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In "The Underground Railroad (Complete Collection)," William Still provides a comprehensive and poignant compilation of narratives that illuminate the harrowing yet courageous journeys of enslaved individuals seeking freedom. Employing a meticulous blend of firsthand accounts, Still's literary style weaves together profound emotional depth and vivid imagery, making visible the anguished realities and indomitable spirits of those involved in the Underground Railroad. The work is situated within the 19th-century abolitionist movement, representing a crucial historical document that not only records personal testimonies but also serves as a clarion call for justice and humanity, reflecting the societal struggles of its time. William Still, often referred to as the "Father of the Underground Railroad," was an African American abolitionist whose own experiences and commitment to freedom profoundly influenced his writing. As a conductor on the Railroad himself, Still amassed an extensive collection of stories from those he aided. His work emerged from a deep desire to create a historical record that would honor the bravery of fugitive slaves and emphasize the moral imperative to end slavery, underscoring the interplay between personal and collective histories. This collection is a must-read for anyone interested in American history, social justice, and the power of human resilience. Still's meticulous documentation not only amplifies marginalized voices but also provides critical insights into the complexities of freedom and resistance in the face of oppression, making it an invaluable resource for scholars and general readers alike. In this enriched edition, we have carefully created added value for your reading experience: - A comprehensive Introduction outlines these selected works' unifying features, themes, or stylistic evolutions. - A Historical Context section situates the works in their broader era—social currents, cultural trends, and key events that underpin their creation. - A concise Synopsis (Selection) offers an accessible overview of the included texts, helping readers navigate plotlines and main ideas without revealing critical twists. - A unified Analysis examines recurring motifs and stylistic hallmarks across the collection, tying the stories together while spotlighting the different work's strengths. - Reflection questions inspire deeper contemplation of the author's overarching message, inviting readers to draw connections among different texts and relate them to modern contexts. - Lastly, our hand‐picked Memorable Quotes distill pivotal lines and turning points, serving as touchstones for the collection's central themes.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2023
This collection gathers William Still’s comprehensive record of the Underground Railroad, assembled from the documentation he created while aiding freedom seekers through the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee. Its purpose is at once historical and moral: to preserve firsthand accounts of self-emancipation, to recognize the courage of those who fled bondage, and to honor the allies who risked livelihood and liberty to assist them. Presented here as a single, integrated body of work, it brings together prefaces, case narratives, correspondence, organizational papers, and illustrative materials, offering readers a detailed panorama of clandestine travel northward and the coordinated antislavery effort that helped make it possible.
The contents span multiple documentary forms. Readers will find prefaces and authorial commentary; personal letters from fugitives and conductors; reports of arrivals and departures; legal and governmental texts, including the Fugitive Slave Law; courtroom narratives; newspaper extracts and appeals; organizational minutes and committee reports; biographical sketches and portraits of key activists; and descriptive case files. The range extends from private notes and pleas for assistance to public circulars and official proceedings. By assembling testimony from different vantage points—participants, supporters, and observers—the collection functions as both an archive and a narrative, capturing immediacy alongside retrospective framing.
A unifying theme is the assertion of agency by enslaved people. The record repeatedly foregrounds personal resolve, planning, and mutual aid, rather than passive rescue. It also emphasizes solidarity—between families striving to reunite across borders, between communities within the Mid-Atlantic, and between Black and white abolitionists who coordinated routes, funds, and shelter. Legal peril forms a constant backdrop: arrests, searches, and prosecutions under federal statute are integral to the story. Geographic movement, coded communication, and logistical ingenuity recur, while the moral argument—rooted in human dignity and the right to liberty—animates the whole.
Stylistically, Still employs a documentary method. He identifies people, places, and dates whenever possible, noting aliases when safety demanded them, and supplements individual stories with contextual commentary. The prose is plainspoken and precise, with urgency when circumstances require, and restraint when the facts speak for themselves. Letters retain the immediacy of lived experience, while case summaries provide structure and continuity. Interleaving portraits, sketches, and committee records with legal texts and trial accounts, Still creates a layered narrative that reads as both a ledger of action and an ethical testimony, carefully balancing confidentiality with the historical need to remember.
As a whole, the work remains significant for its evidentiary weight and perspective. It is a substantial firsthand compilation authored by an African American abolitionist who was directly involved in clandestine operations. The collection documents the collaboration of well-known conductors and local supporters, but it is especially valuable for centering the voices and choices of those who escaped slavery. It counters contemporary pro-slavery claims with concrete cases, exposes the reach of federal enforcement, and preserves details that later histories might otherwise lose. Scholars, educators, and general readers continue to consult it as a foundational source on organized resistance to slavery.
Another enduring strength is the ethical vision underlying the record-keeping. Naming people and remembering their struggles functions as a form of restitution, while attention to the bonds of kinship underscores what slavery sought to sever. The juxtaposition of tender family appeals with bureaucratic instruments of capture illuminates the moral crisis of the era. By documenting both peril and perseverance, Still’s collection honors resilience without sensationalizing suffering. Its cumulative portrait—of courage, strategy, and communal care under surveillance—speaks to ongoing questions of citizenship, refuge, and accountability in the face of unjust laws and state-sanctioned violence.
Readers will profit by approaching this collection as both archive and narrative. Individual entries reward close attention to detail—names, routes, and dates—while the broader arrangement reveals patterns of assistance and repression. Letters convey intimacy and urgency; legal texts and committee minutes provide framing; portraits and biographical sketches anchor memory. Some figures are identified by aliases, reflecting the need for secrecy; others are recorded in full, reflecting the imperative to bear witness. Taken together, these materials form an interlocking mosaic that invites reflection on method, empathy, and evidence, and that preserves the historical truth of organized flight to freedom.
William Still (1821–1902), born in Burlington County, New Jersey, to formerly enslaved parents, became the central organizer and archivist of the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society. From roughly 1850 to 1861 he coordinated aid to self-emancipated people passing through Philadelphia and carefully recorded their stories, names, routes, and helpers. The Underground Railroad (Complete Collection) draws from those records: revised prefaces, letters between “depots,” legal documents, and case sketches. By preserving correspondence from Wilmington, Baltimore, Richmond, New York, and Canada West, Still turned a clandestine relief operation into a monumental documentary history, later published in Philadelphia in 1872 and expanded in a revised edition during Reconstruction.
Still’s papers were created amid escalating legal conflict over slavery. Prigg v. Pennsylvania (1842) weakened state protections for fugitives and emboldened slave catchers. The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 criminalized assistance to escapees and federalized their capture, shaping dozens of letters and “arrivals” that note arrests, searches, and court proceedings. Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) further denied Black citizenship, intensifying Northern resistance and Southern vigilance. The 1848 federal trials at New Castle, Delaware, that bankrupted Thomas Garrett and John Hunn, and the treason indictments after the Christiana resistance in Lancaster County on September 11, 1851, provide the legal and cultural backdrop threaded throughout Still’s collection.
Geography and transportation underpin these narratives. The Chesapeake and Delaware corridor—Richmond, Norfolk, Petersburg, Baltimore, Alexandria, and Washington—fed routes toward Philadelphia and onward to New York, Boston, and Canada West. Maritime escapes recur: schooners, canal boats, and propeller steamers such as the City of Richmond and the Ericsson Line; skiffs across the Chesapeake; stowage in cargo holds, turpentine barrels, and coal bunkers. Overland flights used railcars, carriages, and woodland paths, with months spent in caves or safe farms. Parcel services appear too—Adams’ Express famously carried Henry “Box” Brown in 1849, and later cases recount boxing and straw-wrapping stratagems, echoing William Peel’s 1859 journey.
The collection situates Still within a dense interracial network. Quakers such as Daniel Gibbons, William Wright, Elijah F. Pennypacker, and Grace Anna Lewis; Delaware’s Thomas Garrett and John Hunn; and Cincinnati’s Levi Coffin coordinated “depots” from the upper South to Canada. Philadelphia leaders Robert Purvis, James Miller McKim, William Whipper, Lucretia Mott, and Charles D. Cleveland appear alongside correspondents like S. H. Gay of the Anti-Slavery Standard and New York Tribune, lawyer John Bigelow, and the pseudonymous “William Penn.” Transatlantic allies, including Anna H. Richardson of Newcastle, England, rallied funds and moral support, illustrating how local rescues were sustained by national and global anti-slavery networks.
Against this solidarity stood the violence of slavery and its enforcers. Still’s documents track kidnappers such as George F. Alberti, the domestic slave trade’s forced separations, and statutory schemes to protect “slave property” in Virginia. They recount floggings, jailings, and “heavy rewards,” as well as the lethal hazards of flight—suffocation in holds, near-starvation in swamps, and bloody confrontations. The 1857 conviction of Maryland’s Samuel Green—ten years’ imprisonment merely for owning Uncle Tom’s Cabin—exposes the regime’s fear of literacy and dissent. Cases of attempted re-enslavement and court-ordered seizures punctuate the letters, revealing why secrecy, aliases, and swift transport were necessary for survival.
Several emblematic rescues anchor the era. Henry “Box” Brown’s 1849 arrival in a crate via Adams’ Express, and Ellen and William Craft’s 1848 escape in cross-gender disguise, became touchstones for ingenuity. The July 1855 liberation of Jane Johnson from Colonel J. H. Wheeler at Philadelphia’s Walnut Street Wharf led to Passmore Williamson’s imprisonment and courtroom battles involving Still. Seth Concklin’s fatal 1851 bid to free the family of Peter Still underscores the peril of long-distance rescues. Harriet Tubman’s repeated forays, including her 1860 Maryland trip, and mass departures—such as the “Memorable Twenty-Eight”—show coordinated flight on a scale that alarmed slaveholders across the mid-Atlantic.
Communication is the collection’s lifeblood. Letters from Wilmington depots (Thomas Garrett), Cincinnati (Levi Coffin), and New York editors (S. H. Gay) map real-time logistics: steamer schedules, harbor searches, legal counsel, and funds. Canadian correspondents, including John Henry Hill through a series of letters in 1853–1854, report settlement in Toronto, Hamilton, and Chatham, and relay news back to families. Pseudonyms—“Ham & Eggs,” “William Penn”—and coded references veil identities. Monthly “arrivals,” newspaper extracts, and legal transcripts document both routine operations and crises, creating a contemporaneous archive that links households, courtrooms, docks, and safe houses from the Potomac to the Niagara frontier.
After the Civil War, Still brought these clandestine records into public memory. He had hidden names and notes during the 1850s to avoid prosecutions; with slavery abolished by the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), he published The Underground Rail Road in 1872, later issuing a revised edition. In Reconstruction Philadelphia he also campaigned to desegregate streetcars (achieved by 1867) and supported institutions such as the Home for Destitute Colored Children. The collection’s breadth—depots, trials, portraits, and letters at home and abroad—transformed scattered episodes into a national chronicle, establishing Still as both operative and historian of the movement that helped thousands outwit a vast system of bondage.
Still explains his purpose in revising and expanding the record, situating the volume as a documentary memorial to fugitives from slavery and the interracial network that aided them.
A stark account of abolitionist Seth Concklin’s ill-fated attempt to rescue Peter Still’s enslaved family from the Deep South, culminating in capture and death.
Letters establish credibility and methods of the Underground Railroad, including a dispute and Still’s reply that illuminate ethical and logistical tensions in rescue work.
Dispatches from key allies document routes, legal risks, finances, and press support, showing how information, funds, and strategy flowed among stations.
Firsthand appeals and updates relay peril, disguises, family separations, and the practical needs of escapees seeking safety and reunion.
Vignettes and letters center on families torn apart by sale, highlighting the constant searches, negotiations, and hopes for reunification.
Notable escapes achieved through boxing, gender disguise, racial passing, and false papers, emphasizing ingenuity and extreme risk.
Groups and individuals flee by ship and skiff, enduring suffocation hazards, multiple searches, and clandestine landings to reach free soil.
Accounts of prolonged concealment in attics, caves, and forests reveal the endurance required before safe passage could be arranged.
Episodes where sales are blocked, kidnappers are exposed, or traders are outwitted, demonstrating community resistance to the slave market.
A high-profile flight from the household of former President John Tyler underscores the reach of the Underground Railroad into elite Southern homes.
Narrates Jane Johnson’s dramatic self-emancipation in Philadelphia and the ensuing prosecutions of those who aided her, spotlighting legal and moral conflict.
A snapshot register of sixty arrivals—including one party of twenty-eight—capturing the scale of traffic, the resulting panic among owners, and related correspondence.
Brief life stories and escape routes from Virginia and Maryland to Philadelphia and Canada, often involving divided families and quick thinking in transit.
Lists and sketches from this year show small parties and large boatloads, frequent maritime routes, and disguises, alongside legal scares and rewards posted.
Entries feature multi-state flights, violent encounters, and coordinated departures by schooner, with agents steering fugitives northward in clusters.
A surge of Maryland and D.C. escapes—families and skilled workers—includes notable rescues of elders and complex overland-to-sea itineraries.
Richmond and Baltimore figure prominently, with repeated stowaways, women and children in flight, and growing vigilance against kidnappers.
Large family flights (including a mother with seven children), armed confrontations, and sustained depot coordination mark this tense prewar year.
Late antebellum entries include pitched water pursuits, months-long concealments, and the final documented journeys before war disrupts routes.
Hill’s escape from a Richmond auction block is followed by letters chronicling resettlement, employment, and efforts to aid relatives still enslaved.
Related narratives trace additional family members’ flights, illustrating kin-based planning and staggered departures.
Texts of statutes and court orders frame the legal machinery used to capture fugitives and the procedural avenues sometimes used to contest it.
Details the armed resistance to a slave-catching raid in Pennsylvania and subsequent treason prosecutions that galvanized antislavery sentiment.
A celebrated escape in which Ellen Craft, posing as a white male planter, and her husband William travel openly to freedom using disguise and nerve.
A full dossier of a man kidnapped into slavery, his legal struggle, temporary release, and attempted re-enslavement, exposing systemic abuses.
Brief of a Maryland minister sentenced to a decade in prison for possessing antislavery literature, exemplifying censorship and intimidation.
A sequence of letters from an Irish ally attests to cross-ethnic solidarity and practical assistance rendered to fugitives.
An escape by small boat turns into a skirmish with pursuers; the fugitives prevail and reach safety.
Still records Tubman’s final known rescue mission to the Eastern Shore, emphasizing secrecy, timing, and family extraction.
An exposé in which a notorious kidnapper is deceived and neutralized by Vigilance Committee tactics, averting abduction.
A Pennsylvania kidnapping and a related killing trigger searches, legal action, and public outrage over cross-border slave catching.
A large, covert maritime escape survives multiple inspections before successful landing near Philadelphia.
A protracted fugitive claim against a woman long resident in Pennsylvania tests the limits of the federal law and state protections.
Incoming letters from American and overseas supporters report fundraising, moral backing, and transatlantic advocacy for fugitives.
British abolitionist correspondence promotes support for the Underground Railroad and publicizes cases to an English audience.
Minutes and resolutions formally establish the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee’s structure, duties, and protocols for aid.
A roster and operational outline of the committee that managed funds, intelligence, and logistics for arrivals through the city.
Court proceedings and illustrative cases document prosecutions of Delaware and Pennsylvania abolitionists, fines imposed, and community responses.
Brief biographical profiles and anecdotes highlight the convictions, methods, and risks undertaken by prominent activists and local operators across the network.
Like millions of my race, my mother and father were born slaves, but were not contented to live and die so. My father purchased himself in early manhood by hard toil. Mother saw no way for herself and children to escape the horrors of bondage but by flight. Bravely, with her four little ones, with firm faith in God and an ardent desire to be free, she forsook the prison-house, and succeeded, through the aid of my father, to reach a free State. Here life had to be begun anew. The old familiar slave names had to be changed, and others, for prudential reasons, had to be found. This was not hard work. However, hardly months had passed ere the keen scent of the slave-hunters had trailed them to where they had fancied themselves secure. In those days all power was in the hands of the oppressor, and the capture of a slave mother and her children was attended with no great difficulty other than the crushing of freedom in the breast of the victims. Without judge or jury, all were hurried back to wear the yoke again. But back this mother was resolved never to stay. She only wanted another opportunity to again strike for freedom. In a few months after being carried back, with only two of her little ones, she took her heart in her hand and her babes in her arms, and this trial was a success. Freedom was gained, although not without the sad loss of her two older children, whom she had to leave behind. Mother and father were again reunited in freedom, while two of their little boys were in slavery. What to do for them other than weep and pray, were questions unanswerable. For over forty years the mother's heart never knew what it was to be free from anxiety about her lost boys. But no tidings came in answer to her many prayers, until one of them, to the great astonishment of his relatives, turned up in Philadelphia, nearly fifty years of age, seeking his long-lost parents. Being directed to the Anti-Slavery Office for instructions as to the best plan to adopt to find out the whereabouts of his parents, fortunately he fell into the hands of his own brother, the writer, whom he had never heard of before, much less seen or known. And here began revelations connected with this marvellous coincidence, which influenced me, for years previous to Emancipation, to preserve the matter found in the pages of this humble volume.
And in looking back now over these strange and eventful Providences, in the light of the wonderful changes wrought by Emancipation, I am more and more constrained to believe that the reasons, which years ago led me to aid the bondman and preserve the records of his sufferings, are to-day quite as potent in convincing me that the necessity of the times requires this testimony.
And since the first advent of my book, wherever reviewed or read by leading friends of freedom, the press, or the race more deeply represented by it, the expressions of approval and encouragement have been hearty and unanimous, and the thousands of volumes which have been sold by me, on the subscription plan, with hardly any facilities for the work, makes it obvious that it would, in the hands of a competent publisher, have a wide circulation.
And here I may frankly state, that but for the hope I have always cherished that this work would encourage the race in efforts for self-elevation, its publication never would have been undertaken by me.
I believe no more strongly at this moment than I have believed ever since the Proclamation of Emancipation was made by Abraham Lincoln, that as a class, in this country, no small exertion will have to be put forth before the blessings of freedom and knowledge can be fairly enjoyed by this people; and until colored men manage by dint of hard acquisition to enter the ranks of skilled industry, very little substantial respect will be shown them, even with the ballot-box and musket in their hands.
Well-conducted shops and stores; lands acquired and good farms managed in a manner to compete with any other; valuable books produced and published on interesting and important subjects — these are some of the fruits which the race are expected to exhibit from their newly gained privileges.
If it is asked "how?" I answer, "through extraordinary determination and endeavor," such as are demonstrated in hundreds of cases in the pages of this book, in the struggles of men and women to obtain their freedom, education and property.
These facts must never be lost sight of.
The race must not forget the rock from whence they were hewn, nor the pit from whence, they were digged.
Like other races, this newly emancipated people will need all the knowledge of their past condition which they can get.
The bondage and deliverance of the children of Israel will never be allowed to sink into oblivion while the world stands.
Those scenes of suffering and martyrdom millions of Christians were called upon to pass through in the days of the Inquisition are still subjects of study, and have unabated interest for all enlightened minds.
The same is true of the history of this country. The struggles of the pioneer fathers are preserved, produced and re-produced, and cherished with undying interest by all Americans, and the day will not arrive while the Republic exists, when these histories will not be found in every library.
While the grand little army of abolitionists was waging its untiring warfare for freedom, prior to the rebellion, no agency encouraged them like the heroism of fugitives. The pulse of the four millions of slaves and their desire for freedom, were better felt through "The Underground Railroad," than through any other channel.
Frederick Douglass, Henry Bibb, Wm. Wells Brown, Rev. J.W. Logan, and others, gave unmistakable evidence that the race had no more eloquent advocates than its own self-emancipated champions.
Every step they took to rid themselves of their fetters, or to gain education, or in pleading the cause of their fellow-bondmen in the lecture-room, or with their pens, met with applause on every hand, and the very argument needed was thus furnished in large measure. In those dark days previous to emancipation, such testimony was indispensable.
The free colored men are as imperatively required now to furnish the same manly testimony in support of the ability of the race to surmount the remaining obstacles growing out of oppression, ignorance, and poverty.
In the political struggles, the hopes of the race have been sadly disappointed. From this direction no great advantage is likely to arise very soon.
Only as desert can be proved by the acquisition of knowledge and the exhibition of high moral character, in examples of economy and a disposition to encourage industrial enterprises, conducted by men of their own ranks, will it be possible to make political progress in the face of the present public sentiment.
Here, therefore, in my judgment is the best possible reason for vigorously pushing the circulation of this humble volume — that it may testify for thousands and tens of thousands, as no other work can do.
WILLIAM STILL, Author. September, 1878. Philadelphia, Pa.
In the long list of names who have suffered and died in the cause of freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor family of slaves were more Christlike than Seth Concklin's, whose noble and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery. Except John Brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found with respect to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be sacrificed for the deliverance of the oppressed.
By chance one day he came across a copy of the Pennsylvania Freeman, containing the story of Peter Still, "the Kidnapped and the Ransomed," — how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy six years old; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to serve under the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his parents' whereabouts; how the intense love of liberty and desire to get back to his mother had unceasingly absorbed his mind through all these years of bondage; how, amid the most appalling discouragements, prompted alone by his undying determination to be free and be reunited with those from whom he had been sold away, he contrived to buy himself; how, by extreme economy, from doing over-work, he saved up five hundred dollars, the amount of money required for his ransom, which, with his freedom, he, from necessity, placed unreservedly in the confidential keeping of a Jew, named Joseph Friedman, whom he had known for a long time and could venture to trust, — how he had further toiled to save up money to defray his expenses on an expedition in search of his mother and kindred; how, when this end was accomplished, with an earnest purpose he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart throbbing for his old home and people[1q], he turned his mind very privately towards Philadelphia, where he hoped, by having notices read in the colored churches to the effect that "forty-one or forty-two years before two little boys1 were kidnapped and carried South" — that the memory of some of the older members might recall the circumstances, and in this way he would be aided in his ardent efforts to become restored to them.
And, furthermore, Seth Concklin had read how, on arriving in Philadelphia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the first man whom Peter Still sought advice from was his own unknown brother (whom he had never seen or heard of), who made the discovery that he was the long-lost boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped in sadness so long, and for whom his mother had shed so many tears and offered so many prayers, during the long years of their separation; and, finally, how this self-ransomed and restored captive, notwithstanding his great success, was destined to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow for his wife and children, whom he had left in Alabama bondage.
Seth Concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and humane not to feel now for Peter, and especially for his wife and children left in bonds as bound with them. Hence, as Seth was a man who seemed wholly insensible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, than whenever the claims of the suffering and the wronged appealed to him, to respond unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his nearest kin or the greatest strangers, — it mattered not to what race or clime they might belong, — he, in the spirit of the good Samaritan, owning all such as his neighbors, volunteered his services, without pay or reward, to go and rescue the wife and three children of Peter Still.
The magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. It was literally laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed whom he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted with. At this juncture even Peter was not prepared to accept this proposal. He wanted to secure the freedom of his wife and children as earnestly as he had ever desired to see his mother, yet he could not, at first, hearken to the idea of having them rescued in the way suggested by Concklin, fearing a failure.
To J.M. McKim and the writer, the bold scheme for the deliverance of Peter's family was alone confided. It was never submitted to the Vigilance Committee, for the reason, that it was not considered a matter belonging thereto. On first reflection, the very idea of such an undertaking seemed perfectly appalling. Frankly was he told of the great dangers and difficulties to be encountered through hundreds of miles of slave territory. Seth was told of those who, in attempting to aid slaves to escape had fallen victims to the relentless Slave Power, and had either lost their lives, or been incarcerated for long years in penitentiaries, where no friendly aid could be afforded them; in short, he was plainly told, that without a very great chance, the undertaking would cost him his life. The occasion of this interview and conversation, the seriousness of Concklin and the utter failure in presenting the various obstacles to his plan, to create the slightest apparent misgiving in his mind, or to produce the slightest sense of fear or hesitancy, can never be effaced from the memory of the writer. The plan was, however, allowed to rest for a time.
In the meanwhile, Peter's mind was continually vacillating between Alabama, with his wife and children, and his new-found relatives in the North. Said a brother, "If you cannot get your family, what will you do? Will you come North and live with your relatives?" "I would as soon go out of the world, as not to go back and do all I can for them," was the prompt reply of Peter.
The problem of buying them was seriously considered, but here obstacles quite formidable lay in the way. Alabama laws utterly denied the right of a slave to buy himself, much less his wife and children. The right of slave masters to free their slaves, either by sale or emancipation, was positively prohibited by law. With these reflections weighing upon his mind, having stayed away from his wife as long as he could content himself to do, he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and turned his face toward Alabama, to embrace his family in the prison-house of bondage.
His approach home could only be made stealthily, not daring to breathe to a living soul, save his own family, his nominal Jew master, and one other friend — a slave — where he had been, the prize he had found, or anything in relation to his travels. To his wife and children his return was unspeakably joyous. The situation of his family concerned him with tenfold more weight than ever before,
As the time drew near to make the offer to his wife's master to purchase her with his children, his heart failed him through fear of awakening the ire of slaveholders against him, as he knew that the law and public sentiment were alike deadly opposed to the spirit of freedom in the slave. Indeed, as innocent as a step in this direction might appear, in those days a man would have stood about as good a chance for his life in entering a lair of hungry hyenas, as a slave or free colored man would, in talking about freedom.
He concluded, therefore, to say nothing about buying. The plan proposed by Seth Concklin was told to Vina, his wife; also what he had heard from his brother about the Underground Rail Road, — how, that many who could not get their freedom in any other way, by being aided a little, were daily escaping to Canada. Although the wife and children had never tasted the pleasures of freedom for a single hour in their lives, they hated slavery heartily, and being about to be far separated from husband and father, they were ready to assent to any proposition that looked like deliverance.
So Peter proposed to Vina, that she should give him certain small articles, consisting of a cape, etc., which he would carry with him as memorials, and, in case Concklin or any one else should ever come for her from him, as an unmistakable sign that all was right, he would send back, by whoever was to befriend them, the cape, so that she and the children might not doubt but have faith in the man, when he gave her the sign, (cape).
Again Peter returned to Philadelphia, and was now willing to accept the offer of Concklin. Ere long, the opportunity of an interview was had, and Peter gave Seth a very full description of the country and of his family, and made known to him, that he had very carefully gone over with his wife and children the matter of their freedom. This interview interested Concklin most deeply. If his own wife and children had been in bondage, scarcely could he have manifested greater sympathy for them.
For the hazardous work before him he was at once prepared to make a start. True he had two sisters in Philadelphia for whom he had always cherished the warmest affection, but he conferred not with them on this momentous mission. For full well did he know that it was not in human nature for them to acquiesce in this perilous undertaking, though one of these sisters, Mrs. Supplee, was a most faithful abolitionist.
Having once laid his hand to the plough he was not the man to look back, — not even to bid his sisters good-bye, but he actually left them as though he expected to be home to his dinner as usual. What had become of him during those many weeks of his perilous labors in Alabama to rescue this family was to none a greater mystery than to his sisters. On leaving home he simply took two or three small articles in the way of apparel with one hundred dollars to defray his expenses for a time; this sum he considered ample to start with. Of course he had very safely concealed about him Vina's cape and one or two other articles which he was to use for his identification in meeting her and the children on the plantation.
His first thought was, on reaching his destination, after becoming acquainted with the family, being familiar with Southern manners, to have them all prepared at a given hour for the starting of the steamboat for Cincinnati, and to join him at the wharf, when he would boldly assume the part of a slaveholder, and the family naturally that of slaves, and in this way he hoped to reach Cincinnati direct, before their owner had fairly discovered their escape.
But alas for Southern irregularity, two or three days' delay after being advertised to start, was no uncommon circumstance with steamers; hence this plan was abandoned. What this heroic man endured from severe struggles and unyielding exertions, in traveling thousands of miles on water and on foot, hungry and fatigued, rowing his living freight for seven days and seven nights in a skiff, is hardly to be paralleled in the annals of the Underground Rail Road.
The following interesting letters penned by the hand of Concklin convey minutely his last struggles and characteristically represent the singleness of heart which impelled him to sacrifice his life for the slave —
EASTPORT, MISS., FEB. 3, 1851.
To Wm. Still: — Our friends in Cincinnati have failed finding anybody to assist me on my return. Searching the country opposite Paducah, I find that the whole country fifty miles round is inhabited only by Christian wolves. It is customary, when a strange negro is seen, for any white man to seize the negro and convey such negro through and out of the State of Illinois to Paducah, Ky., and lodge such stranger in Paducah jail, and there claim such reward as may be offered by the master.
There is no regularity by the steamboats on the Tennessee River. I was four days getting to Florence from Paducah. Sometimes they are four days starting, from the time appointed, which alone puts to rest the plan for returning by steamboat. The distance from the mouth of the river to Florence, is from between three hundred and five to three hundred and forty-five miles by the river; by land, two hundred and fifty, or more.
I arrived at the shoe shop on the plantation, one o'clock, Tuesday, 28th. William and two boys were making shoes. I immediately gave the first signal, anxiously waiting thirty minutes for an opportunity to give the second and main signal, during which time I was very sociable. It was rainy and muddy — my pants were rolled up to the knees. I was in the character of a man seeking employment in this country. End of thirty minutes gave the second signal.
William appeared unmoved; soon sent out the boys; instantly sociable; Peter and Levin at the Island; one of the young masters with them; not safe to undertake to see them till Saturday night, when they would be at home; appointed a place to see Vina, in an open field, that night; they to bring me something to eat; our interview only four minutes; I left; appeared by night; dark and cloudy; at ten o'clock appeared William; exchanged signals; led me a few rods to where stood Vina; gave her the signal sent by Peter; our interview ten minutes; she did not call me "master," nor did she say "sir," by which I knew she had confidence in me.
Our situation being dangerous, we decided that I meet Peter and Levin on the bank of the river early dawn of day, Sunday, to establish the laws. During our interview, William prostrated on his knees, and face to the ground; arms sprawling; head cocked back, watching for wolves, by which position a man can see better in the dark. No house to go to safely, traveled round till morning, eating hoe cake which William had given me for supper; next day going around to get employment. I thought of William, who is a Christian preacher, and of the Christian preachers in Pennsylvania. One watching for wolves by night, to rescue Vina and her three children from Christian licentiousness; the other standing erect in open day, seeking the praise of men.
During the four days waiting for the important Sunday morning, I thoroughly surveyed the rocks and shoals of the river from Florence seven miles up, where will be my place of departure. General notice was taken of me as being a stranger, lurking around. Fortunately there are several small grist mills within ten miles around. No taverns here, as in the North; any planter's house entertains travelers occasionally.
One night I stayed at a medical gentleman's, who is not a large planter; another night at an ex-magistrate's house in South Florence — a Virginian by birth — one of the late census takers; told me that many more persons cannot read and write than is reported; one fact, amongst many others, that many persons who do not know the letters of the alphabet, have learned to write their own names; such are generally reported readers and writers.
It being customary for a stranger not to leave the house early in the morning where he has lodged, I was under the necessity of staying out all night Saturday, to be able to meet Peter and Levin, which was accomplished in due time. When we approached, I gave my signal first; immediately they gave theirs. I talked freely. Levin's voice, at first, evidently trembled. No wonder, for my presence universally attracted attention by the lords of the land. Our interview was less than one hour; the laws were written. I to go to Cincinnati to get a rowing boat and provisions; a first class clipper boat to go with speed. To depart from the place where the laws were written, on Saturday night of the first of March. I to meet one of them at the same place Thursday night, previous to the fourth Saturday from the night previous to the Sunday when the laws were written. We to go down the Tennessee river to some place up the Ohio, not yet decided on, in our row boat. Peter and Levin are good oarsmen. So am I. Telegraph station at Tuscumbia, twelve miles from the plantation, also at Paducah.
Came from Florence to here Sunday night by steamboat. Eastport is in Mississippi. Waiting here for a steamboat to go down; paying one dollar a day for board. Like other taverns here, the wretchedness is indescribable; no pen, ink, paper or newspaper to be had; only one room for everybody, except the gambling rooms. It is difficult for me to write. Vina intends to get a pass for Catharine and herself for the first Sunday in March.
The bank of the river where I met Peter and Levin is two miles from the plantation. I have avoided saying I am from Philadelphia. Also avoided talking about negroes. I never talked so much about milling before. I consider most of the trouble over, till I arrive in a free State with my crew, the first week in March; then will I have to be wiser than Christian serpents, and more cautious than doves. I do not consider it safe to keep this letter in my possession, yet I dare not put it in the post-office here; there is so little business in these post-offices that notice might be taken.
