An American Diplomat in China E-Book

Paul S. Reinsch

• Herausgeber: Publisher s11838
• Kategorie: Bildung
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017

Beschreibung

An American Diplomat in China written by American political scientist and diplomat Paul S. Reinsch. This book is one of many works by him. Published in 1922. And now republish in ebook format. We believe this work is culturally important in its original archival form. While we strive to adequately clean and digitally enhance the original work, there are occasionally instances where imperfections such as blurred or missing pages, poor pictures or errant marks may have been introduced due to either the quality of the original work. Despite these occasional imperfections, we have brought it back into print as part of our ongoing global book preservation commitment, providing customers with access to the best possible historical reprints. We appreciate your understanding of these occasional imperfections, and sincerely hope you enjoy reading this book.

Leseprobe

An American Diplomat in China

By

Paul S. Reinsch

Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION

PART I. OLD CHINA AND THE NEW REPUBLIC

CHAPTER I. THE DICTATOR-PRESIDENT OF CHINA

CHAPTER II. CHINA OF MANY PERSONS

CHAPTER III. OLD CONFUCIANISM IN THE NEW CHINA

CHAPTER IV. A GLIMPSE BEHIND THE POLITICAL SCENES

CHAPTER V. WITH MEN WHO WATCH POLITICSCHAPTER_V

CHAPTER VI. CHINA OF MERCHANT-ADVENTURERS

CHAPTER VII. PROMPT PROPOSALS FOR AMERICAN ACTION

CHAPTER VIII. A LITTLE VISION FOR CHINA

CHAPTER IX. "SLOW AMERICANS"

CHAPTER X. FOLK WAYS AND OFFICIALS

PART II. THE PASSING OF YUAN SHIH-KAI

CHAPTER XI. THE WAR: JAPAN IN SHANTUNG

CHAPTER XII. THE FAMOUS TWENTY-ONE DEMANDS, 1915

CHAPTER XIII. GETTING TOGETHER

CHAPTER XIV. WAR DAYS IN PEKING

CHAPTER XV. EMPEROR YUAN SHIH-KAI

CHAPTER XVI. DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF YUAN SHIH-KAI

CHAPTER XVII. REPUBLICANS IN THE SADDLE

PART III. THE WAR AND CHINA

CHAPTER XVIII. AMERICAN ENTREPRENEURS IN PEKING

CHAPTER XIX. GUARDING THE "OPEN DOOR"

CHAPTER XX. A DIARY OF QUIET DAYS, AUTUMN OF 1916

CHAPTER XXI. CHINA BREAKS WITH GERMANY

CHAPTER XXII. CHINA'S BOSSES COME TO PEKING

CHAPTER XXIII. AN EMPEROR FOR A DAY

CHAPTER XXIV. WAR WITH GERMANY: READJUSTMENTS

CHAPTER XXV. THE CHINESE GO A-BORROWING

PART IV. LAST YEAR OF WAR AND AFTERMATH

CHAPTER XXVI. THE LANSING-ISHII NOTES

CHAPTER XXVII. AMIDST TROUBLES PEKING REJOICES

CHAPTER XXVIII. A NEW WORLD WAR COMING?

CHAPTER XXIX. JAPAN SHOWS HER TEETH

CHAPTER XXX. BANDITS, INTRIGUERS, AND A HOUSE DIVIDED

CHAPTER XXXI. YOUNG MEN IN PEKING, OLD MEN IN PARIS

CHAPTER XXXII. A NATION STRIKES AND UNITES

CHAPTER XXXIII. TAKING LEAVE OF PEKING

INTRODUCTION

Through recent developments China has been put in the forefront of international interest. The world is beginning to have an idea of its importance. Those who have long known it, who have given attention to its traditions and the sources of its social and industrial strength, have the conviction that China will become a factor of the first magnitude in the composition of the world of the twentieth century. They have penetrated beyond the idea that China is a land of topsy-turvy, the main function of which is to amuse the outsider with unexpected social customs, and which, from a political point of view, is in a state bordering upon chaos. When we ask ourselves what are the elements which may constitute China's contribution to the future civilization of the world, what are the characteristics which render her civilization significant to all of us, we enter upon a subject that would in itself require a volume merely to present in outline. From the point of view of social action, there is the widely diffused sense of popular equity which has enabled Chinese society for these many centuries to govern itself, to maintain property rights, personal honour and dignity without recourse to written law or set tribunals, chiefly through an informal enforcement by society itself acting through many agencies, of that underlying sense of proportion and rightness which lives in the hearts of the people. From the point of view of economic life, China presents the picture of a society in which work has not been robbed of its joy, in which the satisfaction of seeing the product of industry grow in the hands of the craftsman still forms the chief reward of a labour performed with patient toil but without heartbreaking drudgery. From the point of view of social organization, China forms an extremely intricate organism in which the specific relationship between definite individuals counts far more than any general principles or ideas. Loyalty, piety, a sense of fitness give meaning to the ceremonial of Chinese social life, which is more than etiquette as a mere ornament of social intercourse in that it bodies forth in visible form as every-day observances, the relations and duties upon which society rests. From the point of view of art, China stands for a refinement of quality which attests the loving devotion of generations to the idea of a perfect product; in the representative arts, calmness of perception has enabled the Chinese to set a model for the artistic reproduction of the environments of human life. In their conception of policy and world position, the Chinese people have ever shown a readiness to base any claim to ascendancy upon inherent excellence and virtue. They have not imposed upon their neighbours any artificial authority, though they have proudly received the homage and admiration due their noble culture.

At this time, when the Far Eastern question is the chief subject-matter of international conferences and negotiations, China stands before the world in the eyes of those who really know her, not as a bankrupt pleader for indulgence and assistance, but as a great unit of human tradition and force which, heretofore somewhat over-disdainful of the things through which other nations had won power and preference and mechanical mastery, has lived a trifle carelessly in the assurance that real strength must rest on inner virtue; China has made no use of the arts of self-advertisement, but has felt within her the consciousness of a great human force that must ultimately prevail over petty intrigue and forceful aggression. The secular persistence of Chinese civilization has given to the Chinese an inner strength and confidence which make them bear up even when the aggressiveness of nations more effectively organized for attack seems to render their position well-nigh desperate. Can the world fail to realize that if this vast society can continue to live according to its traditions of peace and useful industry instead of being made the battleground of contending Imperial interests, the peace of the world will be more truly advanced than it may be by any covenants of formal contrivance? Declarations, treaties, and leagues are all useful instruments, but unless the nations agree without afterthought to respect the life and civilization of China, all professions of world betterment would be belied in fact. If China is to be looked upon as material for the imperialist policies of others, peace conferences will discuss and resolve in vain.

During the six years of my work in China I was constantly surrounded by the evidences of the transition of Chinese life to new methods and aims. In all its complex phases this enormous transformation passed in review before my eyes, in all its deep significance, not only for China and the Far East, but for the whole world. It was this that made life and work in China at this time so intensely fascinating. A new form of government had been adopted. As I represented the Republic upon which it had been largely modeled, whose spirit the Chinese were anxious to follow, it fell to me to counsel with Chinese leaders as if I had been one of their number. The experience of a great American commonwealth which had itself successfully endeavoured to raise its organization to a higher plane was of unending assistance to me in enabling me to see the Chinese problems as part of what right-thinking men were struggling for throughout the world. The most discouraging feature was, however, that the needs of China so often took the form of emergencies in which it seemed futile to plan at long range, in which immediate help was necessary. Where one was coöperating with a group of men beset by overpowering difficulties of the moment, it often seemed academic even to think of the general improvement of political and economic organization, over a longer range of time. The old elements of the Imperial régime, the traditional methods of basing authority on something from above, the purely personal conception of politics with the corruption incident upon the idea that members of clans must take care of each other—which formerly was a virtue—all were the sources of the outstanding difficulties that jutted everywhere into the plans for a more highly and efficiently organized commonwealth. But it was a pleasure to see the growing manifestation of a commonwealth spirit, the organization of public opinion, and the clearer vision of the demands of public service. Even among the officials the idea that the Government was merely a taxing and office-holding organization was giving way, especially among the younger men, to a desire that the functions of government should be used for developmental purposes, in helping the people towards better methods in agriculture and industry, in encouraging improved communications and public works of many kinds.

International action as seen from Peking during this period did not have many reassuring qualities. In most cases it was based upon a desire to lose no technical advantage of position; to yield not a whit, no matter what general benefit might result through mutual concessions. Each one was jealously guarding his position in which he had advanced step by step. Some were willing to make common cause with others in things that would not always commend themselves to a sense of equity, in order that they might take still another step forward. During the major part of this period one power employed every device of intrigue, intimidation, corruption, and force in order to gain a position for itself in flagrant disregard of the rights of the Chinese people itself, and in oblivion of the rights of others.

As to American policy, the difficulties which I encountered arose from the fact that a great deal was expected of a country so powerful, which had declared and always pursued a policy so just to China. Chinese goodwill and confidence, and the real friendship of the Chinese people toward America certainly tended to make easier any task America might be ready to undertake. But America had no political aims and desired to abstain particularly from anything verging on political interference, even in behalf of those principles we so thoroughly believe in. American relationships to China depended not on governmental action, but on a spontaneous coöperation between the two peoples in matters of education, commerce, and industry.

Infinitely complex as were the questions of Chinese internal affairs and of the privileges and desires of the various powers, yet to my mind it was not a difficult problem to see what should be done in order to put matters on a sound foundation. I had learned to have great confidence in the ability of the Chinese to manage their own affairs when let alone, particularly in commerce and industry.

That was the first desideratum, to secure for them immunity from the constant interference, open and secret, on the part of foreign interests desirous of confusing Chinese affairs and drawing advantage from such confusion. So far as American diplomatic action was concerned, its essential task was to prevent such interference, and to see to it that China could not be closed even by those indirect methods which often accompany the most vociferous, ardent declarations in favour of Chinese independence and sovereignty. We therefore had to keep a close watch and to resist in specific detail any and all of those innumerable efforts on the part of others to secure and fortify a position of privilege. That was the negative side of our action. The positive side, however, was entirely non-political. Americans sought no position of tutordom or control. Only upon the free and spontaneous invitation of the Chinese would they come to counsel and assist.

The important thing was that Americans should continue to take a hand in the education of China and the upbuilding of Chinese business and enterprise. They had done this in the past, and would do it in the future in the spirit of free coöperation, without desire to exercise a tutelage over others, always rejoicing in any progress the Chinese themselves made. Such activities must continue and increase. Sound action in business and constructive work in industry should be America's contribution to the solution of the specific difficulties of China. The Chinese people were discouraged, confused, disillusioned; but every centre, no matter how small, from which radiate sound influences in education and business, is a source of strength and progress. If Americans could be stopped from doing these things, or impeded and obstructed in them, then there would nothing further remain worth while for Americans to do. But if they could organize enterprises, great and small, they would in the most direct and effective manner give the encouragement and organizing impulse which China needed so urgently. So the simple principle of American action in China is this: By doing things in themselves worth while, Americans will contribute most to the true liberation of the Chinese people.

Never has one nation had a greater opportunity to act as counsellor and friend to another and to help a vast and lovable people to realize its striving for a better life. Coöperation freely sought, unconstrained, spontaneous desire to model on institutions and methods which are admired—that is the only way in which nations may mutually influence each other without the coercion of political power and the cunning of intrigue. That is a feeling which has existed in the hearts of the Chinese toward America. The American people does not yet realize what a treasure it possesses in this confidence.

PART I. OLD CHINA AND THE NEW REPUBLIC

CHAPTER I. THE DICTATOR-PRESIDENT OF CHINA

"My opponents are disloyal. They would pull down my government." He who spoke was cordial in his manner as he thus off handedly epitomized his theory of government.

Yuan Shih-kai, President of the Chinese Republic, was short of stature and thickset; but his expressive face, his quick gestures, his powerful neck and bullet head, gave him the appearance of great energy. His eyes, which were fine and clear, alive with interest and mobile, were always brightly alert. They fixed themselves on the visitor with keen penetration, yet never seemed hostile; they were full always of keen interest. These eyes of his revealed how readily he followed—or usually anticipated—the trend of the conversation, though he listened with close attention, seemingly bringing his judgment to bear on each new detail. Frenchmen saw in him a resemblance to Clemenceau; and this is born out by his portrait which appears on the Chinese dollar. In stature, facial expression, shape of head, contour of features as well as in the manner of wearing his moustache, he did greatly resemble the Tiger.

I had noted these things when I was first presented to the President, and I had felt also the almost ruthless power of the man. Republican in title he was, but an autocrat at heart. All the old glittering trappings of the empire he had preserved. Even the Chief of the Military Department of the President's household, General Yin Chang, whom Yuan had sent to fetch me in Imperial splendour, is a Manchu and former Imperial commander. His one foreign language significantly enough was German which he acquired when he was minister in Berlin. I had passed between files of the huge guardsmen of Yuan Shih-kai, who had Frederick the Great's fondness for tall men; and I found him in the showy palace of the great Empress Dowager, standing in the main throne hall to receive me. He was flanked by thirty generals of his household, extended in wings at both sides of him, and their uniforms made it a most impressive scene.

But that was an occasion of state. Later, at a more informal interview, accompanied only by Mr. Williams, secretary of the legation and Mr. Peck, the Chinese secretary, observed Yuan's character more fully. He had just expelled from parliament the democratic party (Kuo Min Tang); then he had summarily dismissed the Parliament itself. Feeling, perhaps, a possible loss of American goodwill he had sent for me to explain his action.

"It was not a good parliament, for it was made up largely of inexperienced theorists and young politicians," he began. "They wished to meddle with the Government as well as to legislate on all matters. Their real function was to adopt a permanent constitution for the Republic, but they made no headway with that." And with much truth he added: "Our traditions are very different from your Western ones and our affairs are very complex. We cannot safely apply your abstract ideas of policy."

Of his own work of stirring up, through emissaries, internal and partisan controversies which prevented the new parliament from effectively organizing, Yuan of course omitted to speak. Moreover, he said little of the possibility of more closely coördinating the executive and the legislative branches; so while he avowed his desire to have a constitution forthwith, and to reconstitute Parliament by more careful selections under a new electoral law, I found myself thinking of his own career. His personal rule, his unscrupulous advancement to power, with the incidental corruption and cold-blooded executions that marked it, and his bitter personal feeling against all political opponents—these were not qualities that make for stable parliamentary government, which depends on allowing other people frankly to advocate their opinions in the effort to gain adherents enough to succeed in turn to political power. The failure to understand this basic principle of democracy is the vice of Chinese politics.

"As you see," Yuan beamed eagerly, "the Chinese Republic is a very young baby. It must be nursed and kept from taking strong meat or potent medicines like those prescribed by foreign doctors." This metaphor he repeated with relish, his eyes sparkling as they sought mine and those of the other listeners to get their expressions of assent or reserve.

A young baby indeed and childishly cared for! Here, for example, is a decree published by Yuan Shih-kai on March 8, 1915. It indicates how faith in his republicanism was penetrating to remote regions, and how such faith was rewarded by him:

"Ihsihaishun, Prince of the Koersin Banner, reported through the Board for Mongolia and Tibet that Kuanchuk-chuaimupal, Hutukhtu of the Banner, has led his followers to support the cause of the Republic and requested that the said Hutukhtu be rewarded for his good sentiments. The said Hutukhtu led his followers and vowed allegiance to the Republic, which action shows that he clearly understands the good cause. He is hereby allowed to ride in a yellow canopied carriage to show our appreciation."

This rather naïve emphasis on externals and on display is born of the old imperialism, a more significant feature of Chinese political life than it may seem. It colours most of the public ceremonies in China. The state carriage which the President had sent to convey me to his official residence in the Imperial City for the presentation of my credentials, on November 17th, was highly ornate, enamelled in blue with gold decorations. It was drawn by eight horses, with a cavalry escort sent by the President and my own guard of mounted marines; the legation staff of secretaries and attachés accompanied me in other carriages.

Thus in an old Imperial barouche and with an ex-Imperial military officer, General Yin, at my side, I rolled on toward the abode of the republican chief magistrate. We alighted at the monumental gate of an enclosure that surrounds the lovely South Lake in the western part of the Imperial City. On an island within this lake arose, tier above tier, and roofed with bright tiles of blue and yellow, the palace assigned by the Empress Dowager to Emperor Kwang Hsu; for long years, until death took him, it was his abode in semi-captivity. This palace was now the home of President Yuan.

The remote origin of its buildings, their exquisite forms and brilliant colouring, as contrasted with the sombreness of the lake at that season, and the stirring events of which they have been the scene, cannot fail to impress the visitor as he slowly glides across the Imperial lake in the old-fashioned boat, with its formal little cabin, curtained and upholstered, and with its lateral planks, up and down which pass the men who propel the boat with long poles.

Arrived at the palace, everything recalled the colourful court life so recently departed. I was greeted by the master of ceremonies, Mr. Lu Cheng-hsiang, and his associate, Mr. Alfred Sze, later Chinese minister at London and Washington. The former soon after became Minister for Foreign Affairs, while Mr. Sze was originally sent as minister to England. These gentlemen escorted me through a series of courts and halls, all spacious and impressive, until we reached the old Imperial library, a very jewel of architecture in this remarkable Eastern world of beauty. The library faces on a clear and deep pool round which are grouped the court theatre and various throne rooms and festival halls; all quiet and secluded—a charming place for distinguished entertainments. The rustle of heavy silks, the play of iridescent colour, the echoes of song and lute from the theatre—all that exquisite oriental refinement still seems to linger.

The library itself is the choicest of all these apartments. The perfect sense of proportion expressed in the architecture, the quiet reserve in all its decorations, the living literary reminiscence in the verses written on the paper panels by the Imperial hand, all testify to a most fastidious taste.

Here we rested for a few minutes while word was carried to the President, who was to receive my credentials. Then followed our walk between the files of the huge guardsmen, our entrance to the large audience chamber in the pretentious modern structure erected by the Empress Dowager, and the presentation to Yuan Shih-kai, as he stood in the centre, flanked by his generals.

I was formally presented to the President by Mr. Sun Pao-chi, Minister of Foreign Affairs; and Dr. Wellington Koo translated my brief address and the President's reply.

A military dictatorship had succeeded the old imperialism, that was all. Yuan had made his reputation and gained his power as a military commander. Yet there was about him nothing of the adventurer, nor any suggestion of the field of battle. He seemed now to be an administrator rather than a military captain. Certainly he had won power through infinite patience, great knowledge of men, political insight, and, above all, through playing always a safe if unscrupulous game.

What is meant by governing in a republic he could not know. Without high literary culture, although with a mind trained and well informed, he had not seen foreign countries, nor had he any knowledge of foreign languages. Therefore, he could have only a remote and vague notion of the foreign institutions which China at this time was beginning to imitate. He had no real knowledge or conception of the commonwealth principle of government, nor of the true use and function of a parliament, and particularly of a parliamentary opposition. He merely accepted these as necessary evils to be held within as narrow limits as possible.

During the two and a half years from my coming to Peking until the time of his death, Yuan Shih-kai left the enclosure of his palace only twice. This reminds me of the American, with an introduction from the State Department, who wired me from Shanghai asking me to arrange for him to take a moving picture of Yuan "proceeding from his White House to his Capitol." This enterprising Yankee would have had plenty of time to meditate on the difference between oriental political customs and our own if he had waited for Yuan Shih-kai to "proceed" from his political hermitage. The President's seclusion was usually attributed to fear of assassination, but if such fear was present in his mind, as well it might have been, there was undoubtedly also the idea, taken over from the Empire, that the holder of the highest political power should not appear in public except on very unusual occasions.

When he received me informally, he doffed the uniform of state and always wore a long Chinese coat. He had retained the distinction and refinement of Chinese manners, with a few additions from the West, such as shaking hands. His cue he had abandoned in 1912, when he decided to become President of the Republic. In the building which is now the Foreign Office and where he was then residing, Yuan asked Admiral Tsai Ting-kan whether his entry into the new era should not be outwardly expressed by shedding the traditional adornment of the head which though once a sign of bondage had become an emblem of nationality. When Admiral Tsai advised strongly in favour of it, Yuan sent for a big pair of scissors, and said to him: "It is your advice. You carry it out." The Admiral, with a vigorous clip, transformed Yuan into a modern man.

But inwardly Yuan Shih-kai was not much changed thereby.

CHAPTER II. CHINA OF MANY PERSONS

Yuan Shih-kai, a ruler whose power was personal, whose theories of government were those of an absolute monarch, who believed that in himself lay the hope of his people; China itself a nation of individualists, among whom there was as yet no unifying national sense, no inbred love of country, no traditions of personal responsibility toward their government, no sense that they themselves shared in the making of the laws which ordered their lives—these, I think, were the first clear impressions I had of the land to which I came as envoy in the early days of the Republic.

Even the rivers and cities through which we passed on our way to Peking seemed to deepen this feeling for me. The houseboats jammed together in the harbour at Shanghai visualized it. Each of these boats sheltered a family, who lived and moved and had their being, for the most part, on its narrow decks. Each family was quite independent of the people on the next boat. Each was immersed in the stern business of earning bread. These houseboat people (so it seemed) had little in common with each other, little in common with the life of the cities and villages which they regularly visited. As a class they lived apart; and each family was, for most of the time, isolated from the others. Their life, I thought, was the civilization of China in miniature. Of course such a figure applies only roughly. I mean merely to suggest that the population of this vast country is not a homogeneous one in a political sense. The unit of society is—as it has been for many centuries—the family, not the state. This is changing now, and changing rapidly. The seeds of democracy found fertile soil in China; but a civilization which has been shaping itself through eighty centuries cannot be too abruptly attacked. China is, after all, an ancient monarchy upon which the republican form of government was rather suddenly imposed. It is still in the period of adjustment. Such at least were my reactions as we ascended the Hwang-pu River, on that October day in 1913, and drew into the harbour basin which lies at the centre of Shanghai.