, expose frailty, and weave a shared memory of courts, quests, and wonders that continues to ask what it costs to be noble in a world of enchantment, rivalry, and fate, as choices echo from halls of counsel to lonely roads, suggesting that ideals endure when tempered by mercy, fidelity, and steadfast purpose.
The Age of Chivalry by Thomas Bulfinch is a prose retelling of medieval romance, centered chiefly on the Arthurian tradition and the mythic landscape of medieval Britain and its neighboring realms. First published in the United States in 1858, it constitutes the second volume of the trilogy commonly gathered as Bulfinch’s Mythology. Written for general readers of the nineteenth century, it adapts legendary material into clear, continuous narrative. The book’s setting is the imaginative Middle Ages of knights, courts, and enchanted forests, and its genre blends literary history with narrative compilation, presenting enduring legends in accessible, unified form.
Bulfinch offers a guided path into the world of Camelot, introducing the rise of a king, the founding of a court devoted to high ideals, and the fellowship of knights whose reputations are tested through journeys, encounters, and moral trials. The narrative gathers well-known figures and motifs without demanding prior knowledge, inviting readers to explore great halls, perilous crossings, and encounters with marvels that challenge judgment as much as strength. The emphasis falls on the contours of the cycle and its imaginative atmosphere rather than on exhaustive philology, creating a portal to stories that have shaped literary and cultural imagination.
The book’s voice is measured, lucid, and explanatory, aiming to simplify without flattening the romance. Episodes proceed with steady momentum, favoring clarity of action and motive while preserving the allure of the marvelous. Bulfinch organizes material from medieval sources into a coherent flow, easing transitions between courts, quests, and characters. The mood is dignified yet inviting, with a storyteller’s calm that lets symbolism surface through incident. Readers encounter a compass of values—oaths, hospitality, courage, and restraint—presented in prose that prefers balance to sensationalism, offering a dependable companion for those newly approaching the legends as well as those returning to them.
At the heart of the volume are themes that have long animated Arthurian lore: the tension between public duty and private feeling, the price of oaths, the testing of loyalty, and the pursuit of honor under the strain of temptation. The code of chivalry functions as an ideal both inspiring and exacting, frequently measured against the complexity of human motives. Miracles and enchantments serve as mirrors for moral choice, while courtly love and fellowship ask whether personal desire can coexist with communal order. Leadership, service, and reputation intertwine, suggesting that true renown depends on humility and constancy as much as prowess.
Read today, The Age of Chivalry offers more than a gateway to medieval romance; it frames enduring questions about how communities uphold ethical standards and how individuals navigate the conflict between aspiration and limitation. Its retellings illuminate the foundations beneath later literature, art, and popular storytelling, while modeling a way to engage tradition without losing narrative momentum. For contemporary readers, the book provides a vantage point on ideals—courage, mercy, truth-telling—whose relevance persists amid changing cultural forms. It encourages reflection on how legends function as shared memory, shaping expectations of justice, leadership, and the balance of love with responsibility.
This introduction to knights and courts promises an experience of clarity, continuity, and wonder: a steady unfolding of renowned episodes, luminous settings, and emblematic trials that invite contemplation as much as excitement. Without demanding specialized background, Bulfinch delivers a map of the Arthurian world that can orient first-time explorers and enrich seasoned travelers. Readers may use it as a companion to broader study or as a self-contained narrative of enduring appeal. In presenting these tales with restraint and respect, the book preserves their romance while opening them to fresh encounters, where ethical questions and imaginative pleasures meet.
Synopsis
The Age of Chivalry by Thomas Bulfinch is a prose compendium that retells medieval romances for general readers. He frames the social code of chivalry, including honor, courtesy, piety, and prowess, and explains arms, tournaments, and court customs to situate the narratives. Drawing chiefly on Malory, Geoffrey of Monmouth, and Welsh tradition, he presents the cycle of King Arthur, then related Celtic tales, and concludes with English popular legends. Brief notes relate figures and motifs to later literature, fulfilling Bulfinch's stated aim: to supply a handbook that clarifies allusions in poetry and prose. The book proceeds episodically, moving from royal origins to spiritual quests and folk heroics.
The narrative opens with Britain under Uther Pendragon and the counsels of Merlin. Arthur's concealed birth and recognition lead to his drawing of the sword and accession, after which a second blade, Excalibur, is received from the Lady of the Lake. Marriage to Guinevere and the gift of the Round Table from her father establish a fellowship bound by vows of justice and mercy. Arthur consolidates his realm against rebellious chiefs and foreign threats, organizes his court at Camelot, and presides over Pentecostal feasts where adventures are proclaimed. Bulfinch outlines these foundations to introduce the company of knights whose exploits form the core.
With the court established, Bulfinch recounts Merlin's magical aid, prophecies, and devices, and his eventual disappearance from public life under the influence of a young enchantress. He sketches the place of supernatural women in romance, notably Morgan le Fay's intrigues and the Lady of the Lake's benefactions, as part of a world where marvels test knighthood. Early exploits of Gawain, Tor, and Pellinore exhibit the pattern of quests announced at court, champions riding forth at a lady's request, and combats balanced by courtesy. The Round Table's oath to protect the weak, avoid treason, and live cleanly frames these episodes, emphasizing the standards expected of Arthur's companions.
Bulfinch devotes substantial space to Sir Launcelot of the Lake. Fostered by the Lady of the Lake, he arrives at court already eminent, wins renown in single combats and tournaments, and rescues captives from enchanted castles. His close service to the queen and his friendships with fellow knights define his place in the fellowship. Episodes such as his adventures in Surluse and his encounters with nameless challengers demonstrate prowess refined by humility. Bulfinch highlights the tension between personal devotion and communal duty without pursuing controversy, keeping focus on deeds that set a measure for others. Launcelot emerges as the exemplar of secular chivalry.
Another major arc is the story of Sir Tristram of Lyonesse and Isolde of Ireland. Sent to Cornwall, Tristram proves his valor against formidable champions and creatures, and displays courtly arts such as music and healing. Circumstances bind him to Isolde in a powerful, complicated affection that challenges fealty to King Mark and the expectations of the court. Their separations and reunions prompt travels across Britain and Brittany, with recognitions, disguises, and contests showing Tristram's skill and endurance. Bulfinch presents this cycle as a counterpart to Launcelot's, illustrating the strain that private sentiment can place on public obligation within the chivalric order.
Bulfinch intersperses lesser cycles that expand the fellowship's range. The tale of Gareth, known as Beaumains, follows a youth of unknown station who endures kitchen scorn, wins arms by service, and proves his birth through steady valor while aiding the ladies Lynette and Lyonesse. The story of Balin and Balan exemplifies impetuous courage shadowed by prophecy, culminating in a fateful encounter neither intends. Episodes of Sir Pelleas, Sir Kay, and the Saracen Palamedes add contrasts of temperament and belief. Tournaments, hospitality rules, and the customs of the forest recur, showing how courtesy and prowess are constantly tested beyond the court's ceremonial order.
The Quest of the Holy Grail introduces a spiritual dimension to the romances. Bulfinch explains the vessel's sacred origin and its association with Joseph of Arimathea, then describes how portents at Pentecost summon the knights to seek it. The arrival of Galahad, a pure youth destined for the perilous seat, signals a standard different from worldly renown. Accounts of Percivale's innocence, Bors's steadfast judgment, and Launcelot's partial visions trace trials that are moral as much as martial. The quest disperses the fellowship across enchanted waters and hermits' cells, measuring chivalry by penitence and insight, and reshaping the Round Table's purpose.
In a second large division, Bulfinch retells selections from the Welsh Mabinogion, drawing on medieval prose that preserves older Celtic motifs. The Four Branches present Pwyll's exchange of places in Annwn, the steadfast Rhiannon, Branwen's tragic sojourn, and Manawydan's resourceful patience. Arthurian-adjacent romances include Owain, or the Lady of the Fountain, with its enchanted storm and lion companion, and Geraint and Enid, a journey of tested trust and endurance. Peredur offers a native parallel to the Grail seeker, while the exuberant tale of Kilhwch and Olwen marshals heroes against the boar Twrch Trwyth. These narratives broaden the cultural frame around Arthur.
Closing sections turn from court to greenwood, summarizing the English ballads of Robin Hood. Bulfinch outlines the outlaw's code of generosity and archery skill, his fellowship with Little John and others, and contests with sheriffs and churchmen that celebrate popular notions of fairness. By placing these alongside high romance, he shows how chivalric ideals permeate both noble and common traditions. The book ends by noting the legends' afterlife in poets and novelists, offering readers a guide to names, symbols, and episodes that recur in later works. Its overall message is access: medieval story as a shared reference for modern imagination.
Historical Context
Thomas Bulfinch’s The Age of Chivalry presents stories set in a semi-historical Britain and Western Europe spanning late antiquity through the high Middle Ages. The narrative world centers on post-Roman Britain (5th–6th centuries) and later courtly settings of the 12th–14th centuries, with loci such as Camelot, Caerleon (in Gwent), Tintagel (Cornwall), Glastonbury (Somerset), and the imagined isle of Avalon. It also extends to Brittany and northern France, where much of the chivalric ethos crystallized. Although the tales are legendary, their social fabric reflects feudal lordship, knightly orders, and Christian institutions. Bulfinch, writing in 1858 for a broad American readership, arranges these settings as a coherent historical backdrop for Arthurian and related romances, emphasizing the moral and ritual contours of medieval knighthood.
The collapse of Roman administration in Britain in 410 CE and subsequent Anglo-Saxon migrations (5th–6th centuries) form the earliest historical horizon of Arthurian legend. Contemporary sources like Gildas (c. 540) lament endemic warfare and mention a decisive British victory at Mount Badon (c. 495–516), variously attributed by later tradition to a war leader remembered as Arthur. Figures such as Ambrosius Aurelianus anchor Brittonic resistance to Saxon advance. Roman legions had long garrisoned places like Caerleon, leaving a durable urban and military imprint that medieval writers reimagined as Arthur’s court. Bulfinch uses this post-Roman crisis to frame Arthur as a Christian king defending the Britons, mapping legend onto the real dynamics of invasion, resistance, and cultural transition.
The Christianization of the British Isles and the Church’s regulation of warfare decisively shaped chivalric ideals. Missionary work by Columba from Iona (founded 563) and Augustine of Canterbury (arrived 597) consolidated ecclesiastical structures; the Synod of Whitby (664) aligned English practice with Rome. Later, the Peace of God (first decreed at Charroux in 989) and the Truce of God (e.g., Toulouges, 1027) sought to limit aristocratic violence and protect noncombatants and holy seasons. This moral governance of arms underwrote the knightly fusion of piety and prowess. In Bulfinch’s retellings, sacramental themes culminate in the Grail quest, whose Eucharistic symbolism—articulated in a church that would define transubstantiation at Lateran IV (1215)—turns combat into a spiritual discipline and tests of mercy, fidelity, and penance.
The Norman Conquest of England (1066) created an Anglo-Norman elite whose cross-Channel networks incubated Arthurian material as a vehicle of political identity. Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniae (c. 1136) offered a sweeping pseudo-history that made Arthur a pan-British sovereign; Wace’s Roman de Brut (1155) recast it in French for the new aristocracy; Layamon’s Brut (c. 1190–1215) localized it in English. Under the Angevin kings—Henry II (r. 1154–1189) and Eleanor of Aquitaine—courts at Poitiers and Champagne patronized romance; Chrétien de Troyes (c. 1170–1190) developed Lancelot, Perceval, and the Round Table ethos. Bulfinch draws from this corpus, mirroring how dynastic politics and court ceremony manufactured models of kingship, loyalty, and refined conduct that his narrative treats as the essence of chivalry.
The Crusades (1096–1291) and the rise of military orders fused knightly vocation with pilgrimage and ecclesiastical sanction. The First Crusade seized Jerusalem in 1099; the Knights Hospitaller (recognized 1113) and the Templars (founded c. 1119; confirmed at Troyes, 1129, with Bernard of Clairvaux’s support) institutionalized armed piety. Set-piece events—the preaching at Clermont (1095), the Siege of Acre (1191) during the Third Crusade, encounters between Richard I (r. 1189–1199) and Saladin—redefined aristocratic honor around vows, relics, and the defense of Christendom. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) standardized doctrine that deepened Eucharistic devotion. Bulfinch’s Grail narratives transpose this crusading spirituality into interiorized quests, where purity and oath-keeping, not conquest, determine victory. By presenting ordeals, relics, and penitent heroes, the book mirrors the medieval conviction that political legitimacy and martial success require sacramental integrity.
Medieval rulers appropriated Arthur to localize authority and stage unity. After a devastating fire in 1184, Glastonbury Abbey claimed in 1191 to discover Arthur and Guinevere’s graves—an event described by Giraldus Cambrensis and linked to Abbot Henry de Sully—drawing pilgrims and royal interest (Henry II had reportedly encouraged the search). Tintagel’s cliff-top castle was constructed in the 1230s by Richard, Earl of Cornwall (1209–1272), retrojecting Arthur’s birth to a palpable stronghold. Edward I held “Round Table” tournaments (notably at Winchester in 1290), and Edward III staged a grand Round Table at Windsor in 1344 before founding the Order of the Garter in 1348 at St George’s Chapel. Bulfinch’s Round Table symbolizes this historical use of legend to discipline elites and dramatize a realm knit by ritual equality under a sovereign.
Feudal institutions furnished the social machinery of chivalry. Vassalage bound men by homage and fealty to lords for fiefs; knighthood involved vigil, bath, and dubbing with the sword. Heraldry matured in the 12th century to identify combatants; tournaments, widespread by the 1100s, were periodically condemned (e.g., Second Lateran Council, 1139) for disorder. Magna Carta (1215) curtailed arbitrary royal power and affirmed customary rights, establishing ideals of lawful kingship. Aristocratic women, such as Eleanor of Aquitaine (1122–1204), exercised patronage and regency, shaping courtly etiquette and alliance politics. Bulfinch’s episodes—oath-taking at Pentecost, trial by combat, the Lancelot–Guinevere crisis—dramatize how personal honor, marital bonds, and feudal loyalty could stabilize or fracture polities, echoing real tensions between justice, affection, and lordship in medieval governance.
By reassembling these episodes for a 19th-century public, Bulfinch exposes the medieval order’s moral paradoxes. The book celebrates courtesy and oath-bound service while revealing endemic private war, clerically sanctioned violence, and hereditary privilege that left commoners vulnerable. Arthur’s polity collapses under perjury, factionalism, and sexual transgression, critiquing a system where honor codes fail to restrain power. The Grail quests imply that political legitimacy depends on inner reform, not spectacle or conquest, questioning crusading triumphalism. Presented in accessible prose to a democratic readership, the work implicitly contrasts republican citizenship with feudal hierarchy, inviting readers to weigh chivalry’s allure against its social costs, gender inequities, and the persistent gap between ritual ideals and just governance.
The Age of Chivalry
KING ARTHUR AND HIS KNIGHTS
I. Introduction II. The Mythical History of England III. Merlin IV. Arthur V. Arthur (Continued) VI. Sir Gawain VII. Caradoc Briefbras; or, Caradoc with the Shrunken Arm VIII. Launcelot of the Lake IX. The Adventure of the Cart X. The Lady of Shalott XI. Queen Guenever's Peril XII. Tristram and Isoude XIII. Tristram and Isoude (Continued) XIV. Sir Tristram's Battle with Sir Launcelot XV. The Round Table XVI. Sir Palamedes XVII. Sir Tristram XVIII. Perceval XIX. The Sangreal, or Holy Graal XX. The Sangreal (Continued) XXI. The Sangreal (Continued) XXII. Sir Agrivain's Treason XXIII. Morte d'Arthur
THE MABINOGEON
Introductory Note I. The Britons II. The Lady of the Fountain III. The Lady of the Fountain (Continued) IV. The Lady of the Fountain (Continued) V. Geraint, the Son of Erbin VI. Geraint, the Son of Erbin (Continued) VII. Geraint, the Son of Erbin (Continued) VIII. Pwyll, Prince of Dyved IX. Branwen, the Daughter of Llyr X. Manawyddan XI. Kilwich and Olwen XII. Kilwich and Olwen (Continued) XIII. Taliesin
HERO MYTHS OF THE BRITISH RACE
Beowulf Cuchulain, Champion of Ireland Hereward the Wake Robin Hood
GLOSSARY
KING ARTHUR AND HIS KNIGHTS
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
On the decline of the Roman power, about five centuries after Christ, the countries of Northern Europe were left almost destitute of a national government. Numerous chiefs, more or less powerful, held local sway, as far as each could enforce his dominion, and occasionally those chiefs would unite for a common object; but, in ordinary times, they were much more likely to be found in hostility to one another. In such a state of things the rights of the humbler classes of society were at the mercy of every assailant; and it is plain that, without some check upon the lawless power of the chiefs, society must have relapsed into barbarism. Such checks were found, first, in the rivalry of the chiefs themselves, whose mutual jealousy made them restraints upon one another; secondly, in the influence of the Church, which, by every motive, pure or selfish, was pledged to interpose for the protection of the weak; and lastly, in the generosity and sense of right which, however crushed under the weight of passion and selfishness, dwell naturally in the heart of man. From this last source sprang Chivalry[1], which framed an ideal of the heroic character, combining invincible strength and valor, justice, modesty, loyalty to superiors, courtesy to equals, compassion to weakness, and devotedness to the Church; an ideal which, if never met with in real life, was acknowledged by all as the highest model for emulation.
The word "Chivalry" is derived from the French "cheval," a horse. The word "knight," which originally meant boy or servant, was particularly applied to a young man after he was admitted to the privilege of bearing arms. This privilege was conferred on youths of family and fortune only, for the mass of the people were not furnished with arms. The knight then was a mounted warrior, a man of rank, or in the service and maintenance of some man of rank, generally possessing some independent means of support, but often relying mainly on the gratitude of those whom he served for the supply of his wants, and often, no doubt, resorting to the means which power confers on its possessor.
In time of war the knight was, with his followers, in the camp of his sovereign, or commanding in the field, or holding some castle for him. In time of peace he was often in attendance at his sovereign's court, gracing with his presence the banquets and tournaments[4] with which princes cheered their leisure. Or he was traversing the country in quest of adventure, professedly bent on redressing wrongs and enforcing rights, sometimes in fulfilment of some vow of religion or of love. These wandering knights were called knights-errant[2]; they were welcome guests in the castles of the nobility, for their presence enlivened the dulness of those secluded abodes, and they were received with honor at the abbeys, which often owed the best part of their revenues to the patronage of the knights; but if no castle or abbey or hermitage were at hand their hardy habits made it not intolerable to them to lie down, supperless, at the foot of some wayside cross, and pass the night.
It is evident that the justice administered by such an instrumentality must have been of the rudest description. The force whose legitimate purpose was to redress wrongs might easily be perverted to inflict them Accordingly, we find in the romances, which, however fabulous in facts, are true as pictures of manners, that a knightly castle was often a terror to the surrounding country; that is, dungeons were full of oppressed knights and ladies, waiting for some champion to appear to set them free, or to be ransomed with money; that hosts of idle retainers were ever at hand to enforce their lord's behests, regardless of law and justice; and that the rights of the unarmed multitude were of no account. This contrariety of fact and theory in regard to chivalry will account for the opposite impressions which exist in men's minds respecting it. While it has been the theme of the most fervid eulogium on the one part, it has been as eagerly denounced on the other. On a cool estimate, we cannot but see reason to congratulate ourselves that it has given way in modern times to the reign of law, and that the civil magistrate, if less picturesque, has taken the place of the mailed champion.
THE TRAINING OF A KNIGHT
The preparatory education of candidates for knighthood was long and arduous. At seven years of age the noble children were usually removed from their father's house to the court or castle of their future patron, and placed under the care of a governor, who taught them the first articles of religion, and respect and reverence for their lords and superiors, and initiated them in the ceremonies of a court. They were called pages, valets, or varlets, and their office was to carve, to wait at table, and to perform other menial services, which were not then considered humiliating. In their leisure hours they learned to dance and play on the harp, were instructed in the mysteries of woods and rivers, that is, in hunting, falconry, and fishing, and in wrestling, tilting with spears, and performing other military exercises on horseback. At fourteen the page became an esquire, and began a course of severer and more laborious exercises. To vault on a horse in heavy armor; to run, to scale walls, and spring over ditches, under the same encumbrance; to wrestle, to wield the battle-axe for a length of time, without raising the visor or taking breath; to perform with grace all the evolutions of horsemanship,—were necessary preliminaries to the reception of knighthood, which was usually conferred at twenty-one years of age, when the young man's education was supposed to be completed. In the meantime, the esquires were no less assiduously engaged in acquiring all those refinements of civility which formed what was in that age called courtesy. The same castle in which they received their education was usually thronged with young persons of the other sex, and the page was encouraged, at a very early age, to select some lady of the court as the mistress of his heart, to whom he was taught to refer all his sentiments, words, and actions. The service of his mistress was the glory and occupation of a knight, and her smiles, bestowed at once by affection and gratitude, were held out as the recompense of his well-directed valor. Religion united its influence with those of loyalty and love, and the order of knighthood, endowed with all the sanctity and religious awe that attended the priesthood, became an object of ambition to the greatest sovereigns.
The ceremonies of initiation were peculiarly solemn. After undergoing a severe fast, and spending whole nights in prayer, the candidate confessed, and received the sacrament. He then clothed himself in snow-white garments, and repaired to the church, or the hall, where the ceremony was to take place, bearing a knightly sword suspended from his neck, which the officiating priest took and blessed, and then returned to him. The candidate then, with folded arms, knelt before the presiding knight, who, after some questions about his motives and purposes in requesting admission, administered to him the oaths, and granted his request. Some of the knights present, sometimes even ladies and damsels, handed to him in succession the spurs, the coat of mail, the hauberk, the armlet and gauntlet, and lastly he girded on the sword. He then knelt again before the president, who, rising from his seat, gave him the "accolade," which consisted of three strokes, with the flat of a sword, on the shoulder or neck of the candidate, accompanied by the words: "In the name of God, of St. Michael, and St. George, I make thee a knight; be valiant, courteous, and loyal!" Then he received his helmet, his shield, and spear; and thus the investiture ended.
FREEMEN, VILLAINS, SERFS, AND CLERKS
The other classes of which society was composed were, first, FREEMEN, owners of small portions of land independent, though they sometimes voluntarily became the vassals of their more opulent neighbors, whose power was necessary for their protection. The other two classes, which were much the most numerous, were either serfs or villains, both of which were slaves.
The SERFS were in the lowest state of slavery. All the fruits of their labor belonged to the master whose land they tilled, and by whom they were fed and clothed.
The VILLIANS were less degraded. Their situation seems to have resembled that of the Russian peasants at this day. Like the serfs, they were attached to the soil, and were transferred with it by purchase; but they paid only a fixed rent to the landlord, and had a right to dispose of any surplus that might arise from their industry.
The term "clerk" was of very extensive import. It comprehended, originally, such persons only as belonged to the clergy, or clerical order, among whom, however, might be found a multitude of married persons, artisans or others. But in process of time a much wider rule was established; every one that could read being accounted a clerk or clericus, and allowed the "benefit of clergy," that is, exemption from capital and some other forms of punishment, in case of crime.
TOURNAMENTS
The splendid pageant of a tournament between knights, its gaudy accessories and trappings, and its chivalrous regulations, originated in France. Tournaments were repeatedly condemned by the Church, probably on account of the quarrels they led to, and the often fatal results. The "joust," or "just," was different from the tournament. In these, knights fought with their lances, and their object was to unhorse their antagonists; while the tournaments were intended for a display of skill and address in evolutions, and with various weapons, and greater courtesy was observed in the regulations. By these it was forbidden to wound the horse, or to use the point of the sword, or to strike a knight after he had raised his vizor, or unlaced his helmet. The ladies encouraged their knights in these exercises; they bestowed prizes, and the conqueror's feats were the theme of romance and song. The stands overlooking the ground, of course, were varied in the shapes of towers, terraces, galleries, and pensile gardens, magnificently decorated with tapestry, pavilions, and banners. Every combatant proclaimed the name of the lady whose servant d'amour he was. He was wont to look up to the stand, and strengthen his courage by the sight of the bright eyes that were raining their influence on him from above. The knights also carried FAVORS, consisting of scarfs, veils, sleeves, bracelets, clasps,—in short, some piece of female habiliment,—attached to their helmets, shields, or armor. If, during the combat, any of these appendages were dropped or lost the fair donor would at times send her knight new ones, especially if pleased with his exertions.
MAIL ARMOR
Mail armor[3], of which the hauberk is a species, and which derived its name from maille, a French word for MESH, was of two kinds, PLATE or SCALE mail, and CHAIN mail. It was originally used for the protection of the body only, reaching no lower than the knees. It was shaped like a carter's frock, and bound round the waist by a girdle. Gloves and hose of mail were afterwards added, and a hood, which, when necessary, was drawn over the head, leaving the face alone uncovered. To protect the skin from the impression of the iron network of the chain mail, a quilted lining was employed, which, however, was insufficient, and the bath was used to efface the marks of the armor.
The hauberk was a complete covering of double chain mail. Some hauberks opened before, like a modern coat; others were closed like a shirt.
The chain mail of which they were composed was formed by a number of iron links, each link having others inserted into it, the whole exhibiting a kind of network, of which (in some instances at least) the meshes were circular, with each link separately riveted.
The hauberk was proof against the most violent blow of a sword; but the point of a lance might pass through the meshes, or drive the iron into the flesh. To guard against this, a thick and well- stuffed doublet was worn underneath, under which was commonly added an iron breastplate. Hence the expression "to pierce both plate and mail," so common in the earlier poets.
Mail armor continued in general use till about the year 1300, when it was gradually supplanted by plate armor, or suits consisting of pieces or plates of solid iron, adapted to the different parts of the body.
Shields were generally made of wood, covered with leather, or some similar substance. To secure them, in some sort, from being cut through by the sword, they were surrounded with a hoop of metal.
HELMETS
The helmet was composed of two parts: the HEADPIECE, which was strengthened within by several circles of iron, and the VISOR, which, as the name implies, was a sort of grating to see through, so contrived as, by sliding in a groove, or turning on a pivot, to be raised or lowered at pleasure. Some helmets had a further improvement called a BEVER, from the Italian bevere, to drink. The VENTAYLE, or "air-passage," is another name for this.
To secure the helmet from the possibility of falling, or of being struck off, it was tied by several laces to the meshes of the hauberk; consequently, when a knight was overthrown it was necessary to undo these laces before he could be put to death; though this was sometimes effected by lifting up the skirt of the hauberk, and stabbing him in the belly. The instrument of death was a small dagger, worn on the right side.
ROMANCES
In ages when there were no books, when noblemen and princes themselves could not read, history or tradition was monopolized by the story-tellers. They inherited, generation after generation, the wondrous tales of their predecessors, which they retailed to the public with such additions of their own as their acquired information supplied them with. Anachronisms became of course very common, and errors of geography, of locality, of manners, equally so. Spurious genealogies were invented, in which Arthur and his knights, and Charlemagne and his paladins, were made to derive their descent from Aeneas, Hector, or some other of the Trojan heroes.
With regard to the derivation of the word "Romance," we trace it to the fact that the dialects which were formed in Western Europe, from the admixture of Latin with the native languages, took the name of Langue Romaine. The French language was divided into two dialects. The river Loire was their common boundary. In the provinces to the south of that river the affirmative, YES, was expressed by the word oc; in the north it was called oil (oui); and hence Dante has named the southern language langue d'oc, and the northern langue d'oil. The latter, which was carried into England by the Normans, and is the origin of the present French, may be called the French Romane; and the former the Provencal, or Provencial Romane, because it was spoken by the people of Provence and Languedoc, southern provinces of France.
These dialects were soon distinguished by very opposite characters. A soft and enervating climate, a spirit of commerce encouraged by an easy communication with other maritime nations, the influx of wealth, and a more settled government, may have tended to polish and soften the diction of the Provencials, whose poets, under the name of Troubadours, were the masters of the Italians, and particularly of Petrarch. Their favorite pieces were Sirventes (satirical pieces), love-songs, and Tensons, which last were a sort of dialogue in verse between two poets, who questioned each other on some refined points of loves' casuistry. It seems the Provencials were so completely absorbed in these delicate questions as to neglect and despise the composition of fabulous histories of adventure and knighthood, which they left in a great measure to the poets of the northern part of the kingdom, called Trouveurs.
At a time when chivalry excited universal admiration, and when all the efforts of that chivalry were directed against the enemies of religion, it was natural that literature should receive the same impulse, and that history and fable should be ransacked to furnish examples of courage and piety that might excite increased emulation. Arthur and Charlemagne were the two heroes selected for this purpose. Arthur's pretensions were that he was a brave, though not always a successful warrior; he had withstood with great resolution the arms of the infidels, that is to say of the Saxons, and his memory was held in the highest estimation by his countrymen, the Britons, who carried with them into Wales, and into the kindred country of Armorica, or Brittany, the memory of his exploits, which their national vanity insensibly exaggerated, till the little prince of the Silures (South Wales) was magnified into the conqueror of England, of Gaul, and of the greater part of Europe. His genealogy was gradually carried up to an imaginary Brutus, and to the period of the Trojan war, and a sort of chronicle was composed in the Welsh, or Armorican language, which, under the pompous title of the "History of the Kings of Britain," was translated into Latin by Geoffrey of Monmouth, about the year 1150. The Welsh critics consider the material of the work to have been an older history, written by St. Talian, Bishop of St. Asaph, in the seventh century.
As to Charlemagne, though his real merits were sufficient to secure his immortality, it was impossible that his HOLY WARS against the Saracens should not become a favorite topic for fiction. Accordingly, the fabulous history of these wars was written, probably towards the close of the eleventh century, by a monk, who, thinking it would add dignity to his work to embellish it with a contemporary name, boldly ascribed it to Turpin, who was Archbishop of Rheims about the year 773.
These fabulous chronicles were for a while imprisoned in languages of local only or of professional access. Both Turpin and Geoffrey might indeed be read by ecclesiastics, the sole Latin scholars of those times, and Geoffrey's British original would contribute to the gratification of Welshmen; but neither could become extensively popular till translated into some language of general and familiar use. The Anglo-Saxon was at that time used only by a conquered and enslaved nation; the Spanish and Italian languages were not yet formed; the Norman French alone was spoken and understood by the nobility in the greater part of Europe, and therefore was a proper vehicle for the new mode of composition.
That language was fashionable in England before the Conquest, and became, after that event, the only language used at the court of London. As the various conquests of the Normans, and the enthusiastic valor of that extraordinary people, had familiarized the minds of men with the most marvellous events, their poets eagerly seized the fabulous legends of Arthur and Charlemagne, translated them into the language of the day, and soon produced a variety of imitations. The adventures attributed to these monarchs, and to their distinguished warriors, together with those of many other traditionary or imaginary heroes, composed by degrees that formidable body of marvellous histories which, from the dialect in which the most ancient of them were written, were called "Romances."
METRICAL ROMANCES
The earliest form in which romances appear is that of a rude kind of verse. In this form it is supposed they were sung or recited at the feasts of princes and knights in their baronial halls. The following specimen of the language and style of Robert de Beauvais, who flourished in 1257, is from Sir Walter Scott's "Introduction to the Romance of Sir Tristrem":
"Ne voil pas emmi dire, Ici diverse la matyere, Entre ceus qui solent cunter, E de le cunte Tristran parler."
"I will not say too much about it, So diverse is the matter, Among those who are in the habit of telling And relating the story of Tristran."
This is a specimen of the language which was in use among the nobility of England, in the ages immediately after the Norman conquest. The following is a specimen of the English that existed at the same time, among the common people. Robert de Brunne, speaking of his Latin and French authorities, says:
"Als thai haf wryten and sayd Haf I alle in myn Inglis layd, In symple speche as I couthe, That is lightest in manne's mouthe. Alle for the luf of symple men, That strange Inglis cannot ken."
The "strange Inglis" being the language of the previous specimen.
It was not till toward the end of the thirteenth century that the PROSE romances began to appear. These works generally began with disowning and discrediting the sources from which in reality they drew their sole information. As every romance was supposed to be a real history, the compilers of those in prose would have forfeited all credit if they had announced themselves as mere copyists of the minstrels. On the contrary, they usually state that, as the popular poems upon the matter in question contain many "lesings," they had been induced to translate the real and true history of such or such a knight from the original Latin or Greek, or from the ancient British or Armorican authorities, which authorities existed only in their own assertion.
A specimen of the style of the prose romances may be found in the following extract from one of the most celebrated and latest of them, the "Morte d'Arthur" of Sir Thomas Mallory, of the date of 1485. From this work much of the contents of this volume has been drawn, with as close an adherence to the original style as was thought consistent with our plan of adapting our narrative to the taste of modern readers.
"It is notoyrly knowen thorugh the vnyuersal world that there been ix worthy and the best that ever were. That is to wete thre paynyms, three Jewes, and three crysten men. As for the paynyms, they were tofore the Incarnacyon of Cryst whiche were named, the fyrst Hector of Troye; the second Alysaunder the grete, and the thyrd Julyus Cezar, Emperour of Rome, of whome thystoryes ben wel kno and had. And as for the thre Jewes whyche also were tofore thyncarnacyon of our Lord, of whome the fyrst was Duc Josue, whyche brought the chyldren of Israhel into the londe of beheste; the second Dauyd, kyng of Jherusalem, and the thyrd Judas Machabeus; of these thre the byble reherceth al theyr noble hystoryes and actes. And sythe the sayd Incarnacyon haue ben the noble crysten men stalled and admytted thorugh the vnyuersal world to the nombre of the ix beste and worthy, of whome was fyrst the noble Arthur, whose noble actes I purpose to wryte in this person book here folowyng. The second was Charlemayn, or Charles the grete, of whome thystorye is had in many places both in frensshe and englysshe, and the thyrd and last was Godefray of boloyn."
CHAPTER II
THE MYTHICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND
The illustrious poet, Milton, in his "History of England," is the author whom we chiefly follow in this chapter.
According to the earliest accounts, Albion, a giant, and son of Neptune, a contemporary of Hercules, ruled over the island, to which he gave his name. Presuming to oppose the progress of Hercules in his western march, he was slain by him.
Another story is that Histion, the son of Japhet, the son of Noah, had four sons, Francus, Romanus, Alemannus, and Britto, from whom descended the French, Roman, German, and British people.
Rejecting these and other like stories, Milton gives more regard to the story of Brutus, the Trojan, which, he says, is supported by "descents of ancestry long continued, laws and exploits not plainly seeming to be borrowed or devised, which on the common belief have wrought no small impression; defended by many, denied utterly by few." The principal authority is Geoffrey of Monmouth, whose history, written in the twelfth century, purports to be a translation of a history of Britain brought over from the opposite shore of France, which, under the name of Brittany, was chiefly peopled by natives of Britain who, from time to time, emigrated thither, driven from their own country by the inroads of the Picts and Scots. According to this authority, Brutus was the son of Silvius, and he of Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, whose flight from Troy and settlement in Italy are narrated in "Stories of Gods and Heroes."
Brutus, at the age of fifteen, attending his father to the chase, unfortunately killed him with an arrow. Banished therefor by his kindred, he sought refuge in that part of Greece where Helenus, with a band of Trojan exiles, had become established. But Helenus was now dead and the descendants of the Trojans were oppressed by Pandrasus, the king of the country. Brutus, being kindly received among them, so throve in virtue and in arms as to win the regard of all the eminent of the land above all others of his age. In consequence of this the Trojans not only began to hope, but secretly to persuade him to lead them the way to liberty. To encourage them, they had the promise of help from Assaracus, a noble Greek youth, whose mother was a Trojan. He had suffered wrong at the hands of the king, and for that reason the more willingly cast in his lost with the Trojan exiles.
Choosing a fit opportunity, Brutus with his countrymen withdrew to the woods and hills, as the safest place from which to expostulate, and sent this message to Pandrasus: "That the Trojans, holding it unworthy of their ancestors to serve in a foreign land, had retreated to the woods, choosing rather a savage life than a slavish one. If that displeased him, then, with his leave, they would depart to some other country." Pandrasus, not expecting so bold a message from the sons of captives, went in pursuit of them, with such forces as he could gather, and met them on the banks of the Achelous, where Brutus got the advantage, and took the king captive. The result was, that the terms demanded by the Trojans were granted; the king gave his daughter Imogen in marriage to Brutus, and furnished shipping, money, and fit provision for them all to depart from the land.
The marriage being solemnized, and shipping from all parts got together, the Trojans, in a fleet of no less than three hundred and twenty sail, betook themselves to the sea. On the third day they arrived at a certain island, which they found destitute of inhabitants, though there were appearances of former habitation, and among the ruins a temple of Diana. Brutus, here performing sacrifice at the shrine of the goddess, invoked an oracle for his guidance, in these lines:
"Goddess of shades, and huntress, who at will Walk'st on the rolling sphere, and through the deep; On thy third realm, the earth, look now, and tell What land, what seat of rest, thou bidd'st me seek; What certain seat where I may worship thee For aye, with temples vowed and virgin choirs."
To whom, sleeping before the altar, Diana in a vision thus answered:
"Brutus! far to the west, in the ocean wide, Beyond the realm of Gaul, a land there lies, Seagirt it lies, where giants dwelt of old; Now, void, it fits thy people: thither bend Thy course; there shalt thou find a lasting seat; There to thy sons another Troy shall rise, And kings be born of thee, whose dreaded might Shall awe the world, and conquer nations bold"
Brutus, guided now, as he thought, by divine direction, sped his course towards the west, and, arriving at a place on the Tyrrhene sea, found there the descendants of certain Trojans who, with Antenor, came into Italy, of whom Corineus was the chief. These joined company, and the ships pursued their way till they arrived at the mouth of the river Loire, in France, where the expedition landed, with a view to a settlement, but were so rudely assaulted by the inhabitants that they put to sea again, and arrived at a part of the coast of Britain, now called Devonshire, where Brutus felt convinced that he had found the promised end of his voyage, landed his colony, and took possession.
The island, not yet Britain, but Albion, was in a manner desert and inhospitable, occupied only by a remnant of the giant race whose excessive force and tyranny had destroyed the others. The Trojans encountered these and extirpated them, Corineus, in particular, signalizing himself by his exploits against them; from whom Cornwall takes its name, for that region fell to his lot, and there the hugest giants dwelt, lurking in rocks and caves, till Corineus rid the land of them.
Brutus built his capital city, and called it Trojanova (New Troy), changed in time to Trinovantus, now London;
[Footnote: "For noble Britons sprong from Trojans bold, And Troynovant was built of old Troy's ashes cold" SPENSER,
Book III, Canto IX., 38.]
and, having governed the isle twenty-four years, died, leaving three sons, Locrine, Albanact and Camber. Locrine had the middle part, Camber the west, called Cambria from him, and Albanact Albania, now Scotland. Locrine was married to Guendolen, the daughter of Corineus, but having seen a fair maid named Estrildis, who had been brought captive from Germany, he became enamoured of her, and had by her a daughter, whose name was Sabra. This matter was kept secret while Corineus lived, but after his death Locrine divorced Guendolen, and made Estrildis his queen. Guendolen, all in rage, departed to Cornwall, where Madan, her son, lived, who had been brought up by Corineus, his grandfather. Gathering an army of her father's friends and subjects, she gave battle to her husband's forces and Locrine was slain. Guendolen caused her rival, Estrildis, with her daughter Sabra, to be thrown into the river, from which cause the river thenceforth bore the maiden's name, which by length of time is now changed into Sabrina or Severn. Milton alludes to this in his address to the rivers,—
"Severn swift, guilty of maiden's death";—
and in his "Comus" tells the story with a slight variation, thus:
"There is a gentle nymph not far from hence, That with moist curb sways the smooth Severn stream; Sabrina is her name, a virgin pure: Whilom she was the daughter of Locrine, That had the sceptre from his father, Brute, She, guiltless damsel, flying the mad pursuit Of her enraged step-dame, Guendolen, Commended her fair innocence to the flood, That stayed her night with his cross-flowing course The water-nymphs that in the bottom played, Held up their pearled wrists and took her in, Bearing her straight to aged Nereus' hall, Who, piteous of her woes, reared her lank head, And gave her to his daughters to imbathe In nectared lavers strewed with asphodel, And through the porch and inlet of each sense Dropped in ambrosial oils till she revived, And underwent a quick, immortal change, Made goddess of the river," etc.
If our readers ask when all this took place, we must answer, in the first place, that mythology is not careful of dates; and next, that, as Brutus was the great-grandson of Aeneas, it must have been not far from a century subsequent to the Trojan war, or about eleven hundred years before the invasion of the island by Julius Caesar. This long interval is filled with the names of princes whose chief occupation was in warring with one another. Some few, whose names remain connected with places, or embalmed in literature, we will mention.
BLADUD
Bladud built the city of Bath, and dedicated the medicinal waters to Minerva. He was a man of great invention, and practised the arts of magic, till, having made him wings to fly, he fell down upon the temple of Apollo, in Trinovant, and so died, after twenty years' reign.
LEIR
Leir, who next reigned, built Leicester, and called it after his name. He had no male issue, but only three daughters. When grown old he determined to divide his kingdom among his daughters, and bestow them in marriage. But first, to try which of them loved him best, he determined to ask them solemnly in order, and judge of the warmth of their affection by their answers. Goneril, the eldest, knowing well her father's weakness, made answer that she loved him "above her soul." "Since thou so honorest my declining age," said the old man, "to thee and to thy husband I give the third part of my realm." Such good success for a few words soon uttered was ample instruction to Regan, the second daughter, what to say. She therefore to the same question replied that "she loved him more than all the world beside;" and so received an equal reward with her sister. But Cordelia, the youngest, and hitherto the best beloved, though having before her eyes the reward of a little easy soothing, and the loss likely to attend plain- dealing, yet was not moved from the solid purpose of a sincere and virtuous answer, and replied: "Father, my love towards you is as my duty bids. They who pretend beyond this flatter." When the old man, sorry to hear this, and wishing her to recall these words, persisted in asking, she still restrained her expressions so as to say rather less than more than the truth. Then Leir, all in a passion, burst forth: "Since thou hast not reverenced thy aged father like thy sisters, think not to have any part in my kingdom or what else I have;"—and without delay, giving in marriage his other daughters, Goneril to the Duke of Albany, and Regan to the Duke of Cornwall, he divides his kingdom between them, and goes to reside with his eldest daughter, attended only by a hundred knights. But in a short time his attendants, being complained of as too numerous and disorderly, are reduced to thirty. Resenting that affront, the old king betakes him to his second daughter; but she, instead of soothing his wounded pride, takes part with her sister, and refuses to admit a retinue of more than five. Then back he returns to the other, who now will not receive him with more than one attendant. Then the remembrance of Cordeilla comes to his thoughts, and he takes his journey into France to seek her, with little hope of kind consideration from one whom he had so injured, but to pay her the last recompense he can render,— confession of his injustice. When Cordeilla is informed of his approach, and of his sad condition, she pours forth true filial tears. And, not willing that her own or others' eyes should see him in that forlorn condition, she sends one of her trusted servants to meet him, and convey him privately to some comfortable abode, and to furnish him with such state as befitted his dignity. After which Cordeilla, with the king her husband, went in state to meet him, and, after an honorable reception, the king permitted his wife, Cordeilla, to go with an army and set her father again upon his throne. They prospered, subdued the wicked sisters and their consorts, and Leir obtained the crown and held it three years. Cordeilla succeeded him and reigned five years; but the sons of her sisters, after that, rebelled against her, and she lost both her crown and life.
Shakspeare has chosen this story as the subject of his tragedy of "King Lear," varying its details in some respects. The madness of Leir, and the ill success of Cordeilla's attempt to reinstate her father, are the principal variations, and those in the names will also be noticed. Our narrative is drawn from Milton's "History;" and thus the reader will perceive that the story of Leir has had the distinguished honor of being told by the two acknowledged chiefs of British literature.
FERREX AND PORREX
Ferrex and Porrex were brothers, who held the kingdom after Leir. They quarrelled about the supremacy, and Porrex expelled his brother, who, obtaining aid from Suard, king of the Franks, returned and made war upon Porrex. Ferrex was slain in battle and his forces dispersed. When their mother came to hear of her son's death, who was her favorite, she fell into a great rage, and conceived a mortal hatred against the survivor. She took, therefore, her opportunity when he was asleep, fell upon him, and, with the assistance of her women, tore him in pieces. This horrid story would not be worth relating, were it not for the fact that it has furnished the plot for the first tragedy which was written in the English language. It was entitled "Gorboduc," but in the second edition "Ferrex and Porrex," and was the production of Thomas Sackville, afterwards Earl of Dorset, and Thomas Norton, a barrister. Its date was 1561.
DUNWALLO MOLMUTIUS
This is the next name of note. Molmutius established the Molmutine laws, which bestowed the privilege of sanctuary on temples, cities, and the roads leading to them, and gave the same protection to ploughs, extending a religious sanction to the labors of the field. Shakspeare alludes to him in "Cymbeline," Act III., Scene 1:
"… Molmutius made our laws; Who was the first of Britain which did put His brows within a golden crown, and called Himself a king."
BRENNUS AND BELINUS,
The sons of Molmutius, succeeded him. They quarrelled, and Brennus was driven out of the island, and took refuge in Gaul, where he met with such favor from the king of the Allobroges that he gave him his daughter in marriage, and made him his partner on the throne. Brennus is the name which the Roman historians give to the famous leader of the Gauls who took Rome in the time of Camillus. Geoffrey of Monmouth claims the glory of the conquest for the British prince, after he had become king of the Allobroges.
ELIDURE
After Belinus and Brennus there reigned several kings of little note, and then came Elidure. Arthgallo, his brother, being king, gave great offence to his powerful nobles, who rose against him, deposed him, and advanced Elidure to the throne. Arthgallo fled, and endeavored to find assistance in the neighboring kingdoms to reinstate him, but found none. Elidure reigned prosperously and wisely. After five years' possession of the kingdom, one day, when hunting, he met in the forest his brother, Arthgallo, who had been deposed. After long wandering, unable longer to bear the poverty to which he was reduced, he had returned to Britain, with only ten followers, designing to repair to those who had formerly been his friends. Elidure, at the sight of his brother in distress, forgetting all animosities, ran to him, and embraced him. He took Arthgallo home with him, and concealed him in the palace. After this he feigned himself sick, and, calling his nobles about him, induced them, partly by persuasion, partly by force, to consent to his abdicating the kingdom, and reinstating his brother on the throne. The agreement being ratified, Elidure took the crown from his own head, and put it on his brother's head. Arthgallo after this reigned ten years, well and wisely, exercising strict justice towards all men.
He died, and left the kingdom to his sons, who reigned with various fortunes, but were not long-lived, and left no offspring, so that Elidure was again advanced to the throne, and finished the course of his life in just and virtuous actions, receiving the name of THE PIOUS, from the love and admiration of his subjects.
Wordsworth has taken the story of Artegal and Elidure for the subject of a poem, which is No. 2 of "Poems founded on the Affections."
LUD
After Elidure, the Chronicle names many kings, but none of special note, till we come to Lud, who greatly enlarged Trinovant, his capital, and surrounded it with a wall. He changed its name, bestowing upon it his own, so that henceforth it was called Lud's town, afterwards London. Lud was buried by the gate of the city called after him Ludgate. He had two sons, but they were not old enough at the time of their father's death to sustain the cares of government, and therefore their uncle, Caswallaun, or Cassibellaunus, succeeded to the kingdom. He was a brave and magnificent prince, so that his fame reached to distant countries.
CASSIBELLAUNUS
About this time it happened (as is found in the Roman histories) that Julius Caesar, having subdued Gaul, came to the shore opposite Britain. And having resolved to add this island also to his conquests, he prepared ships and transported his army across the sea, to the mouth of the River Thames. Here he was met by Cassibellaun with all his forces, and a battle ensued, in which Nennius, the brother of Cassibellaun, engaged in single combat with Csesar. After several furious blows given and received, the sword of Caesar stuck so fast in the shield of Nennius that it could not be pulled out, and the combatants being separated by the intervention of the troops Nennius remained possessed of this trophy. At last, after the greater part of the day was spent, the Britons poured in so fast that Caesar was forced to retire to his camp and fleet. And finding it useless to continue the war any longer at that time, he returned to Gaul.
Shakspeare alludes to Cassibellaunus, in "Cymbeline":
"The famed Cassibelan, who was once at point (O giglot fortune!) to master Caesar's sword, Made Lud's town with rejoicing fires bright, And Britons strut with courage."
KYMBELINUS, OR CYMBELINE
Caesar, on a second invasion of the island, was more fortunate, and compelled the Britons to pay tribute. Cymbeline, the nephew of the king, was delivered to the Romans as a hostage for the faithful fulfilment of the treaty, and, being carried to Rome by Caesar, he was there brought up in the Roman arts and accomplishments. Being afterwards restored to his country, and placed on the throne, he was attached to the Romans, and continued through all his reign at peace with them. His sons, Guiderius and Arviragus, who made their appearance in Shakspeare's play of "Cymbeline," succeeded their father, and, refusing to pay tribute to the Romans, brought on another invasion. Guiderius was slain, but Arviragus afterward made terms with the Romans, and reigned prosperously many years.
ARMORICA
The next event of note is the conquest and colonization of Armorica, by Maximus, a Roman general, and Conan, lord of Miniadoc or Denbigh-land, in Wales. The name of the country was changed to Brittany, or Lesser Britain; and so completely was it possessed by the British colonists, that the language became assimilated to that spoken in Wales, and it is said that to this day the peasantry of the two countries can understand each other when speaking their native language.
The Romans eventually succeeded in establishing themselves in the island, and after the lapse of several generations they became blended with the natives so that no distinction existed between the two races. When at length the Roman armies were withdrawn from Britain, their departure was a matter of regret to the inhabitants, as it left them without protection against the barbarous tribes, Scots, Picts, and Norwegians, who harassed the country incessantly. This was the state of things when the era of King Arthur began.
The adventure of Albion, the giant, with Hercules is alluded to by Spenser, "Faery Queene," Book IV., Canto xi:
"For Albion the son of Neptune was; Who for the proof of his great puissance, Out of his Albion did on dry foot pass Into old Gaul that now is cleped France, To fight with Hercules, that did advance To vanquish all the world with matchless might: And there his mortal part by great mischance Was slain."
