Intellectual Self-Destruction E-Book

Franziska Sittig

• Herausgeber: ibidem
• Kategorie: Bildung
• Serie: Klartext. Schriften zu Politik und Gesellschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 292

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2026

Beschreibung

Dive into the unsettling rise of a radical anti-Western coalition within the sanctuaries of scholarship, where Islamist and far-left ideologies converge. What began as a fringe student movement has now permeated elite academic institutions, subtly dictating the narratives in politics and media. Through meticulous case studies from the US and Germany, this research uncovers the dark underbelly of ideological extremism, institutional betrayal, and the surge in antisemitic violence. It draws chilling parallels to historical academic dalliances with totalitarianism, revealing how today’s universities are legitimizing Islamism and radical leftist thought. This study is a clarion call, exposing how Western academia is at a tipping point, with Europe on the brink of following America’s path of radicalization. It’s an urgent plea to safeguard our cultural and intellectual heritage from the encroaching shadows of ideological subversion.

Leseprobe

ibidem Press, Hannover - Stuttgart

We would like to thank Columbia University Press for accepting our book for distribution and marketing. We appreciate this gesture of self-reflection.

Our goal is not to attack or condemn Columbia University and all of its members. We are simply documenting those events that are already public knowledge or should be and adding the perspective of those who have experienced them first-hand. Columbia University serves as a case study to highlight a larger trend in higher education that deserves serious discussion.

We also want to make it explicitly clear that with this book we do not intend to:

hold all Palestinians responsible for the current situation, which we hope will soon be transformed into a humane and peaceful outcome for all innocent parties involved,

evaluate the actions of the Israeli government,

suspect all Muslims of antisemitism or equate Islam with Islamism.

What we are trying to do is offer honest, well-founded, and unvarnished criticism—criticism that any free and democratic individual should be able to face.

By analyzing current student protests and the political undercurrents that shape it, Sittig and Petri tackle one of the thorniest issues in current affairs. They do so with a remarkable combination of clarity, moral courage, and academic rigor. In particular, their work sheds light on the ideological and operational interactions between Islamist and hyper-progressive politics, a phenomenon that goes well beyond college campuses and that has been the subject of ample debates in intellectual, political and security circles at the highest levels throughout Europe. The result is a groundbreaking piece of academic work that deserves broad attention.—Lorenzo Vidino, Program Director of Extremism, George Washington University, Expert on Islamism in Europe and North America

The book is a bold and urgent exposé of the ideological forces threatening Western academia and civilization itself. Written by two students—one in the U.S. and one in Germany—this book uncovers the alarming rise of what they identify as the ‘woke-Islamist’ alliance, which is eroding free thought, legitimizing extremism, and undermining the very foundations of Western values. Combining firsthand experiences with sharp analysis, the authors issue a compelling wake-up call: the West must confront this growing intellectual and cultural crisis before it is too late.—Mitchell Silber, Executive director of the Community Security Initiative, Adjunct Professor at The School of International and Public Affairs (Columbia University)

Table of Contents

Foreword by Reihan Salam

Instead of a foreword: Bassam Tibi’s speech to the Austrian Parliament in Vienna on May 3, 2019

Foreword by Professor Dr. Michael Wolffsohn

Introduction

Glossary

The incidents described below represent only a fraction of the events that have occurred at institutions of higher learning—particularly after October 7, but also in the time leading up to it. A more comprehensive account would have exceeded the scope of this book or delayed its publication—an outcome we could not accept given the urgency of the situation.

Chapter 1: On the Fallibility of Intellectuals

Chapter 2: The Woke Islamist Alliance

Case study 1: Berlin

Case study 2: Columbia University in New York City

Summary

Chapter 3: The USA Shows the Rest of the West the Ropes

1. Financing

“Boycott, Divestment and Sanction”

Students for Justice in Palestine

Within our Lifetime

WESPAC

Samidoun

The People’s Forum

2. Curriculum

Universities

Schools

Summary

Chapter 4: Anti-Zionism—the Trojan Horse

What is anti-Zionism?

Is anti-Zionism anti-Semitic?

Anti-Zionism as a Trojan horse

Anti-Zionism as a link for the alliance 

Jewish key witnesses

Jewish Voice for Peace 

The Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East

Judith Butler 

Norman Finkelstein

Deborah Feldman

Neturei Karta

Chapter 5: Appeasement, Trivialization, Legitimation—the Reality Acrobatics of Intellectuals

Case study 1: Media

Case study 2: Scientists

Berlin University of Technology

American Association of University Professors (AAUP)

Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine

Chapter 6: Conclusion and Recommendations for Action

What does all this mean for the West?

I. How ideas emerge and change the world

II. The producing milieu finances; the ideological milieu determines

III. Wokeness—an autoimmune disease of civilization

IV. The woke Islamist alliance

V. Three questions, four measures: The basis of the Kulturkampf

VI. Conclusion: It is time for civilizational reconstruction

Appendix

Chapter 2

Berlin Universities

Columbia University, New York

Chapter 3

Students for Justice in Palestine

Samidoun

Within our Lifetime

Chapter 4

Jewish Voice for Peace

Ideological group connections

Nationwide Developments

More Examples

1. Germany

2. USA

Foreword by Reihan Salam

Americans have paid a lot of attention to institutions of higher learning in recent years—mostly negative attention. Universities have been in the spotlight for discriminatory admissions and hiring practices, the proliferation of diversity, equity, and inclusion bureaucracies, saddling students with massive debt and few marketable skills, and the production of useless and unserious scholarship.

All those would be enough to reduce universities’ prestige and set them on the path to irrelevance. But they are relevant as ever because they have also become centers for a disturbing embrace of violent radicalism. Perhaps most troubling of all, campus radicalism (which is nothing new) seems to have linked up with Islamist extremist movements from around the world, forming an “red-green alliance” between the utopian and the murderous. Students at elite American universities now openly parrot apologetics for terrorist groups in the Middle East and elsewhere in what they call the “Global South.” Occasionally they hand out literal terrorist propaganda. This may be protected free speech under the First Amendment. But that doesn’t make it any less worrisome. A small, ideological group of revolutionaries who reject bourgeois norms, think violence is acceptable for the cause, and feel that they have nothing to lose in their fight against the West can do a lot of damage.

Franziska Sittig and Noam Petri come to us with a timely warning. We are right to take these trends seriously, and they will explain why. As young Europeans who have paid close attention to the effects of mass migration without integration and the toxic brew of leftist radicalism with Islamist fundamentalism across the Atlantic, they have caught a glimpse of our future.

What I think you will appreciate about this book is the authors’ unflinching willingness to map connections that more timid analysts have avoided. There is no dancing around uncomfortable truths, the way that Sittig and Petri describe the European “eggshell” culture on which they are reporting. It can be dangerous, in a literal sense, to write about such matters without self-censorship. Yet they document the ideological scaffolding that binds Western progressive movements to fundamentalist Islamic thought bravely and without resorting to euphemism or tribal hatred.

Their analysis is particularly penetrating in revealing how both movements, despite their seemingly incompatible worldviews, cultivate on campus a common antipathy toward liberal democracy and traditional Western values, often expressed as hatred of Israel and even support for its terrorist enemies. It is an unflinching look at how the “red-green alliance” operates: leftist movements provide moral cover and institutional access, while Islamist elements supply theological fervor and organizational networks. One crucial idea lies right in the middle of the Venn Diagram between the two: hatred of the West. Yet culturally we Americans have a hard time saying that any of this matters. This book makes it clear. It matters. It really matters.

We are now in a battle of abstract ideas, some of which speak to the hearts of young people more than their opposites ever could. Hatred of the West insinuates itself as a desire to change things for the better, to blame powerful forces for making life unfair. Gratitude for our imperfect, messy heritage faces an uphill battle. It took a European, Alexis de Tocqueville, to show Americans what a special project they had two centuries ago. Sittig and Petri today remind us that our civilization is still worthy of our defense—and in need of it, too.

Reihan Salam is the President of the Manhattan Institute, a leading American ThinkTank.

Instead of a foreword: Bassam Tibi’s speech to the Austrian Parliament in Vienna on May 3, 2019

The new anti-Semitism—against violence and racism in remembrance of the victims of National Socialism

As a Muslim from Damascus who joins you in your fight against anti-Semitism, it is a great honor for me to speak before this Parliament and in the presence of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, whom I admire. In contrast to Germany, your country, Austria, has begun to come to terms with its Nazi past with regard to the Holocaust and the murder of six million Jews, albeit belatedly, but far more rigorously and consistently. Since 1998, your parliament has held this “Day of Remembrance against Violence and Racism in Memory of the Victims of National Socialism” as a—as the announcement says—“fixed component of parliamentary life”.

After reading the new edition of my book on “Islamic Immigration” with the subtitle “The New Anti-Semitism” [Islamische Zuwanderung und Ihre Folgen: Der neue Antisemitismus, Sicherheit und die »neuen Deutschen«, Stuttgart 2018], your National Council President Wolfgang Sobotka courageously decided to invite me as a speaker on this day of remembrance to talk to you here in Vienna about the new anti-Semitism. What is that?

Unlike the old, radical right-wing and National Socialist anti-Semitism, the new variety of this bacillus is coming to Europe with the immigrants from the Middle Eastern part of the Islamic world.

How is Europe dealing with this? Unlike Germany, whose politicians, journalists and even scholars are only aware of the Nazi anti-Semites but not of the new anti-Semitism that has arrived, Austria’s political leadership recognizes the new danger for Jewish life, for Europe and for democracy. The proof of this is the invitation of my person as an expert on the new anti-Semitism to give this guest speech on today’s Remembrance Day—broadcast by ORF television—to the political leadership of your country. Let me now enter into the subject and explain it.

My topic is “the new anti-Semitism.” The current reference to this year’s Remembrance Day of the Austrian Parliament are the new statistics from the EU study “Experiences and Perceptions of Antisemitism.” Before I mention these, I would like to express to you in the Austrian Parliament what a great honor you have bestowed on me as a Muslim of Syrian origin by inviting me to speak about a taboo subject. The German Bundestag would not choose me for such an honor.

Now to the announced statistics: When determining anti-Semitic attitudes among the European resident population, Muslims rank highest at 30%, followed by left-wing anti-Semites at 21% and right-wing radicals at only 13%. Long before such a revelation, the great Princeton historian of Islam Bernard Lewis, who died in May 2018, coined the term “The New Anti-Semitism” to describe the new phenomenon that is rampant in the world of Islam. It is no contradiction that Lewis acknowledges the medieval “Jewish-Islamic symbiosis” in his book The Jews of Islam, but in his essay in the journal The American Scholar warns against the “New Anti-Semitism” as a contemporary phenomenon. In the academic year 1986/1987, Bernard Lewis was my colleague and host at Princeton University; I learned so much from him that I rank him as a mentor in my life, and it is an honor for me that Lewis is among the authors of the festschrift Between Confrontation and Dialogue, dedicated and edited by my students. Standing here before you in Vienna, I would like to present my findings on the “new anti-Semitism,” building on Bernard Lewis’ studies and based on my research in 22 Islamic countries over a period of forty years and in my capacity as “Resnick Senior Fellow for the Study of Antisemitism” in the years 2007–2010 at the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies (CAHS) in Washington.

As a German citizen of Syrian origin and Muslim faith, I hope that the German Bundestag will free itself from taboos and take the Austrian parliament as a model for a democratic discussion on the “new anti-Semitism.” I am immensely honored that the Austrian Federal Chancellor is one of my listeners here in the Hofburg.

Anyone who is sincerely against anti-Semitism must stand and fight against all varieties of this “genocidal ideology,” as Hannah Arendt put it, regardless of whether they come from the left or the right or from the world of Islam. Based on my studies, I have established that Islamic hatred of Jews and Islamist anti-Semitism is coming to Europe with Islamic immigrants as a “new anti-Semitism.” I have therefore coined the term “immigrated anti-Semitism.” I have repeatedly pointed out that this new anti-Semitism, which includes attacks by Islamic immigrants on Jews and synagogues, is being played down as an “isolated case” by the media, politics, the judiciary and even academia in the Federal Republic of Germany.

When I appeared as a speaker at the Austrian Integration Fund (ÖIF) in Vienna in March of this year (2019), the Viennese newspaper “Die Presse” published an interview with me with the telling headline: Einzelfall ist das hässlichste deutsche Wort überhaupt [“‘Einzelfall’, i.e. ‘Isolated Case’, is the most hideous German word of all”; comment by translator](Die Presse, February 11, 2019).

I hope that I have convincingly answered the US-American question “What are we thinking about?” with the statements I have made so far and have therefore passed the test that a chatterbox would fail: We are talking about a “new anti-Semitism with an Islamic shape.”

I am a Syrian socialized in Damascus on the Qur’anic text, with the help of my devout mother, and I see no contradiction in being both a Muslim and a critic of Islamic anti-Semitism. I am a humanist and vehemently reject all forms of anti-Semitism as genocidal racism.

How do I approach the problem at hand? Culturally, I am a hybrid socialized person because I have gone through three socialization patterns in my 75-year life history and combined them in myself: Arabo-Islamic, German European and US-American. In the years 1982-2012, I completed an academic career in the USA (I started at Harvard in 1982 and graduated in 2010 with an A. D. White Professor at Cornell University), which has shaped my thinking. I will therefore combine all three patterns of socialization in my speech on the new anti-Semitism: I approach the topic factually, i.e. German European, tell stories Orientally and embellish my factual arguments with anecdotes in a US-American way. My first story is my upbringing in family, school and society in Damascus in hatred of Jews. I am not an isolated case, but an example of my generation and the culture in which I grew up.

As a boy, I fought with my brother Ghassan, who was two years younger. Whenever this became too violent, our mother would separate us by saying to me as the older and stronger brother: “Leave him, shuhhada yahudi bain idek?”—“He’s not a Jew in your hands after all.” My mother, from whom I learned the Qur’an text, was the dearest person in my life and yet a Jew-hater, as was the whole of society then and even more so today. Apart from three countries (Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Libya), I know the entire Arab world in which I lived and researched. Except for Morocco, where Jews enjoy the explicit protection of the king, there is virulent anti-Semitism everywhere. The Islamic immigrants bring this bacillus with them to Europe. I myself am also an example of this—and not an isolated case.

If today’s Europeans are really serious about combating anti-Semitism in memory of the murder of six million Jews in barbaric concentration camps, then this must apply to all forms of anti-Semitism, including immigrants from the world of Islam. The Austrian parliament is setting a positive example by placing the “new anti-Semitism” on the agenda of this commemorative event against violence and racism in remembrance of the victims of National Socialism in Vienna by the President of the National Council, Wolfgang Sobotka. The crowning glory of this recognition of the fact of a “new anti-Semitism” is the honorary presence of Austrian Chancellor Kurz.

The story of my generation’s upbringing in Jew-hatred in Damascus is followed by a more gratifying story, namely that of an education in enlightenment, humanism, democracy, pluralism and secular rationality with two Jewish scholars and Holocaust survivors in Frankfurt: Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno. With the help of both, I developed from an anti-Semite into a fighter against anti-Semitism in all its forms, including Islamic anti-Semitism. I fiercely reject any demonization of this enlightened humanism with the propagated accusation of Islamophobia.

This propaganda is being spread today both by Islamists, about whom I still have a lot to say, and by the left-wing spectrum. In his book Un Racisme Imaginaire (2017), the French writer Pascal Bruckner developed the term “Islamo-Leftism” as belonging to an “Unnatural Marriage” (Part II of the UK edition). With the term “Islamo-Leftism,” Bruckner also addresses the pro-Islamist propaganda that is noteworthy in Austria, but in this country there is not the German refugee romanticism that protects even Islamist refugees from criticism and not only covers up immigrant anti-Semitism but also ostracizes criticism of it as “racism.” We are meeting here not only to outlaw anti-Semitism, but also to outlaw all racism. Criticism of political Islam and its anti-Semitism is not racism, but on the contrary an act against religious racism.

In order to illustrate my criticism of political Islam from the perspective of an enlightened Islam, I will emphasize my Islamic socialization and literacy in the Arabic language as a three-year-old child in Damascus on the lap of my beloved mother. In Germany, I am accused of “racist Islamophobia” by leftists and Islamists because I criticize political Islam. That is why Germany is not a role model for me as a Muslim and as an expert on Islam when it comes to dealing with totalitarian Islamism, which I would like to describe in more detail. Austria, on the other hand, is a role model because it bans external financing of mosques, closes mosques with an Islamist background and expels anti-Semitic imams.

Your Federal Chancellor Kurz, who is sitting in front of me and listening to me, therefore deserves my praise and recognition as a responsible and ethical politician. In fairness, I must acknowledge that the shrouding cloud of the romanticism of the German welcome culture is slowly lifting, not in favor of right-wing Islamophobia as claimed, but in favor of a clearer view of reality. A few weeks ago, the deputy leader of the CDU parliamentary group in the Bundestag, Carsten Linnemann, published the enlightening book Der politische Islam gehört nicht zu Deutschland [“The Political Islam Does Not Belong to Germany,” comment by translator] (Herder, 2019) with me as the main author, not only to explain how anti-democratic political Islam is, but also to prove how it hinders the integration of Islamic immigrants. Immediately after the book was published, the left-liberal newspaper “Die Zeit” ostracized it as “proof” of a “shift to the right.” You in Austria are to be congratulated for keeping your feet on the ground of reality.

Beyond any polarization into a left-wing and right-wing camp, Europeans must avoid and even overcome the extremes of Islamophobic resentment and Islamophile romanticism in the debate on Islam and its diaspora enclaves in Europe. In this context, I recommend discrediting the propagandistic concept of Islamophobia and avoiding its apologists; engaging with them is worthless.

The prerequisite for a discussion free of resentment is solid knowledge about the subject matter, i.e. both about Islam and its politicization into Islamism as well as about the character of the “new anti-Semitism” that is the focus here.

On the way to acquiring solid knowledge about the areas mentioned, I worked at two institutions in the USA in the years 2007-2010: First, The Yale Interdisciplinary Initiative in the Study of Antisemitism (Yale University), and second, Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies (CAHS) at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) in Washington DC. In those years, I prepared papers on the topic at hand that appeared in The Yale Papers (edited by Charles A. Small, 2015) and co-authored with Jewish historian Jeffrey Herf the book Antisemitism Before and Since the Holocaust (New York 2017), edited by him and co-authored by the great antisemitism scholar Robert S. Wistrich (deceased 2015). Wistrich was the author of the world’s most important monograph on our topic: A Lethal Obsession: Anti-Semitism from Antiquity to the Global Jihad (New York 2010). I presented several research papers at the International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, which he directed until his death.

Far be it from me to absolve pre-Islamist Islam from the 7th to 19th centuries of the stigma of Jew-hatred. But if I quote Bernard LewisʼThe Jews of Islam (Princeton 1984) with the thesis that there was no anti-Semitism in Islamic civilization until the 19th century, then there is a need for explanation. Here I find help from Hannah Arendt, who already states in the preface to her book The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York 1951): “Antisemitism [...] and religious Jew-hatred [...] are obviously not the same” and adds in a later “Preface:” “antisemitism (not merely hatred of Jews), [...] totalitarianism (not merely dictatorship)”. Unlike anti-Semites, who call for “an extermination of the Jews in a genocide,” Jews-haters are merely “racists” with resentments.

I do not deny the hatred of Jews in Islam—even in the Qur’an—but I argue that anti-Semitism in Islam only emerged in the 20th century, with the process I call the “Islamization of anti-Semitism” and explain in more detail in chapter 3 of my book “Islamism and Islam,” published by Yale University Press in 2012. There I argue that this is “new anti-Semitism” (pp. 57-63). What Karl Marxʼs Communist Manifesto is to communists, Ma’rakanutina Ma’a al-Yahud / Struggle against the Jews by the prophet of Islamism Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966) is to Islamists. This pamphlet and the movement that represents its ideology, “The Society of Muslim Brothers,” are far older than Israel. Therefore, the leftist and Islamist ideology of “new anti-Semitism,” which covers up and trivializes everything as “criticism of Israel,” is in great contradiction to the fact, as a postmodern post-factual forgery, so to speak.

I will now conclude my tour of the new anti-Semitism with a refutation of the equation of anti-Semitism and hatred of Jews as false parallels. Islamism is the “new totalitarianism,” not the moderate reform Islam that US President Obama once called for and that the EU is calling for today. Islamist anti-Semites are not fighting against Israeli oppression of the Palestinians, but against “the Jewish and crusader world conspiracy against Islam,” which they cultivate as the “myth of Islamism;” for them, Israel embodies “the world Jew,” whom they want to symbolically murder by destroying the state of Israel.

Here in Vienna and in front of the Austrian parliament, I—as a Muslim liberal Syrian and representative of enlightened liberal Islam—would like to congratulate you on the progress you have made towards democracy: The Nazi rats are a marginal phenomenon, and they will never be able to carry out another Holocaust in Europe. I agree with my Jewish colleague and friend Jeff Herf, with whom I co-authored the aforementioned book Antisemitism Before and Since the Holocaust, that if there were ever to be a Holocaust—I say as a Muslim: “Allah forbid”—it would be in the Middle East, and the perpetrator would be nuclearized Iran, whose fairy tale of stopping the production of a nuclear bomb the EU and the Europeans believe. Even I, as a professor of international politics with more than 50 years of Middle East experience, fail to explain the Germany-Iran coalition against Israel and the USA. In the two Iran chapters of my book Basler Unbequeme Gedanken, I explain this rationally as far as I can, but I reach my limits.

I end by revisiting the question of whether anti-Semitism and Islamophobia can be equated and, in search of an answer, I go back to a lecture series at the University of Munich in 1993, the contributions to which were published by Piper in the same year—and in 1996 in a US edition: I vehemently reject the propaganda of Muslim migrants as “the Jews of today.”

Also in 1993, I summarized this thesis in an FAZ article under the heading “False Parallel.” With the ideology that Muslims are the Jews of today, left-wing and Islamist ideologues merely aim to distract attention from their “new anti-Semitism” and to discredit criticism of this ideology as “Islamophobia.” Anyone who truly takes a stand against all anti-Semitism in the spirit of today’s Day of Remembrance against Violence and Racism in memory of the victims of National Socialism must take aim at the “new anti-Semitism” and its ideological cover-up. Europe must not accept its Strange Death, as the title of a book by the British journalist and author Douglas Murray puts it. Democracy and security in Europe are measured against the potential of a safe life for Jews in Europe. When thousands of Muslims are allowed to chant slogans such as “Death to the Jews” and “Hamas, Hamas, Jews to the gas” with impunity on Jerusalem Day in Berlin, then we have reason enough to worry about the future of Europe.

The above text is the transcript of my speech on anti-Semitism delivered to the Austrian Parliament on May 3, 2019. My use of the term “imported new anti-Semitism” closely aligns with Ms. Sittig’s observations on the Columbia University campus. Some of the anti-Semitic riots there were linked to forms of anti-Semitism that had migrated from the Middle East.

In recognition of my speech in Vienna, Austrian President Alexander van der Bellen awarded me the Republic’s Cross of Honor for Science and Art.

In May 2025Bassam Tibi

Bassam Tibi is Professor Emeritus of International Relations at the University of Goettingen and has served as Director of the Center for International Affairs established there in 1988. He also served as the A.D. White Professor at Large at Cornell University. He is known for his meticulous work on Islam and Islamism and coined the concepts of “Euro- Islam” and “Leitkultur” (“guiding culture”).

Foreword by Professor Dr. Michael Wolffsohn

Anti-Semitism at universities—a sketch of contemporary history

“Nothing new under the sun.”

This “Kohelet” sentence (Ecclesiastes) also applies to anti-Semitism at universities, both German and many others. In the 19th century and until 1945, anti-Semitism—from the right and the clergy—passed for the “good tone,” despite being thoroughly bad. And certainly not only at universities. It was just as present among the self-styled refined elites or the leftist revolutionary circles that later became the established communist leadership and society.

The cipher for the ever-present threat of right-wing antisemitism is captured in one word: Auschwitz, and in one number: six million. Not all right-wing antisemitism led to Auschwitz itself, but structurally, potentially, and in actual effect it led to things comparable—though never to this unimaginable extent.

The knowledge-educated—academics, above all students, not those educated of heart—were the legitimizers of right-wing antisemitism. Just look at the university “seizures of power” by the National Socialist student body in the late phase of the Weimar Republic. It is easy not only to recognize similarities with today’s anti-Jewish violence at universities. As today, the “righteous anger” of the right was directed against “the” Jews: Jewish students as well as Jewish professors. Boycotts and sanctions—initially in the form of bullying, mockery, and more than the usual loveless university cabals—against Jewish professors were part of everyday life.

With the real “seizure of power,” or more correctly: with the transfer of power to the Hitler gang, anger immediately turned into repression and expulsion of the Jewish professors and then also students. Repression and expulsion became extermination.

This was bitter and even fatal for the Jews who were affected. For those who suppressed, expelled and destroyed the Jews, this “brain drain” was scientific suicide. Even today, German universities can only dream of the academic standing they once enjoyed worldwide until 1933. Germany amputated itself scientifically as a result of National Socialism, almost committing scientific suicide. Fact one.

Fact two: As a rule, the Jewish population is better educated than the average of the rest of the population. The reason for this is not so much “Jewish genius” but rather the Jewish tradition of popular and top education that has been cultivated for around 2,500 years. This is part of the “good Jewish tone”, so to speak. During Jewish world history, especially since the emancipation of the Jews from around 1800 onwards, it was primarily religious education and, in turn, particularly in innovative, functionally necessary areas. As long as and insofar as these innovations were needed, the Jews were needed. In their function. I call this “functional tolerance”, as opposed to “ethical tolerance.” As soon as the non-Jewish population was able to fulfill this function itself, the rule was: “The Moor has done his work, the Moor may go” (Schiller, The Conspiracy of Fiesco of Genoa). But in most cases, without the innovative (“unfortunately” Jewish) functionaries, things did not work out so well in the long run. See Germany from 1933 onwards.

What follows from this: Anti-Semites not only harm the Jews, but also themselves.

Left-wing anti-Semitism had an excellent alibi from the very beginning: Karl Marx, the founding father of the organized left, was also halachically a flawless Jew who was baptized as a child. But “Even a Jew who has sinned remains a Jew,” decreed our Talmudic sages (Sanhedrin VI, 44a). His writing “On the Jewish Question” is one of the most virulent anti-Semitic texts. It was “easy to build on.” This is what the Old Communist Left did under the leadership of the Soviet Union until its political exit. The New Left has varied the old pattern in the Western world since the mid-1960s. It began its ideological triumph at the universities. I myself experienced and suffered its beginnings at Germany’s New Left model, the Free University of (West) Berlin.

Even then, the new western,—and above all global academic and cultural—alliance against Zionism, Israel and “the” Jews, had already formed, which is aptly called “Islamogauchisme” in France. Translated into the language of practical politics, this is the cooperation between extremist Islam and the left. Initially, the secular, non-religious nationalists dominated on the Islamic side, above all the Palestinians. Since the early 1980s, the religious fundamentalists have set the tone, though the secular nationalists have not disappeared.

This alliance of Islamists and leftists is contradictory in itself. The great “philanthropist” Mao—like the anti-Semite Stalin, both murderers of millions (and both long revered by the intellectual “elite” of the West)—would have called it “antagonistic cooperation,” i.e., cooperation between intrinsically hostile actors. What unites the participants in this antagonistic cooperation? A common enemy. For Islamogauchistes, “the” Jews are the enemy, even if the anti-Jewish core is cloaked in an anti-Israeli or anti-Zionist shell.

The Jews—especially successful ones in Israel and abroad– are a thorn in the side of the Islamogauchistes. For both ideological and practical political reasons: the majority of Israelis and of the Jewish diaspora (I’m not talking about Jewish collaborators like Judith Butler & Co.) stand up to them.

Consequently, Islamogauchistes demand BDS—Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS)—sometimes only by word, sometimes by deed, sometimes violently, sometimes not, sometimes with both. Both hate “the West”, the supposedly only capitalist West for the left, the supposedly only anti-religious and supposedly especially Islamophobic West. They want to destroy this “system.” The fact that they have chosen the best-educated group and the ideologically hated yet highly innovative state, Israel, is extremely clever—from the destroyers’ point of view. There is, in other words, a method to this madness.

It goes without saying that most of the Jews who are affected are fighting back—and not just at universities. With regard to the non-Jewish followers of the Islamogauchists and BDS supporters of various colors, one should quote Bert Brecht, derived from history: “Only the dumbest calves choose their own butchers.”

The historian Professor Dr. Michael Wolffsohn is the author of “Eine andere Jüdische Weltgeschichte” [engl. “A Different Jewish World History”] and “Whose Holy Land?”, among others.

 

Introduction

A movement is growing in the West—one committed to the destruction of the West itself. It is an alliance of radical leftists and Islamists, united by a shared hatred of Western civilization.

This is not a coincidental or spontaneous development. Its origins can be traced back to the mid-20th century, spreading from a fringe academic subculture through the capture of intellectual elites, and ultimately embedding itself deep within mainstream society. Its current political and cultural dominance reflects a temporary but significant triumph.

Hegel saw history as progress of the spirit (Geist), and Spengler as a cyclical process of rise and decline, but the West declared history to be over after the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the “end of history” was not followed by paradise. Instead, parallel to the geopolitical opponents within the West, those forces that systematically invert its values, delegitimize its institutions, and destroy its cultural foundations, are gaining strength. The result: self-hatred has become the new patriotism of the West.

This book is rooted in direct experience. After October 7, 2023, we witnessed a volcanic eruption of hatred. On October 8, protests erupted in New York, London, Paris, and Berlin –not against Hamas, which had just carried out the deadliest and most barbaric attack on Jews since the Holocaust, but against Israel, which was still in the process of coming to terms with its national trauma.

On the campuses of the free West, open expressions of sympathy for terrorist organizations became commonplace. University members were threatened, and lecture halls vandalized. Professors, lecturers, and students either remained silent, relativized the attacks, or actively defended them. While the political and media spheres occasionally acknowledged the issue, they failed to grasp its full scope.

We emphasize that these developments did not begin overnight, between October 7 and 8. They had long been simmering beneath the surface of academia, media, and politics. What changed was that October 7 served to legitimize hatred of Israel, antisemitism, and hostility toward Western values.

Since October 7, it has become socially acceptable—even fashionable—to call for the death of the United States, deny Israel’s right to exist as the world’s only Jewish state, and claim to oppose sexual violence—except when the victims are Jewish women and girls. (“#MeToo—unless you’re a Jew.”)

To this day, the danger continues to be ignored, downplayed, or outright denied. Student protests—some in the U.S. being reportedly financed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and openly sympathetic to Islamist terrorism—are framed as harmless “pro-Palestinian” demonstrations “for a ceasefire.” Sympathy for the Islamist Houthis, and public celebrations following October 7, have gone largely unnoticed in mainstream media. Antisemitic incidents worldwide surged by 500% after October 7. According to Hillel, the largest Jewish campus organization globally, there were 180 reported incidents in the 2019–2020 academic year—compared to 1,854 in 2023–2024. The true number is likely much higher.