A Dictionary of Hiberno-English E-Book

Terence Patrick Dolan

• Herausgeber: Gill Books
• Kategorie: Bildung
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2020

Beschreibung

The Dictionary of Hiberno-English is the leading reference book on Hiberno-English – the form of English commonly spoken in Ireland. It connects the spoken and the written language, and is a unique national dictionary that bears witness to Irish history, struggles and the creative identities found in Ireland. Reflecting the social, political, religious and financial changes of people's ever-evolving lives, it contains words and expressions not usually seen in a dictionary, such as 'kibosh', 'smithereens', 'Peggy's Leg', 'hames', 'yoke', 'blaa', 'banjax' and 'lubán'. It is a celebration of an irrepressible gift for the creative, expressive and reckless manipulation of the English language!

Leseprobe

A Dictionary of Hiberno-English

The Irish Use of English

THIRD EDITION

Compiled and edited by

TERENCE PATRICK DOLAN

GILL BOOKS

Contents

Title Page

About the Author

Copyright

Dedication

Contributors

Foreword by Blindboy Boatclub

Acknowledgments

Abbreviations and Symbols

Pronunciation Scheme

Introduction to the third edition

Introduction to the second edition

Introduction to the first edition

Dictionary of Hiberno-English

Sources

Bibliography

Compiler and Editor

Professor Terence Dolan was Emeritus Professor of English at the National University of Ireland, Dublin, and a Hastings Senior Scholar and Junior Dean of The Queen’s College, Oxford, before going to UCD where he was Co-ordinator of Research in the School of English, Drama and Film. He was a Fellow of The Royal Society of Arts. He was Founding Director of the UCD American Junior Year Abroad Programme and Director of the International James Joyce Summer School. He has written and produced two promotional videos on the UCD Faculty of Arts, one featuring the late Dermot Morgan (Father Ted). Twice he was appointed the US National Endowment for the Humanities Distinguished Visiting Professor at the University of Richmond, Virginia (1986 and 1992). In 1992, he was Jefferson Smurfit Fellow at the University of Missouri-Rolla. He was a well-known broadcaster on Irish national radio stations (RTÉ Radio and Newstalk) and was also broadcast regularly on BBC Radio 4.

Trained in Oxford, he is an internationally distinguished lexicographer and is author of A Dictionary of Hiberno-English,The Irish Use of English, with editions published in 1998, 1999, 2004, 2006, 2012 and 2013. He published and lectured widely on Hiberno-English and on Medieval English literature, including Geoffrey Chaucer, on whom he collaborated with former Python, Terry Jones. He was a contributor to the Oxford Companion to Irish History and the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. He was an External Examiner for doctorates at Trinity College Dublin and at the Sorbonne, and gave seminars and delivered papers on Hiberno-English and Medieval English literature at the Universities of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Georgetown, Cairo, São Paulo, Leuven, London, Paris-Sorbonne, Beijing, Nanjing, Halle-Wittenberg, Munich, Regensburg, Copenhagen, Potsdam, Veliko Tarnovo, Oslo, Amsterdam, Seattle, Antwerp, Liège, Dijon, Helsinki, Joensuu, Nova Scotia, Utrecht and Harvard, among others. In 1996, in order to mark Ireland’s presidency of the European Union, he was invited to lecture on Hiberno-English in Brussels and Luxembourg. He was Plenary Lecturer, with Colum McCann, at the US–Ireland Forum in New York in 2007. As one of the leading authorities on Hiberno-English, he was invited to address a delegation of the European Parliament in 2012. He died in 2019, leaving behind a lasting legacy of the study and research of Hiberno-English.

Gill Books

Hume Avenue

Park West

Dublin 12

www.gillbooks.ie

Gill Books is an imprint of M.H. Gill and Co.

© Terence Patrick Dolan 1998, 1999, 2004, 2006, 2012, 2013, 2020

978 07171 9020 1 (hardback)

978 07171 9074 4 (ebook)

First edition published in hard cover 1998; in paperback 1999

Second edition published in hard cover 2004; in paperback 2006

Third edition published in hard cover 2012; in paperback 2013

This edition published in 2020

Print origination by Carrigboy Typesetting Services

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be copied, reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, without written permission of the publishers.

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

5 4 3 2 1

For my brother James and in memory of our mother Brigid

Editor: Terence Patrick Dolan

Senior research assistant: John Loftus

Irish-language research assistant: Máiréad Ní Eithir

Special consultants: Terence Killeen (Finnegans Wake)

Carmel Scott (phonetics)

The late Fr Martin Kenny (Irish-language idioms)

Kathleen Moynihan (lexicon)

Seán Ó Mathúna (lexicon)

Frances McCormack (lexicon)

Feargal Murphy (linguistics)

Thorsten Eisbein (technology)

Sarah Scarlett Schneider (research and lexicon collation)

Stephanie Brennan (phonetics and presentation of text)

Shane Moran (field research)

Tamami Shimada (Creole Englishes)

Wagner Venancio (newcomer Hiberno-English)

Foreword

When I was a youngfla of about six or seven, the neighbours had a Yank cousin called Jake over to visit. He was sound enough and had toys of the Turtles, which I’d never seen in Ireland. One day I says to him, ‘Are you going to the shop, you are?’, and Jake gets a pure bowsy look across his lip, like I was trying to pull the piss. ‘Why are you telling me to go to the shop? I’ll go to the shop if I want to,’ he says. ‘I was only asking, I wasn’t telling you to go to the shop, Jake,’ I said back. I’d no idea what had gotten him upset.

My da was over by the gate listening in with a smirk. Later on he says to me, ‘That thing earlier with the young Yank, when he thought you told him to go to the shop? Do you know why he couldn’t understand you?’ My da then explained to me a theory about the way Irish people speak English, a theory which was given to him by his da.

My granda lived on a bóithrín below in West Cork that was on the way to a creamery. He was a member of Tom Barry’s IRA flying column and would constantly watch and take note of whoever passed. Regular Irish people would traverse with their horses loaded with buckets of fresh milk and would come back with horses packed with butter in their saddlebags. This was a brisk, fast-paced road, no time to stop and chat, as milk would go sour in the sun and butter would soften on a horse’s shoulders. It was for this reason that British soldiers would stop and harass anyone who walked the bóithrín: to interrogate, to rile, to get horses pure greasy with sweaty yellow butter. A small injustice, a show of power, and an opportunity to make a person emotional enough to lash out and say the wrong thing.

My granda would notice that when an English soldier questioned a man on the way to the creamery, no answer would be right or wrong; any answer meant a long wait and your papers inspected regardless. The standard rules of human interaction had broken down, and to give an answer as Gaeilge would be met with violence. So, the Irish people figured out an in-between. A yes and no at the same time. A quantum superposition of an answer. An answer that would cause the soldier to say, ‘Stupid Paddy gibberish’ and usher the person off before the butter melted down the horse’s shoulders. And this here was my da’s theory as to why I asked the American, ‘Are you going to the shop, you are?’ It was an absurd post-colonial way of arranging a question that had its roots in years of interrogation from the English.

Now, I’m not saying that’s the case. This is merely a story that was passed down to me. But, as an adult, I learned that there was a name for how I speak, how I arrange sentences and for the words I use. Hiberno-English: a resistant way of speaking the English language, a language we never asked for.

As an author and a musician, I often find myself writing words as if they are music. I search for melody and rhythm on the page. Jazz and blues are African American forms of music, born out of the resistance of African songs to European instruments. Musical notes exist in the African scale that do not exist in the Western scale. These notes are in between the Western notes, and these in-between notes give jazz and blues an emotional complexity that the traditional Western scale cannot deliver. The playful, bowld and fluid way that Hiberno-English resists traditional English does the same thing. This improvised musicality to how we think and speak provides me with a deep literary confidence to explore the in-between, especially when the writing process presents me with resistance.

T.P. Dolan’s book is a rigorous lexicon of Hiberno-English words and their etymologies. Words with roots in Gaeilge and words with roots in Shelta. Dolan died in 2019, and it is my sincere and deepest hope that new lexicographers will continue to document the rich changes in English as it is spoken in Ireland as of 2020. The continual development of Hiberno-English incorporates the influences of African, Eastern European and Asian dialects, as well as newly emerging pidgins forged in the cruelty of direct provision as asylum seekers from different parts of the world communicate with each other while being denied their freedom.

BLINDBOY BOATCLUB

June 2020

Acknowledgments

The editor is indebted to Tom Paulin, Séamas Ó Catháin, the late Dáithí Ó hÓgáin who contributed countless vivid words and phrases to these pages, Rev. Ignatius Fennessy OFM, Susan Geary, Sarah McKibben, Kieran McGuire, Mary Catherine Reilly, Feargal Murphy, Gerard Fahy, Markku Filppula, Terence Odlin, Michael Montgomery, Dáithí Ó Liatháin and Micheál Holmes (of RTÉ) for contributions and technical assistance with the entries; to the late Tomás de Bhaldraithe for invaluable editorial advice and contributions; to the late Augustine Martin for advice and encouragement; to Vera Capková for allowing me to consult material on Hiberno-English assembled by her late husband, Petr Skrabanek; to the late Alan Bliss for advice on the teaching of Hiberno-English at UCD and to the late Anne Bliss for giving me material on Hiberno-English formerly in the possession of her husband; to the staff of the libraries in which the work was carried out (principally University College, Dublin, the National Library of Ireland, Trinity College, Dublin, the Bodleian Library, Oxford, the Franciscan Library, Killiney, County Dublin, the British Library, London, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville, and the Library of Congress, Washington); and to the following for many different kinds of constructive and material assistance: A&A Farmar, Bo Almqvist, Sister Andrew, Lord Beaumont of Whitley, Morris Beja, John Bell, Michael Benskin, Kim Bielenberg, Angela Blazy-O’Reilly, the late Harry Bourke, Dorothy Bowman, Maeve Bradley, Ciarán Brannigan, Kevin Brophy, Rose Byrne, Sandy Carlson, Andrew Carpenter, Tom Carroll, Leo Carruthers, Raymond Chapman, the late Helen Clayton, Ronan Collins, Frank Columb, Patrick J. Connolly ATM, Anne Conway, Karen Corrigan, Art and Emer Cosgrove, Sister Mary Cotter, Brigid Culhane, June Cusack, the late Ann D’Arcy, Fergus D’Arcy, Norah Davis, Owen and Pat Dawson, Rache de Almeida (former Ambassador of Brazil to Ireland), Gabriel de Bellescize (former Ambassador of France to Ireland), Seamus Deane, Frank Delaney, Steve Dempsey, the late Harry Denny, Kevin Denny, R. W. Dent, Rev. Séamus de Vál, Judith Devlin, Morgan and Suzi Dockrell, the late Brigid Dolan, Moira Dolan, Brian Donnelly, Daniel Donoghue, Theo Dorgan, Thomas Dowling, Eithne Doyle, Jonathan Doyle, Noel Doyle, Roddy Doyle, Michael Dunne, the late J. G. Edwarde, Sister Eileen, Thorsten Eisbein, the late Sir William Empson, for inspiring my academic interest in etymology, John Fanagan, Brian and Marie-Thérèse Farrell, Breeda Fennessy, Diarmaid Ferriter, Marian Finucane, Robert FitzSimon, Thomas and the late Anna May Fleming, Michelanne Fleming, Jane Mary Flemming, Alan Fletcher, Jack Foley, the late Gerry Forster, Brian Friel, GAA Museum (Croke Park), Tom and Máire Garvin, Jacqueline Genet, Patrick Gernon, Gerard and Patricia Gillen, Manfred Görlach, Marion Gunne, Marlene Hackett, Brian and Rachel Hands, Maurice and Maura Harmon, the late Alan Harrison, Ted Hayes, Denis Healy, Seamus and Marie Heaney, Raymond Hickey, Nancy Hopkins, Gerard and Mary Horkan, Paul Howard, who so brilliantly records the changes in Hiberno-English, Anne Hunt, Brian Ingoldsby, Hazel Jacob, Ellen Carol Jones, Terry Jones, Mary Jordan, Sister Joseph, Jeff Kallen, Maria Kelleher, Pauline and Mary Kelleher, Eugene Kelly, Gabrielle Kelly, Gerry Kelly SC and Rose Kelly, Olive Keogh, Declan and Beth Kiberd, the late Benedict Kiely, Val Kingston, John Kirk, David Krause, Michael Laffan, William Lawlor, Joep Leerssen, John Leonard, Geert Lernout, Paul Linnehan, Niall Loftus, Seán and Máirín Loftus, Joseph Benedict Long, who collaborated with me in checking all the entries in this third edition of the Dictionary, Brian and the late Deirdre Loughney, Angela and Peter Lucas, James McCabe, Kevin McCafferty, Terence McCann, Susan McCarthy, Patrick MacDermott, the late Éilis McDowell, Moore and Nuala McDowell, Frank McGuinness, who launched the first edition of this Dictionary, the late Vincent McHugh, Henry McKean, Stewart McKee, Rod MacManus, Gerard MacSweeny, Damien and Anne Mara, the late Dorothy Molloy, Pam Molloy, Noel Monahan, who inspires interest in Hiberno-English through his poetry, Sean Moncrieff and the Newstalk team, Peter and Mona Mooney, Carol Moran, Shane Moran, the late Dermot Morgan, Don Morgan, Barbara H. Moriarty, Paul Muldoon, Evelyn Mullaly, Maria Mulrooney, Christopher Murray, Kathleen Murray, Margaret Murray, Munira Mutran, Treasa Ní Chonaile, Éilís Ní Dhuibhne, Aifric Ní Mhuirithe, Khayam and Nista Noordally, George O’Brien, Mary O’Brien, the late Breandán Ó Buachalla, Éamon and Mary Ó Carragáin, the late Cormac Ó Ceallaigh, Micheál Ó Conaill, Pat and Máire O’Connell, Joseph O’Connor, Joseph and Kitty O’Connor, Seán O’Connor, Ulick O’Connor, John and Sora O’Doherty, Hugh O’Donnell, Éamonn O’Flaherty, Deirdre O’Grady, Emer O’Kelly, Liam O’Leary, Colm O’Loughlin, Andy O’Mahony, John O’Mahony, Diarmaid Ó Muirithe, Des O’Neill, Fr Ciaran Ó Sabhaois, Micheál Ó Searcóid, Denis O’Sullivan, Denis B. O’Sullivan, Cóilin Owens, Bridie Padian, Chris Pidgeon, the surgeon who saved my life, David Pierce, Frank Prendergast, Jacques Quilter, Vincent Quilter, Rev. John Quinn, Peter and the late Nancy Quinn, the late Barry Raftery, Martin and Joan Redmond, Ross School and Institute, East Hampton (New York), Alan Roughley, Mary Ruane, Salvador Ryan, the pupils and staff of St Columba’s College Whitechurch, County Dublin, Régis Salado, Tim Saunders, Fritz Senn, Ronan Sheehan, Chris Slack, Pauline Slattery, Hazel Stanley, John Stanley, Linda Gavin Steiner, Gerard Stembridge, Ciara Steven, Frederick William Stuckey, Joan Stuckey and the late Jessica Maud Stuckey, J. P. Sullivan, Eoin Sweeney, Penn Szittya, Betsey Taylor, Alison Telfer, Rosemary Thomas, Philip Tilling, David and Fiona Tipple, Robert Towers, Hildegard Tristram, doyenne of Hiberno-English Studies in Potsdam, Ryan Tubridy, with whom I worked on the history of words segment in the Morning Glory programme on RTÉ Radio 1, David Wallace, John Walsh, Michael Walsh, Peter Walsh, Alice Moore West, Patricia Weston, Trevor White, supporter of the study of Hiberno-English, Paul Whitington; and to all those who have helped in various ways with the work on the Dictionary, especially my students at UCD.

I wish to thank all the people who have taken the time and trouble to send in comments and suggestions for this new edition. I should like to pay special tribute to Fergal Tobin, Deirdre Rennison Kunz and Emma Farrell of Gill & Macmillan for their inspiring support for this project, and also to the invaluable work of John Loftus, who phonetically transcribed in longhand all the original interviews for the first edition of this Dictionary.

Any errors are the responsibility of the editor, who is also most grateful for grants from the Faculty of Arts Publications Committee of University College, Dublin, and the Arts Council.

Abbreviations and Symbols

adj. adjective

adv. adverb

adv.phr. adverbial phrase

AN Anglo-Norman

cf. compare

colloq. colloquial

conj. conjunction

dial. dialect

dimin. diminutive

Du Dutch

E English

EDDEnglish Dialect Dictionary (Wright, ed.)

E dial. English dialect

EModE Early Modern English

excl. exclamation

F French

fig. figuratively

G German

Gk Greek

HE Hiberno-English

imp. imperative

int. interjection

Ir Irish

It Italian

L Latin

lit. literally

LL Late Latin

MDu Middle Dutch

ME Middle English

MF Middle French

MIr Middle Irish

ModE Modern English

n. noun

n.phr. noun phrase

ODEEOxford Dictionary of English Etymology (Onions, ed.)

OE Old English

OEDOxford English Dictionary (Simpson and Weiner, eds.)

OF Old French

OIr Old Irish

ON Old Norse

ONF Old Norman French

pejor. pejorative

phr. phrase

pl. plural

p.part. past participle

prep. preposition

pres.part. present participle

SE Standard English

s.v.sub verbo [under the word entry]

v. verb

v.n. verbal noun

voc. vocative

< from

* unattested form

Citations from literary sources are given in double quotation marks (“thus”); citations from non-literary sources (correspondents or oral contributors) are given in single quotation marks (‘thus’). Cross-references to other entries in the dictionary are given in SMALL CAPITALS.

Pronunciation Scheme

The guide to pronunciation, given within oblique strokes /thus/, follows the system of the International Phonetic Association (IPA). This guide is intended to help those who are not familiar with Hiberno-English speech; those who are will be aware of the great differences in the pronunciation of words in different parts of the country. Regional accents are a salient feature of Hiberno-English speech, and the system adopted here cannot possibly represent such variations, nor is it intended to; but where it has been possible to identify the local pronunciation of a word, the stress and pronunciation of the relevant region are given.

Vowels

Diphthongs

Consonants

/æ/ back

/ɔi/ boy

/b/ black

/ɑː/ aren’t

/ai/ fine

/d/ doll

/ɑ/ lock/

/au/ cow

/ｄ / drisheen

eː/ able

/iə/ ear

/g/ garda

/ɛ/ set

/uə/ cuas

/h/ handsel

/iː/ evening

/oi/ shaffoige

/l/ like

/oː/ corse

/m/ masher

/ɔː/ grá

/n/ net

/Λ/ lug

/p/ pairceen

/uː/ lúb

/r/ relic

/ı/ sit

/s/ slag

/ə/ above

/t/ terror

/ｔ/ thivish

/v/ voteen

/ʍ/ whether

/w/ well

/z/ music

/∫/ sheep

/tʃ/ chin

/j/ yerra

/ŋ/ fallaing

/x/ loch

/Ʒ/ measure

/ʤ/ jorum

/k/ cat

/f/ fig

/ɣ/ gealgháiriteach

/θ/ thole

The primary stress in a word of two or more syllables is shown by the mark preceding the stressed syllable. No indication is given of secondary stress.

Introduction to the third edition

Since the last edition of this Dictionary was published in 2004, Ireland has seen huge social, political, religious, and financial change. This has generated a host of new words and expressions, already in common usage, such as: ‘digout’, a cash gift to help a friend out of awkward financial embarrassment; the ubiquitous acronym NAMA; as well as terms like ‘the Galway Tent’, a large, extravagant marquee set up on the grounds of the Galway Races by Fianna Fáil to entertain supporters. This led to expressions such as ‘It’s the politics of the Galway Tent’.

Irish people, bolstered by the self-confidence conferred by the Celtic Tiger, began to adjust their accents and idioms in order to sound like prosperous men and women in other English-speaking countries, especially Londoners in the stylish Home Counties. This ambition to sound ‘posh’ gave rise to what is known as the Dart Accent, a fake, affected form of Hiberno-English which sounds comical to speakers of Standard English. It is too soon to determine whether or not this risible accent will permanently infect all varieties of Hiberno-English, as it has already infected members of the younger ‘Tiger Cub’ generation. This absurdly affected speech will probably disappear in the aftermath of the financial turmoil, which may have been in John Banville’s mind when he wrote: ‘Now with the Tiger dead and buried under a mound of ever-increasing debt, a silence is falling over the land’ (Sunday Independent, 21 November 2010, reprinted from The New York Times).

This Dictionary aims to be inclusive and, in the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement, presents words and expressions from Ulster-Scots, such as ‘a clatter a wains’ (a large number of children). Shelta, the language of the Travelling community, also appears, with entries such as: ‘gammy’ (disabled); ‘coonic’ (priest); ‘wide’ (street-wise, informed); and ‘beeor’ (woman). In the midst of all these linguistic changes, both voluntary and involuntary, the unchanging component is the irrepressible gift possessed by Irish people for creative, expressive, and reckless manipulation of the English language (Dolan 2008). This Dictionary celebrates and exemplifies this gift, especially in phrases like ‘circling Shannon’, an expression contributed by a teacher from Bonniconlon, Co. Mayo. Referring to someone who has had too much to drink, it is based on an alleged incident involving a man at Shannon Airport who was too weak and unsteady to disembark from a plane. The language will continue to evolve, the direction remains obscure, but Hiberno-English flourishes as a distinctive variety that lends itself to colourful personal expression and impressive literary achievement (Dolan 2012), exemplified in the writings of John Banville, Frank McGuinness, Colum McCann, Joseph O’Connor, and many other distinguished authors.

T. P. Dolan, UCD, 2012

Introduction to the second edition

The Irish use of English has changed considerably in most parts of the country since the first edition of this Dictionary, most notably in the new speech of some Dubliners, especially young people. This has caused some controversy, regarding both its origins and its sounds and effects (Hickey, 2004). Throughout the country there is a noticeable decline in the number of words from the Irish language in daily use. This is because of the declining numbers of speakers from the generation who moved easily between Irish and English, not so much in their ability to speak fluently in both languages, as in their comfortable use of words, phrases, proverbs, and grammar from the Irish language in their daily use of English (Filppula, 1999). There is a cultural difference, too, in the declining use of religious expressions, and rural idioms. Even familiarity with the word ‘culchie’ is declining, let alone its use.

Some commentators on the first edition of this Dictionary expressed reservations about the number of Irish words it contained, but that was how our interviews, letters from correspondents, and local word-lists showed the language to be. For some speakers, Hiberno-English is still a macaronic medium. In the North, the new interest in Ulster-Scots has activated a lively and healthy debate on the issue of what constitutes a language, and what a dialect. Research shows that Ulster-Scots is an important form of English, sharing many features with Hiberno-English (Robinson 1997, Fenton 2000, Kirk 1997, Gorläch 2000, Dolan 2002), as is so well represented in Michael Longley’s poem, ‘Phemios & Medon’ (Selected Poems, 119), which brilliantly harnesses Hiberno-English and Ulster-Scots. This Dictionary, as Tom Paulin writes in his Foreword, aims to be inclusive in its sources, North and South (Dolan, 2002). The sections of the Good Friday Agreement concerning language legally conferred parity of esteem on the languages used in that part of the country and confirms the beneficial effects which should result from connecting politics and the study of language (Dolan, 2003).

This edition records entries from Ulster-Scots, where helpful, in order to demonstrate that Hiberno-English is at the core of the language of Ireland, onto which are grafted many different linguistic features characteristic of the area where a given variety is spoken. Such variety is indicated by the location of sources in the individual entries (e.g., KM, Kerry; CO, Meath; PM, Leitrim; KD, Dublin; CB, Longford; JK, Belfast; or Fenton, Ulster-Scots). Oral lexical contributions are cited in the context in which they were communicated, so that the rhythm of the expression is preserved.

Reviews of the first edition of this Dictionary contained many useful suggestions which have been helpful in preparing the second edition, with corrections, emendations, and additions. I am deeply grateful to the reviewers, and for all the letters and e-mails from readers and listeners to my radio programmes and lectures, generated by their growing interest in the Irish use of English.

Introduction to the first edition

I’d naw and aye

And decently relapse into the wrong

Grammar which kept us allied and at bay.

- Seamus Heaney, ‘Clearances’, 4, 12-14

Irish people use and speak English in a distinctive way. In vocabulary, construction, idiom, and pronunciation their speech is identifiable and marked. Its characteristics reflect the political, cultural, and linguistic history of the two nations, Ireland and England.

The Latin name for Ireland was Hibernia, and from that word is derived the prefix Hiberno- to describe things concerned with Ireland. Hiberno-English is the name given to the language of everyday use in Ireland, a mixture of Irish (which is enshrined in the Constitution as ‘the first official language’) and English (‘a second official language’). It is a macaronic dialect, a mixture of Irish and English, sometimes in the same word (e.g. ‘girleen’, ‘maneen’, etc.).

Hiberno-English has its own grammar, so obviously different in several ways from Standard English grammar that it may appear to be a ‘wrong grammar’, such as Seamus Heaney ‘decently relapses into’.

The main intention of this dictionary is to make accessible the common word stock of Hiberno-English in both its present and past forms, oral and literary. The dictionary records words, phrases, proverbs, and sayings, as well as providing information about specific usages (e.g. ‘yes’ and ‘no’), grammatical points of interest (e.g. ‘after’, ‘and’, ‘that’, ‘whether’), distinctive sounds (e.g. ‘th’, epenthesis in ‘wurrum’ [worm], etc.), and Gaelicisms (e.g. ‘-een’). This is a wide spectrum, since it covers a fast-changing assembly of different types of speaker, with the older generation, especially those from rural areas, holding on to words and syntactical patterns that younger people, especially those from urban areas, have given up in favour of newly cast words or adaptations, which may or may not survive. To take a common example, the noun ‘scanger’, which refers to a rough, uncouth youth, has an obscure origin but may well be derived from the English verb ‘scange’, meaning to roam about, recorded in the English Dialect Dictionary. ‘Scang’ may itself be a corruption of the verb ‘scavenge’, to feed off or collect filthy matter; hence ‘scanger’ may be a corrupt, contracted form of ‘scavenger’.

Much of the vocabulary of Hiberno-English (cited as ‘HE’ in the Dictionary) consists of words in common currency in Standard English, but an appreciable proportion of the word stock of Irish people is not standard and may be misunderstood, or not understood at all, by speakers of standard or near-standard English. It is with this Hiberno-English word stock that this Dictionary concerns itself, and the categories include Irish loan-words, sometimes respelt (e.g. ‘omadhawn’, fool, from Irish amadán); words whose use has become restricted in England because they have fallen out of general use (e.g. ‘to cog’, to cheat in an examination); hybrid words derived from both Irish and English sources, most notably English words attached to the diminutive suffix -een (Irish -ín), as in ‘priesteen’, ‘maneen’, etc.; English words reflecting the semantic range of the Irish equivalent (e.g. ‘bold’, from Irish dána, intrepid or naughty); local words (e.g. ‘glimmer-man’); colloquial vocabulary (e.g. ‘scanger’, ‘moxie’, ‘naavo’ - with the familiarising suffix -o common in Dublin speech - etc.); English words that have taken on meanings developed from an Irish context and remain restricted to that context (e.g. ‘hames’, in the phrase ‘to make a hames of’, and ‘yoke’, something whose name one cannot recall, etc.). The Irish contribution to American speech is also recorded (e.g. ‘slew’, ‘slug’, etc.) or discussed (e.g. ‘phoney’, ‘so long’, etc.).

The material derives from a number of different sources, both spoken and written. The spoken sources include the replies made to letters I wrote to provincial newspapers asking readers to send me words and sayings that they use or used or heard used by their families, friends, and neighbours; contributions from listeners to the radio programme The Odd Word; interviews conducted around the country; and suggestions made by my undergraduate and postgraduate students and colleagues at UCD. Literary citations are taken from relevant material dating from the Early Modern English period (approximately the sixteenth century) up to the present (Frank McCourt, Maeve Binchy, Seamus Deane, Tom Paulin, Heaney, Kavanagh, Joyce, Yeats, and others: see the list on pp. 275-8). Non-literary sources provide information about relevant vocabulary (e.g. ‘blaa’ from Cowan and Sexton, Ireland’s Traditional Foods, 1997).

The contributions have shown how very many Irish words in standard or disguised form are still in current use in Hiberno-English (e.g. ‘magalore’, merry from drink; ‘a vick’, my son; ‘ráiméis’, silly talk). They show too that Irish people often use proverbial expressions in Irish (e.g. ‘ar mhuin na muice’, well off, literally ‘on the pig’s back’). They also corroborate the well-known but puzzling fact that so few Irish words have been absorbed into Standard English (such as ‘galore’, ‘whiskey’, ‘slogan’, ‘bother’, ‘slew’). In this connection, analysis of the roots of words sometimes claimed to be of Irish derivation (e.g. ‘kibosh’, ‘smashing’, etc.) leads to the conclusion that their source in Irish is doubtful.

Each entry in the Dictionary includes all or most of the following details: the headword; some indication of the pronunciation (according to the scheme of the International Phonetic Association); alternative forms of the headword, if there are any commonly used respellings; its part of speech or grammatical function; the meaning, or meanings, of the headword, with sources from contributors indicated (see the list on pp. 279-80); the derivation, preceded by the symbol < (if the Irish form is the same as the headword it is marked ‘< Ir’; if from an English or other source it is marked ‘< OE’ (Old English), etc.; a quotation or quotations illustrating the usage of the headword, from either an oral correspondent or a literary source or both (with non-literary citations in single quotation marks and literary citations in double quotation marks); a note of explanation, where useful; and a cross-reference to other relevant headwords.

Many words that are currently in use in Hiberno-English are not current in present-day Standard English and may never have been part of a countrywide word stock in British English, since they were dialectal or were words that had fallen into disuse through obsolescence. A good deal of the non-Irish vocabulary of Hiberno-English may be traced to usages and forms recorded in Joseph Wright’s English Dialect Dictionary (six volumes, 1898-1905). In the present Dictionary all the headwords that appear in Wright’s dictionary are marked ‘< E dial.’

With regard to the roots of Irish entries, where a word or phrase has been Anglicised, the source-words or source-phrases from Irish are given in standard Irish form after the < symbol (e.g. ‘maryah’ < Ir mar dhea). Often the headword itself appears in its standard Irish form, in which case there is no need to repeat it, only to confirm its Irish derivation with ‘< Ir’ (e.g. ‘maidrín lathaí’, skivvy or lap-dog, < Ir). Otherwise, for words that have become so commonplace that an Anglicised form approximating to the sounds of the Irish original has developed (e.g. ‘crubeen’ < Ir crúibín), the Anglicised form is given as the headword.

The spelling of English headwords normally follows the standard form found in other dictionaries, but for distinctively Hiberno-English versions of standard English words (e.g. ‘eejit’ < E ‘idiot’), the headword is given in a respelt form that approximates to the way Irish people pronounce the word.

Hiberno-English is a conservative form of English, which sometimes preserves the older forms and the older pronunciations of words derived from Early Modern English, roughly from the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries - the period in which the English settlements in Ireland became more established (see Carpenter, 1998) and in which Irish people began to emigrate to England in greater and greater numbers in search of work. This form of English, which is closely related to its immediate predecessor, Late Middle English, is the basis of modern Hiberno-English (see Bliss, 1976). Hence, the Middle English form of a headword may be provided where it illustrates the early shape of a word: for example, the preposition ‘forbye’, besides, which is still in fairly general use in Hiberno-English (with an entry in the English Dialect Dictionary), is also given its Middle English form in the entry (< E dial. < ME forbi).

In general, the number of words in use in Hiberno-English that are recorded in the English Dialect Dictionary is declining, even in that part of the country - the baronies of Forth and Bargy, County Wexford - that up until quite recently preserved words of close or approximate likeness to their Middle English ancestry (e.g. ‘kiver’, to cover: Middle English kever). As regards dialectal sub-divisions of Hiberno-English (see, for example, Traynor, 1953; Henry, 1957; Braidwood, 1969; Beecher, 1983; Macafee, 1996; Moylan, 1996), the increasing mobility of people for social and professional reasons is understandably tending to diminish or even destroy such varieties. Even so, there are still many words whose usage may be traced to a certain part of the country (e.g. ‘ponger’, a small vessel, and ‘thole’, to suffer, endure, both of which are commoner in northern parts; ‘pigeon’, a urinary vessel, from Cork), and this is noted where appropriate.

To give a general guide to how words are pronounced, especially for non-Irish readers, each headword is followed by an approximate rendering in phonetic symbols. Within some entries a note of explanation is added (e.g. for ‘blackguard’, ‘crack’, ‘-een’, ‘gurrier’, ‘hedge-school’, ‘smithereens’, ‘no’, ‘yes’, etc.) with references for further study in relevant authorities. Various common cultural, political, and religious usages that appear frequently in Irish speech and literature are also entered (e.g. ‘first Friday’, ‘Legion of Mary’, ‘Society of St Vincent de Paul’, ‘TD’, ‘SC’, ‘Fianna Fáil’, ‘Fine Gael’, etc.).

A BRIEF GRAMMAR OF HIBERNO-ENGLISH

Relevant entries in the Dictionary will supply information about the grammar of Hiberno-English (see, for example, ‘after’); but it will be useful at this stage to give a brief account of Hiberno-English grammar, because of the contentious issue of correctness that it sometimes raises and which is so well expressed by Seamus Heaney in the words quoted at the beginning of this introduction.

The prescriptive grammar-books from which Irish children are taught English grammar at school deal with Standard or British English. Obviously, the majority of the rules contained in these grammars are also suited to Hiberno-English, but in a number of significant ways Hiberno-English departs from British English, giving rise to what Heaney calls ‘wrong grammar’, which may, from another perspective, be seen as admissible - indeed, to an extent it may be claimed that ‘wrong’ English grammar is ‘good’ Irish grammar (but translated into English).

This claim rests on the fact that Irish grammar lies behind many so-called solecisms in Hiberno-English. There are quite a few examples, and I shall deal briefly with them here (see also Harris, 1993).

Several deviations from Standard English syntax are due to the absence of a verb ‘have’ in Irish. The most noted example is the construction with ‘after’ in place of the English ‘have’ in expressions such as ‘I’m just after eating my dinner’ (Irish: ‘Tá mé tar éis mo dhinnéar a ithe’; Standard English: ‘I’ve just eaten my dinner’), in which the ‘after’ represents the Irish conjunction ‘tar éis’ (but see O’Rahilly, Irish Dialects, Past and Present, 234).

Possession may be expressed in Irish by the verb ‘be’ (tá) and the preposition ‘at’ (ag); for example: ‘Tá an leabhar agam’, literally ‘Is the book at-me’, meaning ‘I have the book’. When this construction is extended to form the statement ‘I have read the book’ (‘Tá an leabhar léite agam’), where the participle ‘léite’ is separated from the verb ‘tá’, the separation is carried over into the Hiberno-English rendering as ‘I have the book read’, rather than ‘I have read the book’, as in British English (in which the sentence ‘I have the book read’ could be taken to imply that someone was reading the book to me).

The British English perfect and pluperfect tenses are often replaced with the past tense in Hiberno-English (see Filppula, 1996; Kallen, 1991), giving such patterns as ‘Did any of you find my pen?’ instead of ‘Have any of you found my pen?’ Substitution is also found for the English perfect and pluperfect in such non-standard usages as ‘She’s here this ten years’ (present for perfect with ‘have’), or similarly ‘Where were you?’ (in place of ‘Where have you been?’), or ‘The children are gone back to school’ (in place of ‘The children have gone back to school’).

In Irish the verb normally stands first (verb-subject, e.g. ‘Thit sé den bhalla’, he fell off the wall), whereas the basic word order of Standard English is subject-verb (‘He fell off the wall’). In Irish there are two verbs ‘be’: ‘tá’ (the substantive verb) and ‘is’ (the copula, a form of the verb ‘be’ employed to equate one part of a sentence with another). The latter is used at the head of sentences involving relative clauses, e.g. ‘Is inniu atá an bhainis ann’, the wedding takes place today, literally ‘Is today (on)-which-is the wedding in-it’.

The placing of the copula, ‘is’, at the beginning of such sentences preserves the verb–subject rule for the word order in Irish sentences; it also allows for flexibility in marking the speaker’s intentions. This flexibility is evident in the way that Hiberno-English speakers adapt the copula construction: ‘It is today (that) the wedding is taking place’; ‘It is the wedding (that) is taking place today’; or even ‘It is taking place (that) the wedding is today’. Usually in these ‘cleft’ sentences the relative pronoun ‘that’ is omitted, e.g. ‘It is Kathleen (that) saw John last Christmas’; ‘It was last Christmas (that) Kathleen last saw John’; ‘It was John (that) Kathleen saw last Christmas’. Clauses in which the relative pronoun is omitted are known as ‘contact clauses’. The omission of the relative pronoun has long been a feature of English syntax, from the Old English period (roughly the ninth to twelfth centuries onwards), in which relative pronouns were slowly developed (see Mustanoja, 1960, p. 187-208).

Irish has a habitual form of the present tense (‘bíonn’) as well as the substantive form (‘tá’). The habitual form is concerned with the nature or ‘aspect’ of the action involved, whether it is instantaneous, continuing, or recurring. This gives rise in Hiberno-English to such idioms as ‘I do be here every day’ or (less commonly) ‘I bes here every day’ (‘Bím anseo gach lá’).

The strict rules that once governed the use of ‘will’ and ‘shall’ in Standard English have never been observed in Hiberno-English. Standard English grammar distinguished between the normal future and the emphatic future by a process of choice between ‘will’ and ‘shall’ (the normal future has ‘I shall’, ‘you will’, ‘he/she/it will’, ‘we shall’, ‘you will’, ‘they will’; the emphatic future reverses the pattern with ‘I will’, ‘you shall’, ‘he/she/it shall’, ‘we will’, ‘you shall’, ‘they shall’). In Hiberno-English, forms with ‘will’ are the norm for all pronouns and levels of emphasis, possibly because Irish has one form for the future (e.g. ‘ceannóidh’, I shall/will buy; ‘inseoidh’, I shall/will tell, etc.). The history of the confusing choice of future forms in Modern English goes back to Old English, which used the present tense to represent the future. Subsequently, in Late Old English and Early Middle English (approximately AD 1000-1250), a future tense was fabricated from the two verbs ‘willan’ (originally meaning ‘desire, command’ and later used as an auxiliary to form the future) and ‘sceolan’ (denoting obligation, ‘shall, must, ought’). Hiberno-English speakers ignore the complications that have arisen from this background and settle for ‘will’: hence ‘Will I wet the tea?’, ‘Will we go to bed?’, ‘I’ll get it for her now’, etc.

Indirect questions are normally introduced in Standard English by ‘if’ or ‘whether’. Hiberno-English speakers avoid the use of these conjunctions, and indirect questions retain the reverse word-order of the original questions, e.g. ‘I wonder what age is she’, ‘Tell me is he gone out or not’, ‘She asked him was he going with anyone’, ‘I don’t know is it that he’s mad or stupid’, etc.

Irish grammar allows a greater range of uses for the conjunction ‘agus’ (and) than the ‘and’ of English. This permits non-standard usages in the formations of subordinate adverbial clauses, e.g. ‘They interrupted her and she saying her prayers’, in which the ‘and’ could be equivalent to ‘when’, ‘while’, or ‘although’: ‘when she was saying her prayers’, ‘while she was saying her prayers’, ‘although she was saying her prayers’ (see Filppula, 1991)

Hiberno-English grammar departs from Standard English grammar in its extension of the imperative with ‘let’ from the first and third-person pronouns (e.g. ‘Let you sit down!’, ‘Let her go!’, ‘Let them go!’) to the second-person pronoun (e.g. ‘Let you sit down’). In some parts of the country ‘leave’ is substituted for ‘let’ (‘Leave you get to bed’).

Expressions such as ‘don’t be talking’ are based on Irish progressive imperatives (‘ná bí ag caint’ in this instance) and are non-standard within the prescriptions of Standard English grammar. The use of ‘be’ as an auxiliary with a progressive verbal form (e.g. ‘Be starting your tea’) is also non-standard.

There is no indefinite article (equivalent to Standard English ‘a’ or ‘an’) in Irish, and this absence leads to distinctive uses of the definite article in Hiberno-English, e.g. ‘She came home for the Christmas’; ‘His wife has the lad [cancer]’; ‘He had the great colour after playing the match’; ‘The mammy [my mother] is coming home today’.

The employment of singular forms of the verb with plural subjects in Hiberno-English (e.g. ‘There was fifteen people there’ - Irish ‘Bhí cúig dhuine dhéag ann’) looks like bad English grammar, but the explanation may lie in the fact that in Irish the verb, as in the example cited here with ‘tá’, does not change its form from singular to plural; English, of course, has to use either ‘is’ or ‘are’, as appropriate. This holds true for the whole verbal system in Irish (cf. ‘cuireann sé’, he puts; ‘cuireann siad’, they put). Speakers of Hiberno-English often retain the singular form for plural subjects, as if they were using Irish, e.g. ‘The jobs around the house was too much for her’; ‘The stairs is too steep for the patients’.

The distinctive marking of singular and plural forms of the second-person pronoun in Hiberno-English (‘you’, singular; ‘yous’, plural) may also be due to Irish, in which ‘tú’ (‘you’, singular) is distinguished from ‘sibh’ (‘you’, plural). Early speakers of Hiberno-English adopted analogical plural forms for the plural of ‘you’, based on the normal addition of -s employed in forming the plural of most nouns in English. Thus arose such non-standard forms as ‘yous’ and ‘yiz’, in addition to the retention of the old plural form ‘ye’, which in Hiberno-English does duty for both singular and plural.

It is common to find double plurals, with the sound /əz/ added to plurals in -s: thus ‘bellows’ becomes ‘bellowses’, ‘gallows’ becomes ‘galluses’ (to mean ‘braces’).

The reflexive pronoun is commonly used as an emphatic form of the nominative, e.g. ‘It’s myself that wrote that letter’; ‘Is it yourself that’s in it?’ (Is it really you here?). It is also used to mean the head of the household, ‘himself’ or ‘herself’.

The relative pronoun ‘that’ is often omitted, e.g. ‘I know a builder will do the job for you’.

It is common for inanimate objects to be personified, usually with the feminine pronoun, e.g. ‘She’s a great knife, so she is’.

The pronoun ‘them’ is commonly used in place of ‘those’, e.g. ‘You know all them things’.

The demonstrative ‘this’ is often expressed by ‘that’, e.g. ‘That’s a fine morning’.

There is a tendency to introduce a redundant personal pronoun after a common or proper noun to mark emphasis, e.g. ‘Mr McGuire, he read his poems to me’.

In summary, Hiberno-English has a grammar of its own, which comprises a mixture of Standard English grammar, non-literary usage, and patterns derived from Irish grammar (see Harris, 1993; Filppula, 1999).

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN IRELAND

English has been used in Ireland since the twelfth century, though not always as widely as now; nor is the picture one of uniform development (see Hogan, 1927; Bliss, 1979).

The Irish had first become exposed to English as a result of the invasion conducted by King Henry II, who had been authorised by the only English Pope, Nicholas Breakspear (who had taken the name Hadrian IV), reigning from 1154 to 1159, to unite Ireland with England, on supposedly spiritual grounds. The commanders of the invading forces spoke Norman-French, and their followers spoke English (in the form now termed Early Middle English). By the end of the twelfth century there were four languages current in Ireland: Latin, used by the senior clerics; Norman-French and English, used by the invaders, according to their class; and Irish, used by the indigenous population (see Curtis, 1919; Cahill, 1938; Bliss, 1979; Ó Murchú, 1985).

Norman-French declined within a century or so, but not before it had given words such as ‘buidéal’ < Norman-French botel, bottle, ‘dinnéar’ < diner, dinner, and ‘tuáille’ < toaille, towel, to the Irish lexicon. But English survived and took on some of the characteristics and vocabulary of Irish, as we know from such early Hiberno-English masterpieces as The Land of Cokaygne (dated to the early fourteenth century; see Heuser, 1965 (reprint); Henry, 1972), which - in an early foretaste of the way later users of Hiberno-English insert Irish words into English phrases and sentences - employs an Irish word, ‘rossin’, (< Ir raisín, luncheon, line 20) within an English sentence, with no sense of forcing (‘The met is trie, the drink is clere, | To none, russin, and sopper’ (‘The food is excellent, the drink is clear | at the midday meal, luncheon, and supper’).

In the fifteenth century a version of a Middle English poem, William Langland’s ‘Vision of Piers Plowman’, was copied in Ireland, and this too displays Hiberno-English features: the verb ‘sell’ is spelt ‘syll’, thereby providing an early example of the phonemic assimilation of /ɛ/ and /ı/ in Hiberno-English (cf. modern Hiberno-English /tın/ for ‘ten’); and ‘followed’ appears as ‘folowt’, thereby indicating the difference between Irish /d/ and /t/ and English /d/ and /t/ (see Heuser (reprint), 1965).

In spite of the evidence for the use of English in Ireland at the time that such writings provide, such was the power of the Irish language that by the fourteenth century even the invaders were beginning to use it. This Irish resurgence led the authorities in England to send over Lionel, Duke of Clarence, son of King Edward III, to preside over an assembly in Kilkenny, from which issued the ‘Statute of Kilkenny’ (written in Norman-French). This legislation was devised to deter the ruling elite from adopting Irish customs and, most importantly, from adopting Irish (‘it is ordained and established that every Englishman use the English language’). It proved futile.

Irish gained strength in the fifteenth century, and English had in the main become restricted to a few towns, parts of Dublin, the area of Fingal (north County Dublin), and the baronies of Forth and Bargy in County Wexford (see Archer; Dolan and Ó Muirithe, 1996), but in the following century the adoption of the policy of plantations reversed this trend. These began with Counties Laois and Offaly in 1549, to be followed by Munster in 1586-1592, and then Ulster in 1609 (see Foster, 1988, 59-78)

The main effect of the plantations, as far as language was concerned, was that for the first time native speakers of English were settled in what had been exclusively Irish-speaking localities. Irish people working on the estates had to learn English as best they could - not because they were enjoined to do so because of legislation but for reasons of expediency and practicality. There was another factor at work as well - that of prestige: English became associated with the image of the Big House. This factor encouraged ambitious or job-seeking Irish-speakers to learn the rudiments of the language, which might lead to preferment or employment. Their acquisition of English was a difficult process, and the form of English they developed seems to have been a striking mixture of Irish and English, in pronunciation, vocabulary, idiom, and syntax. The origins of Hiberno-English may be traced to this period (see Bliss, 1976).

From the time of the plantations, English achieved greater and greater currency in Ireland as its acceptability became more established. The foundation of Trinity College, Dublin, in 1592 and of St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, in 1795 may be taken as two significant developments in this acceptability. A number of early TCD scholars have an illustrious reputation as promoters of Irish, for instance William Bedell (1571-1642), Provost of TCD (1627), who instigated the rule whereby students of Irish birth who came to study divinity had to study Irish as well, so that Irish-speaking clerics could be appointed for parish work; it was Bedell also who had the Old Testament translated into Irish. Even so, TCD had the reputation of being an exclusive repository of Englishness and English, which itself came to be regarded as the transmitter of the Protestant faith. The foundation of St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, two centuries later as a seminary for Catholic priests confirmed the acceptability of English as the means of proselytising and preaching, since graduates of Maynooth spoke to their congregations in English, where appropriate.

Other events also conspired to assist the progress of English. The Penal Laws (1695-1727) encouraged the native Irish-speaking population to regard their own language and culture as symbols of failure. The Act for the Legislative Union of Ireland with Great Britain (1800) meant that would-be politicians had to learn English to speak on Irish matters at Westminster. Daniel O’Connell (1775-1847) used English as his medium of communication with the people. The year 1831 saw the introduction of a system of primary education with English as the medium of instruction, and children were given the ‘bata scóir’, a stick on which notches were made to indicate their use of Irish words, which was forbidden.

Worst of all, from all points of view, was the catastrophe of the Great Famine, which had a calamitous effect on the currency of Irish, since so many monoglot speakers of Irish perished. Then came the waves of emigration, which encouraged the acquisition of English as the language of advancement for use in Britain or the United States.

Since the nineteenth century English has maintained its currency in Ireland up to the present time, but it has not done so without having to succumb to many influences that are associated with the linguistic conditions of the country. In a linguistic sense it is contaminated through and through with Irish (but see Lass, 1986), and it poses many questions for its speakers about the meaning, usage, origin and context of its employment. This Dictionary is aimed at answering those questions, as well as supplying information for scholars of Anglo-Irish literature who may find difficulty with words that are either not mentioned at all in other dictionaries of English or are not given their specific Hiberno-English context. It is also intended to be useful for writers who wish to capture a certain nuance of meaning that only a Hiberno-English word or saying can appropriately furnish.

This Dictionary records the linguistic wealth of Hiberno-English speakers from whom it is hoped will come suggestions and emendations for future research.

A

a /ə/ indefinite article. The absence of an indefinite article in Irish sometimes led to confusion with the initial sound in such English words as ‘enough’, giving rise to formations such as ‘a NOUGH’; ‘I’ve had my ’nough now’ (PR, Mayo) (cf. Ir Tá mo dhóthain agam anois). Healy, Nineteen Acres, 70: “She cried her ’nough.”

a /ə/ voc. particle (used when speaking to somebody) < Ir. ‘A mhaoineach’, my dear one; ‘a Dhia’, O God; ‘a chairde’, friends; ‘a ghrá’, also ‘agradh’, my love; ‘a stór’, darling (SOM, Kerry); ‘avourneen’, a term of endearment < Ir a mhuirnín. ‘Finnegan’s Wake’ (song): “Arrah, Tim, avourneen, why did you die?” Joyce, Finnegans Wake, 468.34: “I’m dreaming of ye, azores [a stór]”; Healy, Nineteen Acres, 9: “Run down to the well, agradh, for a can of water.” Dinneen, s.v. ‘a’, interj., aspir., notes: ‘Eng. O, though not an equivalent, represents it.’

ABCs /eːbiːsiːz/ n. (colloq.), irregular red lines on children’s and women’s shins caused by sitting too close to open fires (JOM, Kerry). SeeBRACKEN.

abhaile /əˈwɑljə/ adv., home, homewards < Ir. ‘SLÁN abhaile,’ safe home. ‘Tá sé níos éasca dul go dtí an baile mór ná theacht abhaile’ (proverb), It’s easier to go to town than to come home.

abhainnín /auˈniːn/ n., small river, tributary (SOM, Kerry, who adds: ‘One such was the source of a natural disaster, c. 1903, when the Moving Bog followed its course and caused about ten deaths, the Abhainnín Chria’) < Ir.

ábhairín /ɔːˈvriːn/ n., a small quantity, especially of liquid (SOM, Kerry) < Ir ábhar, amount + dimin. suffix -ÍN. ‘Can I have an ábhairín of tay?’; ‘Put an ábhairín of whiskey in the glass for me.’

ábhar /ˈɔːvər/ n. 1. Appreciable quantity, fair amount (SOM, Kerry) < Ir. ‘He brought a great ábhar of money home from America.’ 2. Swelling, cyst (SOM, Kerry).

able /ˈeːbəl/ adj., adequate, fit to cope with. ‘He wasn’t able for the job’; ‘I’m not able for the stairs any more’ (BC, Meath).

aboo /əˈbuː/ int., for ever! to victory! < Ir abú. Banim, The Boyne Water, 117: “‘Rhia Shamus Abo!’ cried the man, rising his cup . . . ‘King Shamus!’ repeated another, translating his friend’s Irish”; Joyce, Finnegans Wake, 425.6–8: “Ingenious Shaun, we still so fancied, if only you would take your time so and the trouble of so doing it. Upu now!”

above /əˈbʌv/ adv., loosely meaning the same as ‘up’ < OE abufan. ‘We were above in Dublin at the hospital’ (TF, Cavan).

abroad /əˈbrɔːd/ adv., outside (DOH, Limerick) < ME on brede. ‘I left it abroad in the yard or HAGGART’ (ND, Limerick).

acaointeach /əˈkiːntʧəx/ adj., querulous, complaining, quarrelsome < Ir. ‘He was always acaointeach FROM [from the time that, since] he was a child, God rest him!’ (JF, Cavan).

ach /ɑx/ also ochinterj., with a hint of sadness (SOM, Kerry) or disgust < Ir. ‘Ach, don’t vex me. Haven’t I enough troubles as it is?’ (BC, Meath).

a chara /əˈxɑrə/ voc., term of endearment: my friend < Ir. ‘Mhuise, a chara, come out for a walk with me and don’t be moping around the house all day.’ Kickham, Knocknagow, 57: “Billy, a chora ... stop that!”; Joyce, Ulysses, 311.1–3: “And Joe asked him would he have another. ‘I will,’ says he, ‘a chara, to show there’s no ill feeling.’” Used as the salutation in formal letters in Irish and frequently also in English; Plunkett, Farewell Companions, 439: “A Chara | I am directed by the committee to refer to your recent letter...” SeeMEAS.

achasán /ɑxəˈsɔːn/ n., insult < Ir. ‘The next achasán I hear from you’ll be the last’ (KG, Kerry).

a chora, seeA CHARA.

achree /əˈxriː/ n.phr., term of endearment: beloved one, my dear (SOM, Kerry) < Ir a chroí.‘MUSHA, achree, you can tell me your troubles – you know I’ll do whatever I can to help you’ (KG, Kerry). Griffin, The Collegians, 274: “Is it going you are, a-chree?”

acoolsha, seeACUSHLA.

acre, Irish acre /ˈeːkər/ n., measurement of land, “about one and a two-thirds the size of a statute acre” (Robinson, Stones of Aran, 91) < OE æcer. See Edwards, 2004, on ‘Irish acre’, 13.

act the maggot, to /tə ækt ｄə ˈmægəｔ/ phr., (fig.) to behave in an irritating manner, perhaps resembling the wriggling of a maggot. O’Connor, Ghost Light, 78: “It’s not that any of us would want to be acting the maggot”.

acushla (machree) /əˈkʌlə (mæˈxriː)/ voc., term of endearment: my heart’s dear one < Ir a chuisle mo chroí (lit. pulse of my heart). Stoker, The Snake’s Pass, 201: “‘Be the powdhers [powers], there’s the masther! Git up, acushla!’ – this to the younger woman”; Joyce, Finnegans Wake, 626.35–6: “But you’re changing, acoolsha, you’re changing from me.”

ádh /ɔː/ n., luck, good fortune (SOM, Kerry, who adds: ‘in phrases like “ádh an Diabhail” (luck of the Devil), “mí-ádh”, misfortune, “ámharach”, lucky’) < Ir. ‘The ádh an Diabhail, that’s what it is!’ (KG, Kerry).

adharcáilí /ˈaiərkɔːliː/ n., a randy animal or man (KM, Kerry) < Ir adharcáil, horn. ‘That adharcáilí of a bull won’t let the shed-door alone’; ‘That adharcáilí has left a few children after him – some say he can’t be seen in Killarney.’

adhart, seePILIÚR.

adhastar /ˈɑsｔər/ n., a halter (SOM, Kerry) < Ir. ‘Give me the adhastar for the mare’; ‘Put the adhastar on her: she’s a biteen wild’ (Kerry) (see -EEN).

adhmharaige /ɑdˈvɑːrəɡə/ n., luck, good fortune (KM, Kerry) < Ir ámharaí. ‘Thanks be to God he had the adhmharaige to marry her.’

adú, seeCOIGILT.

aerach /ˈeːrəx/ adj., light-hearted, carefree (SOM, Kerry, who adds: ‘airy, in anglicised form’) < Ir. ‘What has you so aerach today?’; ‘I feel very aerach with this wonderful weather.’

aeraíocht /eːˈriːəxt/ n., garden-party with music and dancing; open-air entertainment (such as a FEIS), this latter usage probably imported under Conradh na Gaeilge (SOM, Kerry); < Ir.

afeard /əˈfiːrd/ also afeerd, afreard (PON, Dublin) adj., afraid < E dial. < OE afæred. ‘Afeard of my life’, very much afraid (LUB, Dublin). Griffin, The Collegians, 53: “‘Don’t be one bit afeerd o’ me,’ says the ould gentleman”; Stoker, The Snake’s Pass, 63: “I’m afeerd yer ’an’r [your honour] has had but a poor day”; Synge, The Playboy of the Western World, III, 72: “Shawn: I’d be afeard to be jealous of a man did slay his da.”

after /ˈæːftər/, /ˈæːfｔər/ prep., used to form the HE equivalent of the SE perfect (have ...) and pluperfect (had...) past tenses (see Filppula, Grammar, 1999, 99–107). There is no verb ‘have’ in Irish, and the past tenses are formed with parts of the verb ‘be’ with the preposition ‘after’ (tar éis). HE ‘I’m after having my dinner’ (Ir Tá mé tar éis mo dhinnéar a ithe) is the equivalent of SE ‘I’ve just had my dinner.’ It is possible to say ‘I’m after having my dinner’ in SE, but that could mean ‘I am in pursuit of having my dinner’ – the opposite of the meaning in HE. Birmingham, The Lighter Side of Irish Life, 170: “An Englishman who had settled in Ireland once related to me a conversation which he had with an Irish servant. ‘Mary,’ he said, ‘will you please light the fire in my study?’ ‘I’m just after lighting it,’ she replied. ‘Then do it at once,’ he said. ‘Don’t I tell you, sir,’ she said, ‘that I’m just after doing it?’” Somerville and Ross, Some Experiences of an Irish RM, 165: “’Twas the kitchen chimney cot [caught] fire, and faith she’s afther giving Biddy Mahony the sack, on the head of it!” Joyce, Ulysses, 299.6: “Sure I’m after seeing him not five minutes ago”; Brown, Down All the Days, 45: “‘Mr Brown!’ the boy yelled hoarsely, ‘come quick – they’re after knocking down your Paddy and him with the lad on his back!”’; Doyle, The Van, 60: “Is she after doin’ somethin’ to herself?” ‘After’ is also found in HE in situations where SE would have ‘afterwards’: Stoker, The Snake’s Pass, 25: “Go on, man dear! an’ fenesh the punch after.” O’Connor, Ghost Light, 77: “Mr Synge, I am after speaking it the way it is written”; 229: “I am after writing out your name”. Cf. O’Rahilly, 234: ‘Although locutions of the type “he is after coming” . . . “she is after breaking the window”, are so well known in Hiberno-English, the corresponding type of expression in Irish does not seem to be attested until a comparatively late period (15th cent?). To express “after” in such constructions the word originally used was iar, which was afterwards confused with ar, e.g. tá sé (i)ar dteacht. Later (i)ar in such predicates was superseded in Irish by prepositional phrases which more clearly expressed the idea of “after”.’ See Filppula, Grammar (1999), 99–107.

again /əˈɡɛn/ 1. adv., another time (cf. Ir arís, again, afterwards, at some future time) < ME agen. ‘I’ll give it you again’; ‘There’ll be an again in it [I’ll treat you next time, I’ll see you again soon]’ (JOD, Tipperary). 2. Also agin /əˈɡın/ adv., prep.,