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- Herausgeber: Passerino
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
- Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2023
Hernán Cortés was a Spanish conquistador who played a crucial role in the Spanish colonization of the Americas. He was born in 1485 in Medellín, a town in what is now Extremadura, Spain. Cortés is best known for his conquest of the Aztec Empire in Mexico.
In 1519, Cortés led an expedition to Mexico with the intention of exploring and establishing colonies. Upon arriving, he defied the orders of the Governor of Cuba, who had instructed him to explore the coast, and instead decided to conquer the rich and powerful Aztec Empire ruled by Montezuma II.
Cortés and his small army of around 500 men arrived in the capital city of Tenochtitlán (present-day Mexico City) and formed alliances with indigenous groups who were enemies of the Aztecs. With the help of these allies and a combination of military tactics, diplomacy, and superior weaponry, Cortés managed to overthrow the Aztec Empire and capture Montezuma II.
However, Cortés's conquest was not without challenges. In 1520, the Aztecs rebelled against the Spanish, forcing Cortés and his forces to flee the city in an event known as the "Noche Triste" (Sad Night). They eventually regrouped, laid siege to Tenochtitlán, and successfully captured it in 1521, marking the end of Aztec dominance in the region.
After the conquest, Cortés became the governor of New Spain, which encompassed much of present-day Mexico and Central America. He ruled for several years, implementing policies that favored Spanish settlers and exploiting the region's resources for the benefit of the Spanish crown.
Cortés returned to Spain in 1528 and was granted the title of Marqués del Valle de Oaxaca (Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca) by the Spanish king. However, his later years were marked by legal disputes and struggles to maintain his position and wealth.
Hernán Cortés is remembered as one of the most important figures in the history of Spanish exploration and conquest. His conquest of the Aztec Empire led to the establishment of Spanish control over Mexico and laid the foundation for the colonization of other parts of the Americas by the Spanish Empire. However, his actions also resulted in the devastation and decline of indigenous cultures and populations.
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Hernando Cortes
The Despatches of Hernando Cortes
The sky is the limit
Table of contents
Preface
Introduction
Letter II
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Letter III
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Letter IV
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Preface
This stirring narrative of toil and adventure, addressed by the celebrated conqueror of Mexico to his sovereign, although replete with the most romantic interest, has hitherto escaped an English translator. Written amidst the very scenes described, in a tone of honest sincerity, and with a scrupulous attention to the truth, which none has ever attempted to gainsay, these Letters or Despatches, after being published separately as they were received in Spain, seem to have been overlooked and forgotten when in the lapse of time the original editions had disappeared from the public eye. Even Antonio de Solis, historiographer to his Catholic Majesty, whose classical and popular work on the Conquest of Mexico appeared in 1684, confesses that he was beholden to an Italian translation for his knowledge of one of them. 1 Indeed, they seem not to have been republished in Spain until 1749, when they were inserted in Barcia’s collection of Hisioriadores Primitives, or Early Historians. Afterwards, in 1770, another edition appeared at the city of Mexico, superintended by Archbishop, since Cardinal Lorenzana, who enriched it with copious notes; and this, together with a biographical sketch of Cortes originally written in English by the late R. C. Sands, was reprinted in 1828, at New York, for the Mexican market. The present translation has been made from the Archbishop’s Mexican edition, many of whose notes have been retained, which are marked with the initial of his name.
The First Letter appears not to have been printed; at least, no trace of it has been found, either in print, or manuscript, in Spain, or in Germany; and we are therefore compelled to begin with the Second, and to give the previous events in an Introduction.
The Second Letter was printed at Seville, in 1522; of which a Latin translation appeared at Nuremberg in March, 1524; this again was turned into Italian, and published at Venice in August of the same year, 2
The Third Letter was printed at Seville, in 1523; translated into Latin by the same hand, and published at Nuremberg the following year. 3
The Fourth Letter was printed at Toledo in 1525; and together with the two former appeared in the third volume of Ramusio’s collection of Voyages and Travels, (in Italian,) at Venice, 1556. This was the edition consulted by Solis, as mentioned above.
A German translation of them was printed at Augsburg, in 1550, and another at Heidelberg, in 1779.
A French translation, by M. Le Vicomte de Flavigny, appeared at Paris in 1776. This was made from the edition of Archbishop Lorenzana, as appears from the preface of the noble translator, in which he says - “I present to the public a precious morceau of literature and history, edited in 1770, with the utmost care, by the present Archbishop of Toledo, formerly Archbishop of Mexico. From the time of Caesar to the sixteenth century, Cortes is the only great captain who has related his own exploits. Although the conqueror of the Gauls had the advantage both in regard to the character of his enemies, and in point of style, Cortes will nevertheless appear worthy of his high reputation. His prudence, his courage, his enlarged views, his resources, and even his prejudices, and those of the age, which he treated with respect, will ever illustrate the period in which he lived, and the astonishing revolution effected by his arms. At the same time, as long as the simple and frank tone of a modest but undoubted hero affords pleasure, so long will these letters be read with delight by posterity, and afford instructive lessons to mankind.”
The translation of Flavigny has no other fault than its freedom, or in other words, its abridgement of the original; sometimes almost an entire page being condensed into three or four lines. This is shown by the following comparison: -
Flavigny's Translation.
L’eau douce parvient a Mexico par deux tuyaux de deux pieds de circonference chacun, et qui sont places le long de 1’une des chaussees, par lesquelles on aborde en cette ville; cette eau se distribue le long des rues dans differens canots, pour etre ensuite vendue au public. - p. 100.
Re-translation of the French.
Fresh water is conveyed to Mexico by means of two pipes, each two feet in circumference, which extend along one of the causeways leading to the city. This water is carried through the streets in canoes and sold to the people. - Portfolio, vol. iv. p. 289.
The original literally translated:
Along one of the causeways that lead into the city are laid two pipes, constructed of masonry, each of which is two paces in width, and about five feet in height. An abundant supply of excellent water, forming a volume equal in bulk to the human body, is conveyed by one of these pipes, and distributed about the city, where it is used by the inhabitants for drinking and other purposes. The other pipe, in the mean time, is kept empty until the former requires to be cleansed, when the water is let into it and continues to be used till the cleansing is finished. As the water is necessarily carried over bridges on account of the salt water crossing its route, reservoirs resembling canals are constructed on the bridges, through which the fresh water is conveyed. These reservoirs are of the breadth of the body of an ox, and of the same length as the bridges. The whole city is thus served with water, which they carry in canoes through all the streets for sale, taking it from the aqueduct in the following manner: the canoes pass under the bridges on which the reservoirs are placed, when men stationed above fill them with water, for which service they are paid. See below, pp. 118-9.
This is a paraphrase rather than a translation, and leaves room for a new French version, which it is understood a distinguished author at Paris will shortly publish.
In this connexion it is proper that we should notice a translation of the Second Letter, made with great fidelity from the French of Vicomte Flavigny, and published in the Portfolio, (a well known magazine, formerly printed at Philadelphia,) in 1817-18. The editor informs his readers that this paper was found amongst the manuscripts, of the late Mr. Alsop, of Middletown, Conn., who seems not to have been in possession of a copy of the original work. This gentleman, besides numerous other contributions to the literature of the day, published an excellent translation of the Abbe Molina’s History of Chili, from the Italian.
The Vicomte Flavigny states in his preface, that he had not only taken no pains to acquire new information respecting the conquest of Mexico, but, on the contrary, had endeavored to forget the little knowledge he had on that subject; “for,” he adds, “it was not Solis, Herrera, Diaz, or Gomara, that I designed to translate, nor did I propose to imitate the Abbe Prevost, the Abbe Raynal, or even Robertson.” We have ventured, however, to adopt a different course, and although determined to give a faithful version of the conqueror’s own language, have at the same time consulted every writer within our reach who throws any light on the events of the conquest. Amongst these should be distinguished as surpassing all others, being contemporary with Cortes, Bernal Diaz del Castillo and Francisco Lopez de Gomara; the former himself a soldier in the expedition, who resided in his old age at the city of Guatemala, where, nearly fifty years after the conquest, he composed his history, which was discovered in manuscript after his death, and printed for the first time in 1632. This work is tinged with the personal prejudices of the writer, but in the main deserves great credit for its frank and impartial character. Having been early translated into English, it has passed through many editions, both in England and America. 4
Gomara, whose Chronicle of New Spain was published a few years after the death of Cortes, had been the chaplain of the conqueror, and enjoyed the best opportunities for collecting the materials of his work. It was well written, and for many years ranked as the ablest and most authentic book on the history of New Spain. But the subsequent appearance of the “True History” of Bernal Diaz, (who charged him with neglecting the achievements of the companions of Cortes in order to exalt the merits of their commander,) together with the imputations of Herrera, the royal historiographer, and finally, the publication of the popular volumes of Antonio de Solis, threw Gomara into the shade, and caused his labors to be neglected. But whoever consults his pages will find them well stored with facts, carefully arranged and clearly stated. In short, it is an able and substantial work, and possesses as strong claims to be deemed impartial in its tone as any other, not excepting Herrera himself. 5
It would be unpardonable to omit to mention in this connexion the admirable modern work of Clavigero, a Jesuit father, who on the abolition of his order in the Spanish dominions, after passing more than forty years of his life in Mexico, took refuge in Italy, where he devoted his leisure to literary pursuits. Being familiar with the native language of Mexico, he carefully studied its antiquities and history, and composed the best and most authentic book on these subjects that had appeared. It was written in the Italian language, and has been ably translated into English by Charles Cullen, Esq.
The Despatches of Cortes were written under circumstances the most unfavorable to precision of style, and at a period when the languages of modern Europe were far from being what they now are; for these reasons it is not to be disguised, that they have presented occasional difficulties in the translation, which, with all our helps, it has required a considerable degree of labor to surmount. This attempt is, therefore, commended to the indulgence of the public, as a well-meant effort to contribute to the amusement and edification of those English and American readers who have not the leisure or inclination to consult the original.
New- York, August 1st, 1843.
Introduction
The conquest of Mexico by Hernando Cortes, at the head of a few hundred Spaniards, forms one of those romantic episodes in history that give color to the saying, that “truth is stranger than fiction.” Whether we regard the temerity of the undertaking, of which a signal example is afforded in the voluntary destruction of the ships that had conveyed the conquerors to the Mexican coast, for the purpose of cutting off all hope of retreat; or the chivalric spirit with which they met the perils that surrounded them at every step of their progress, or the brilliant results that finally crowned their exertions, this enterprise in point of strange and wonderful adventure, and we may add of high military achievement, is wholly without a parallel in ancient or modern times. Like all conquests in war, it was doubtless stained by acts of gross injustice and cruelty towards the conquered, for which no substantial justification can be alleged. Some palliation may be sought, however, in the spirit of the age, which not only excused but commended the summary destruction of the enemies of the Christian faith wherever they might be found. This spirit formed a deep infusion in the character of the Spanish hidalgos who were engaged in the discovery of the Indies, (as the New World was then styled,) of which Columbus himself was a memorable example; and the reader of the following despatches from the conqueror of Mexico to his sovereign, will be struck by the religious feeling every where displayed, which gives to his expedition quite as much the air of a crusade against infidel pagans, as of an attempt to enlarge the dominions and increase the wealth of his Catholic Majesty. The sincerity of Cortes in these professions of zeal for the spread of the “ true faith,” is fully attested by the boldness with which he attacked and subverted the idolatrous practices of the Mexicans, often under circumstances of great risk and danger. He never temporized with the superstitions of the natives, and the conquest effected as complete a revolution in the religious as the civil institutions of the country. Every vestige of the ancient idolatry was carefully erased, and the entire population of the country brought, nominally at least, into the Christian fold. 6 Thus carrying the emblem of the cross in one hand, and the sword in the other, Cortes punished (as he expressed it) with the utmost rigor all who refused to recognize him in the double capacity of propagator of the Catholic faith, and vicegerent of the lawful sovereign of those parts. But it must be admitted that, in general, his treatment of the Indians was mild and conciliatory, as abundantly appears in the following pages, which are uncontradicted by contemporaneous accounts of the highest authority.
The expedition against Mexico was undertaken the year following the election of Charles V. as emperor of Germany, and the third of his reign as king of Spain. It was the first auspicious event of any magnitude in the distinguished career of that monarch, who came to the throne under circumstances of much embarrassment and difficulty. Although but seventeen years of age, his vigorous and enterprising qualities were soon developed, and exercised a favorable influence on the spirit of discovery in the new world. Under this influence, says De Solis, the minds of men became disposed to great undertakings; greater ardor was infused into the breasts of the soldiers, and those preliminary operations took place that led the way to the conquest of New Spain, an event destined by Heaven to shed lustre on the commencement of the reign of that august monarch. 7
Great disappointment had followed the discovery of the New World in the preceding reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. The pursuit of wealth, which was the grand stimulus to enterprise in that day as well as the present, had not been attended with the promised success, and instead of countries abounding in the precious metals, and producing the drugs and spices of the east, a few comparatively unimportant islands and a barren coast were all that had yet rewarded the toils of the adventurers. The proceeds of the voyages had been scarcely adequate to meet the expenses of their outfits. The hopes of Columbus, it is well known, were centered in the idea that his discoveries constituted a part of the Indies, then the fancied seat of unbounded riches, and his last voyage was undertaken for the single purpose of seeking along the coast of the Caribbean sea the strait which he imagined formed the communication between them. It is a curious fact, that he took with him two or three persons skilled in the Arabic language to serve as interpreters in the Mahometan countries, which he then expected to reach. In the course of this voyage, performed in the years 1502-4, the veteran navigator examined the coast of Central America from the Bay of Honduras to the Spanish Main; and although on the borders of countries far richer in the precious metals than those he sought, of which several striking indications were presented to him, all was lost sight of in the vain pursuit of the desired strait.
It was during the early part of this disastrous voyage, that the first glimpses were obtained of the superior civilization and wealth of Mexico. Leaving the island of St. Domingo for the south-west, Columbus was borne by the currents out of his course, and fell in with a group of islands near Cape Honduras on the upper coast of Guatemala. While examining the largest of these islands, a party from the squadron discovered a canoe of unusual size apparently arriving from some distant point, which was immediately captured and taken along side the Admiral’s ship. It is described by Fernando Columbus, the Admiral’s son, who accompanied the expedition, as “eight feet wide and as long as a galley, though formed of the trunk of a single tree, and shaped like those common in the islands. In the middle of the canoe there was an awning made of palm leaves, not unlike those of the Venitian gondolas, which formed so close a covering as to protect whatever it contained against the effects of rain and the waves; under this awning were the women and children, and all the goods and merchandise. The canoe was under the direction of twenty-five men… The Admiral gave thanks to God for having afforded him samples of the commodities of those countries without exposing his men to toil or danger. He ordered such things to be taken as seemed the most valuable, amongst which were cotton coverlets and tunics without sleeves, curiously worked and dyed of various colours; coverings for the loins of similar material; large mantles, in which the female Indians wrapped themselves like the Moorish women of Granada; long wooden swords with channels on each side of the blade, edged with sharp flints that cut the naked body as well as steel; copper hatchets for cutting wood, similar in form to the stone hatchets of other Indians; bells of the same metal, and crucibles in which to melt it. For provisions they had such roots and grains as the natives of Hispaniola eat; a sort of wine made of maize, resembling English beer; great quantities of almonds, of the kind used by the people of New Spain for money,” &c. 8 The Spaniards were also struck with the personal modesty of these Indians, in which they greatly excelled the natives of the islands. The Admiral restored their canoe, and gave them some European articles in exchange for those he had taken. He then allowed them all to depart except one old man, who seemed to possess greater authority than the rest, and to be the most intelligent person amongst them; from him Columbus endeavored to obtain some information about the country, and finding that he understood the language spoken by the natives along the coast of Honduras as far as the Cape Gracias a Dios, he made use of him in his endeavors to hold intercourse and traffic with them. On arriving at that Cape, he dismissed him with presents.
To this account Don Fernando adds, that “although the Admiral had heard so much from these Indians concerning the great wealth, politeness and ingenuity of the people in the western parts of (what was afterwards called) New Spain, yet considering that, as these countries lay to leewards, he could sail thither whenever he might think fit from Cuba, he determined to leave them for another occasion, and persisted in his design of endeavoring to discover the strait across the continent, by which he might open the navigation of the south sea in order to arrive at the spice countries.” 9 It is well remarked by Mr. Irving, that it would have been fortunate for the venerable navigator had he come to a different determination. “ Within a day or two,” says that brilliant writer, “he would have arrived at Yucatan; the discovery of Mexico and the other opulent countries of New Spain, would have necessarily followed; the southern ocean would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid discoveries would have shed fresh glory on his declining age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect, and disappointment.”
Two distinguished navigators endeavored to make amends for this omission of the Admiral, and in 1506, two years after his return from that voyage, undertook to follow in his track as far as Cape Honduras, with the intention of steering from that point to the shores of the rich and unknown countries described by the Indians as lying to the west. These were Juan Diaz de Solis, afterwards the discoverer of the Rio La Plata, and Vicente Yanez de Pinzon, who commanded a ship in the first expedition of Columbus to the new world. They succeeded in reaching Cape Honduras, by the aid of one of the Admiral’s men who acted as their pilot; but on taking a westerly course soon found themselves in the bottom of a great bay, now known as the Bay of Honduras, with no indications of the rich countries of which they were in pursuit; returning thence they discovered the east side of the peninsula of Yucatan, but without exploring the coast, or ascertaining the character of the inhabitants. The discovery of Yucatan must, however, be ascribed to these bold navigators, although unsuccessful in the great object of their voyage. 10
No account is found of any subsequent voyages in the same direction until the year 1517, when an expedition for discovery was fitted out from the island of Cuba, under the command of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, consisting of three small vessels, carrying 110 men, who were enlisted amongst the Spanish adventurers in the islands. Antonio Alaminos, who had accompanied Columbus in his last voyage, acted as chief pilot. Taking a westerly course, after some days they arrived on the eastern coast of Yucatan, and gave the name of Catoche to a point of land, which it still bears. 11 Here they discovered a large town, and were visited by the inhabitants, who invited their on shore; but the appearance of kindness proved to be insincere, for they were attacked by an armed force, with which they had a sharp engagement. The enemy were at length defeated with considerable loss, and on the part of the Spaniards several were wounded. The natives were armed with wooden swords having edges of flint, darts, bows and arrows, and wore plumes of feathers, a defensive armor of quilted cotton, and bucklers. Near the place where the encounter happened, there were three buildings constructed of stone and lime, containing idols of clay and various articles formed of alloyed gold, “ which,” says Bernal Diaz, “ gave us a high idea of the country we had discovered.” No similar edifices had been previously seen in the new world, nor equal marks of civilization in other respects. Keeping in sight of the coast, the expedition continued its course to the north-west, until they arrived at Campeachy, where they were hospitably received by the natives, although finally admonished that they must leave the country. Here they saw also temples of stone with idols, and persons habited in long white mantles, with vessels in their hands containing burning coals, into which they cast a species of gum and thus perfumed the Spaniards, at the same time bidding them depart the country. A few leagues farther west they entered the river Champoton, on which was situated a large village called Potonchan, containing houses of stone and lime, and surrounded by fields of maize. Here they landed for the purpose of taking in water and cultivating the acquaintance of the people; but whilst engaged in filling their casks from a spring, they were attacked by a large body of the natives, and compelled to retreat to their boats with a heavy loss, forty-seven of their number being killed, and all the rest but one wounded; two men were taken prisoners, and five more died of their wounds on board of the ships. By the advice of the pilot the expedition now stood over for Florida, where they arrived in four days; here they landed near a creek, and took in water; but Alaminos, who had visited the place before in company with Juan Ponce de Leon, 12 cautioned his companions to be on their guard against the natives, who soon made their appearance and drove them with some loss to their ships. They now returned to Cuba, where Cordova died in a few days from the effects of his wounds.
When the governor of Cuba, Diego Velasquez, saw the ornaments of gold and other articles taken from the temples of Yucatan, and two young men in the costume of the country, all indicating greater wealth and cultivation than had been observed in any other part of the new world, his expectations were highly excited, and notwithstanding the disasters that had attended Cordova, another expedition was at once set on foot. The fame of the discovery soon spread abroad, with exaggerated accounts of the riches of the country, and little difficulty was experienced in enlisting a sufficient force for protection against the Indians. The armament consisted of four ships, commanded respectively by Juan de Grijalva, (in chief,) Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonzo de Avila, all persons of note, and possessed of estates in the islands. Alaminos again acted as chief pilot, and about two hundred and forty volunteers joined the expedition, which sailed from St. Jago de Cuba, on the eighth of April, 1518. It is not our intention to attempt a description of this enterprise; it is sufficient for our purpose to state that after discovering the island of Cozumel, (which he named Santa Cruz,) on the southern coast of Yucatan, Grijalva followed in the track of Cordova, landed at Potonchan, where he routed the Indians in a pitched battle, reembarked and pursued his way along the coast, near enough to see and admire the villages, in which could be distinguished houses of stone, that appeared white and lofty in the distance; recalling to the minds of the Spaniards their native land, to which they fancied the country bore a striking resemblance, and inducing them to name it New Spain. Touching at Tabasco, Guaxaca, and the island of S. Juan de Ulua, they proceeded along the coast as far as the river Panuco, where the present town of Tampico is situated. From S. Juan de Ulua, Grijalva despatched Alvarado to Cuba, with an account of his important discoveries, and all the treasure he had acquired. Soon after the rest of the expedition also returned, and arrived safely at St. Jago de Cuba, having been absent about six months.
This, says a distinguished modern historian, 13 was the most successful voyage which the Spaniards had hitherto made in the New World. They had discovered that Yucatan was not an island as they had supposed, but part of the great continent of America. From Potonchan they had pursued their course for many hundred miles along a coast previously unexplored, the country appearing to be no less valuable than extensive. As soon as Alvarado arrived with the important intelligence, Velasquez at once despatched his chaplain to Spain, to obtain the requisite authority for conquering and settling the newly discovered lands. Before the return of this messenger the governor took immediate steps for equipping a powerful armament, adequate to the great objects he had in view. Dissatisfied with Grijalva for not having effected a settlement, Velasquez determined to appoint another person commander of the present expedition, who should more successfully carry out his own plans. This intentional act of injustice towards one who had just given such decided proofs of his prudence and efficiency in command, led to a retribution in the sequel as severe as it was justly merited.
The choice of Velasquez finally settled upon his brother-in-law Hernando Cortes, as the commander of the new expedition. Beside the connection that subsisted between them by marriage, there were other circumstances that led to this decision, to which we shall hereafter advert. Cortes was born at Medellin, a small town in the south-west of Spain, in the year 1485, and was consequently at the time of his appointment thirty-four years of age, nearly fifteen of which he had passed in the New World. According to Gomara, his parents were persons of respectable and even noble connexions in old Spain, and were generally esteemed for their piety and virtue, although reduced in fortune. His father, whose name was Martin Cortes de Monroy, had served when young in the wars of the peninsula as lieutenant of a company of horse, and such was his standing at the time of his son’s first success in Mexico, that his personal influence with the court was usefully employed in his behalf to counteract the malevolence of his enemies. Cortes in his childhood was of feeble health, and often seemed at the point of death. He early adopted, says Gomara, who was afterwards his chaplain, the glorious apostle of Jesus Christ, St. Peter, as his patron saint, whose annual festival he was always careful to observe. At fourteen years of age, he was sent by his parents to study at Salamanca, where he resided with Francisco Nunez de Valera, who had married his father’s sister. Here he commenced a regular course of academic education, it being the intention of his parents that he should not leave the university until prepared to graduate as bachelor of laws, as they designed him, says Gomara, on account of his talents and universal genius, for that rich and honorable profession. But Cortes was destined in this instance to disappoint their hopes; weary of study, and imbibing a taste for more active pursuits, he returned to his father’s house after an absence of two years, much to the grief of his friends, 14 At that period war was the most honorable pursuit in which a man could engage, and the adventurous life to which it led had peculiar charms for a youth of the bold and impetuous temper of young Cortes. The principal theatre of martial exploits in Europe at that time was Naples, where the Great Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova, was conducting the Spanish arms; and Cortes only hesitated between joining his countrymen in that quarter, and embarking for the new world in the retinue of his kinsman, Nicholas de Ovando, who had been just appointed to succeed Columbus in the government of the Indies. He finally decided upon the latter; but accidentally falling from a wall on which he stood in the act of serenading or otherwise paying his devoirs to some fair one, he was laid up by the injury he received until after the departure of Ovando. He then turned his attention again to Italy; but after wasting a year in fruitless endeavors to place himself in the road to military fame, he once more changed his determination and resolved to embark for the new world.
Receiving a small outfit from his parents, Cortes took passage at St. Lucar, in the year 1504, in a merchant ship bound to the island of St. Domingo, where he safely arrived, and was kindly received by his kinsman Ovando, the governor. After some service in the wars against the natives of the island, he finally settled in a new town, called Azua, being appointed public notary, and receiving from the governor lands and Indians for his support. Here he continued to reside for five or six years, employing himself in the improvement of his plantation; but when an expedition was fitted out for the conquest of the island of Cuba, in 1511, under Diego Velasquez, Cortes was induced to embark in it in the capacity of secretary to the king’s treasurer, whose duty it was to keep an account of the fifths and other revenues of the crown. On the reduction of the island, which was effected with scarcely any opposition on the part of the natives, he settled at St. Jago de Baracoa, the first town founded by the Spanish colonists in Cuba, where he again devoted himself to the cultivation of the soil, and had alloted to him the distribution of the Indians of a certain district among the colonists in conjunction with Juan Juarez, a brother in law of the governor Velasquez. Cortes was the first to stock his plantation with cattle, and took great pains in the raising of horses, cows, and sheep. He employed his Indians in collecting gold, which was found in mountainous districts, the beds of rivers, and small streams, often in considerable quantities. He also formed a connexion in trade with Andres de Duero, a merchant, and by these various means succeeded in accumulating a handsome estate. The governor having at this time determined to erect a smelting-house for the precious metals, and a public hospital, the superintendence of those buildings was given to Cortes, who was otherwise much employed in public business.
When Don Diego Columbus, soft of the Admiral, succeeded Ovando in the government of the Indies, in the year 1509, he was accompanied on his voyage to St. Domingo by his Vice Queen, Dona Maria de Toledo, niece of the Duke of Alva, whom he had then recently married. They were attended by a retinue of hidalgos with their families, including many young ladies of rank. 15 Amongst these were the mother and three or four sisters of Juan Juarez, (already mentioned as associated with Cortes in the distribution of the Indians,) who came from Granada in old Spain. Diego Velasquez married one of these sisters, all of whom afterthe conquest of Cuba had removed to this island, of which he became the governor. Being remarkable for their beauty, these young Spanish ladies were much admired by their countrymen on the island; one of them named Catalina (or Catherine) attracted the regard of Cortes, who finally married her; and on account of the excellence of her character he was accustomed to say, that he prized her as highly as if she had been the daughter of a duke. 16 Prior to this marriage, a serious difficulty arose between Cortes and the governor. A number of the colonists had resolved to prefer some complaints against the latter to the viceroy, of which Cortes was chosen to be the beater; and when about embarking in a canoe for the island of St. Domingo, on this mission, he was seized and thrown into prison by the orders of the governor. He was, however, subsequently pardoned by Velasquez, who even stood god-father to his daughter after his marriage.
Such are some of the circumstances that are related of Cortes before his engaging in the great enterprise that has immortalized his name. They go to show that he had established a good reputation for industry and talents amongst his fellow colonists, although, as remarked by Herrera, he did not appear to be possessed of so great intelligence and capacity as he afterwards displayed in affairs of superior moment. Disappointed in his expectation of finding great wealth at his command as soon as he should arrive in the New World, 17 he had quietly set himself down on a plantation, and applied to the cultivation of the soil, as the surest means of advancing bis fortune. With the exception of occasional forrays amongst the hostile Indians of Hispaniola or Cuba, Cortes appears to have been wholly engrossed with these pursuits, and to have had little experience in military life before he embarked in his great enterprise. The wonderful tact and ability exhibited by him throughout the trying scenes of the conquest are on this account the more remarkable, and prove that nature had endowed him with extraordinary resources of mind, which only required a suitable occasion to be brought fully into exercise. Such an occasion had at length arrived.
The circumstances attending the outfit of the expedition to the newly discovered lands, and the appointment of Cortes to its command, are somewhat differently stated by the early historians; and subsequent writers have generally followed those least favorable to the conqueror. 18 In the following brief account it is proposed to rely chiefly upon the statements of Gomara, whose impartiality is at least equal to that of his contemporaries, and his means of information probably fur superior. The weak and irresolute conduct of the governor of Cuba, Diego de Velasquez, in regard to this expedition, is, indeed, generally admitted, as well as the superior address and skilful management of its commander; but the impression is left, notwithstanding, that the former was unwarrantably deprived of the fruits of an enterprise projected and fitted out by himself. The little ground for sustaining a charge so dishonorable seems to be amply shown by the manner in which the enterprise was set on foot, and the discreditable efforts made by Velasquez to deprive Cortes of the command, and failing in these, to cut off its supplies and prevent its departure. Not content with these ineffectual attempts to frustrate the undertaking, it will be seen in one of the following despatches, that after Cortes had gained possession of the city of Mexico, Velasquez sent a powerful force against him under the command of Panfilo de Narvaez, a distinguished cavalier, and although this, like all his previous endeavors to check the career of the conqueror, proved abortive, it led to the temporary loss of the great city, and entailed a series of cruel disasters on the little band of heroes who had followed their undaunted leader into the heart of the Mexican empire.
The return of Pedro de Alvarado, with ocular proofs of the riches of the country discovered by Grijalva, led the governor, as already mentioned, to plan another expedition, to be provided with men and arms for the reduction of the natives, and an assortment of cheap merchandise for traffic. He first applied to his relative Baltazar Bermudez to take the command, but as this person required an outfit of three thousand ducats for arming and victualling the ships, Velasquez objected to so large a sum, saying that the expenses would in that way exceed the profits of the enterprise. The truth was, says Gomara, he had a penurious disposition, and sought to have the benefit that would result from such an expedition without taking his share of the cost of fitting it out. He had pursued the same course with that of Grijalva, in which one ship had been provided by Francisco de Montejo, and several other cavaliers, amongst whom were Alonso Hernandez Portocarrero, Alonso de Avila, and Diego de Ordas, had embarked at their own charge. Bermudez thus declining the proffered command, the governor spoke to Cortes on the subject, proposing to share equally with him the expenses of the armament, as they were already joint partners with Andres de Duero, a merchant, in whose business they had together invested a considerable sum of money. At the same time, knowing his diligence, discretion, and energy of character, he desired Cortes to take command of the ships, and superintend the affairs of the voyage, it being in some respects a mercantile adventure. Not supposing that the enterprise would involve a large expenditure of money, and being ambitious of distinction, Cortes consented to the proposed partnership and accepted the command of the expedition; after which, having concluded upon the terms of their agreement, they despatched one of the companions of Alvarado to the island of Hispaniola, to obtain from the royal audience a license to traffic. The audience consisted of ecclesiastics, friars of the order of St. Jerome, named Luis de Figueroa, Alonso de Santo Domingo, and Bernaldino de Manzanedo, who exercised the supreme control in the absence of Diego Columbus, the governor, then in Spain. A license was granted by them recognizing Hernando Cortes as commander, and jointly concerned with Diego Velasquez in the outfit of the expedition; also requiring it to be attended by a treasurer and surveyor on the part of the crown, to look after' the king’s fifths, as was usual.
As soon as the license was received, Cortes set about preparing for the voyage. No sooner had he made known his commission than great numbers began to flock to his standard; he then purchased a caravel and brigantine, beside the caravel in which Pedro de Alvarado had returned from Grijalva’s expedition; Diego Velasquez furnished only a single brigantine. Cortes also procured small arms, artillery, and munitions of war, together with wine, oil, and other provisions. He expended seven hundred pesos of gold in the purchase of cheap articles for barter with the. natives. Velasquez gave him a thousand pesos belonging to Panfilo de Narvaez, which lie had in his hands, during the absence of the latter, declaring at the same time that he had not a penny left of his own. The agreement was finally executed between them in the presence of a public notary on the twenty-third day of October, in the year 1518.
In the mean time Grijalva himself arrived, contrary to the expectations of the governor, who had given him up for lost. Various causes now induced Velasquez to withdraw from his engagement with Cortes, and to render him unwilling to furnish money towards his enterprise; amongst others, he wished to send back the ships of Grijalva on his own account alone; and seeing the lavish manner in which Cortes expended money, he imagined that he intended to set up for himself; especially as he was taught by Bermudez and others to distrust him, as a subtle, proud and aspiring Estremaduran, who would not be likely to forget past griefs. Bermudez had begun to regret having himself declined the command, since Grijalva had returned in safety, bringing with him many striking proofs of the richness of the new countries. Supposing that Cortes would abandon the enterprise on his withdrawal, Velasquez sent to him the royal treasurer, Anador de Lares, to persuade him to relinquish the design, promising to repay him all that he had expended. Cortes understanding the object of Velasquez, told Lares that he would be ashamed to relinquish the enterprise, nor would he give up the agreement; that if the governor wished to send some one else at his own individual charge, he might do it; but as for himself, he had the license of the royal audience and intended to improve it. He then repaired to his friends and the principal persons who intended to embark with him, to see if after the refusal of Velasquez he could still rely upon them; and when he found their confidence unshaken, he continued his preparations, borrowing money for the purpose, to the amount of 4000 pesos of gold from Andres de Duero, Pedro de Xerez, Antonio de Santa Clara, merchants in Cuba, and others. With the means thus furnished, he purchased two ships, six horses, and much clothing; he also kept open doors, and appeared in public fully armed and attended by a numerous retinue. Velasquez was evidently piqued on seeing the vigorous measures taken by Cortes in equipping his expedition, and his success in drawing men into his service, amongst whom were many of those who had returned with Grijalva; but he was unable to check him, for if he had undertaken to disturb his arrangements, it would have led to a commotion in the city, and perhaps to bloodshed; he therefore dissembled his feelings. In the mean time, Cortes hastened his departure; he proclaimed that he went on his own account alone, and told the soldiers that they had nothing to do with Diego Velasquez; he also bade them lay in their own provisions to the extent of their means. Having taken on board a lot of hogs and sheep, for which he gave the owner a chain of gold in payment, he set sail from Saint Jago on the 18th of November, with about 300 Spaniards in six ships.
The expedition was but poorly supplied with provisions for so many men, and Cortes found it necessary immediately after quitting St. Jago, (which he left somewhat hastily on account of the temper of the governor,) to despatch a caravel to Jamaica to procure a further supply, with orders to rejoin the fleet at Cape Corrientes, or Point St. Antonio, which is the northern extremity of Cuba. In the mean time, the rest of the ships sailed to Macaca, on the southern coast of the island, where Cortes purchased three hundred cargas of bread 19 and some swine. He sailed from that port to Trinidad, where he bought another ship, three horses, and a thousand bushels of corn. While at this place he received information of the passing of a ship laden with provisions for the mines, and despatched a caravel well armed under the command of Diego de Ordas, with orders to intercept the ship and carry her to Point St. Antonio. Ordas succeeded in overtaking the vessel in the channel of the Gardens, and took her to the place appointed, but the master, whose name was Juan Nunez Sedeiio, went to Trinidad with the register or manifest of his cargo, which consisted of 4000 arrobas of bread, 20 1500 hams, and a large number of fowls. For these Cortes paid him m part, and gave his note for the balance; when Sedeno joined the expedition. At Trinidad about two hundred men were enlisted, most of whom had accompanied Grijalva, and belonged to that place, Matanzas, Carenas, and other settlements on the island. Sending forward the ships, Cortes himself with some of the men proceeded by land across the island to the Havana, where out of respect to the governor the inhabitants would sell him no provisions; but two functionaries of the church, one of whom was the collector of tithes for the bishop, and the other receiver of the Pope’s bulls, supplied him with two thousand hams and as many more cargas of maize, cassava and yams. Thus the fleet was comfortably provided with stores, and Cortes began to distribute the men and provisions amongst the different ships.
At this port, Cortes was joined by Pedro de Alvarado, Cristobal de Olid, Alonso de Avila, Francisco de Montejo, and others of Grijalva’s expedition, who arrived in a caravel, having been on a visit to Diego Velasquez. Amongst these came one Garnica, with letters from Velasquez to Cortes, desiring him to wait until he could come or send to him on matters of importance to both of them; at the same time, he wrote to Diego Ordas and others, requesting them to arrest him. Ordas accordingly invited Cortes to an entertainment on board of his caravel, thinking to take him to St. Jago; but Cortes understanding the design, pretended to have a sickness at his stomach, and declined the invitation. In order, however, to prevent any trouble from arising, he went on board his own ship, and made the usual signal for the rest of the fleet to get under weigh, with orders to sail for St. Antonio, where all soon arrived in good condition. Here he reviewed his troops, and found they numbered five hundred and fifty Spaniards, of whom fifty were mariners. He then distributed them into eleven companies of fifty each, and appointed the following captains to command them, viz. Alonso de Avila, Alonso Fernandez Puertocarrero, James de Ordas, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Moria, Francisco de Salzedo, Juan de Escalante, Juan Velasquez de Leon, Cristobal de Olid, and Pedro de Alvarado. Cortes himself took the command of one company. Each captain had also command of one of the ships, which were eleven in number. Antonio de Alaminos was appointed chief pilot, having served in that capacity with both Cordova and Grijalva. About two hundred Indians, natives of the island of Cuba, were taken for the purpose of carrying burthens, together with several negroes and native women, and sixteen horses and mares. Their stores amounted to five thousand hams, and six thousand cargas of maize, cassava, and yams, besides fowls, sugar, wine, oil, peas and other leguminous plants. The merchandise consisted of a variety of cheap articles, which were distributed amongst the ships. The burthen of the commander’s ship was one hundred tons; three others were eighty tons each; and the remainder were brigantines and small vessels without decks. The device of the flag was flames of fire on a white and blue ground, with a red cross in the midst of the blaze, and the following words on the borders in Latin as a motto: “ Friends, LET US FOLLOW THE CROSS, AND IF WE HAVE FAITH IN THAT STANDARD, WE SHALL CONQUER.” 21
Such were the preparations made by Hernando Cortes for his great enterprise. Never before, says Gomara, did any captain so feebly attended gain such brilliant victories, or subdue so vast an empire. He took no money with him to pay his men; on the contrary he was deeply indebted; and indeed it was not necessary to offer wages to Spaniards in the Indies as an inducement to engage in such expeditions. The prospect of making valuable discoveries, leading to their own as well as the public advantage, was a sufficient consideration. When the whole expedition was in readiness for sailing, Cortes made an animated address to his followers, by which they were much encouraged in their hopes of a successful enterprise. After celebrating a solemn mass, and invoking St. Peter, his patron saint, he gave orders for the fleet to get under weigh, and the expedition finally sailed on the eighteenth of February, in the year 1519.
The first night a violent storm arose that dispersed the ships, but as it was not of long continuance, the whole fleet, with the exception of one ship, arrived in good condition at the island of Cozumel, which had been appointed as a place of rendezvous in case of separation; the missing vessel was afterwards found on the other side of the peninsula, safely anchored in a bay near Campeachy. Pedro de Alvarado had reached Cozumel two days in advance of the rest of the expedition, and landing at the Indian town on the coast, found it deserted; proceeding thence into the interior of the island, he discovered another town about a league distant, which was also abandoned by the inhabitants. The soldiers here seized upon every thing of any value, such as cotton garments, provisions, &c., and stripped a temple of its idols with their ornaments of gold, sacrificial knives, and other utensils, formed of gold alloyed with copper. They also took three prisoners, two men and a woman. As soon as Cortes arrived, and understood what had been done by Alvarado’s party, he was greatly incensed, and having publicly reprimanded that officer, ordered whatever had been taken to be restored, and the prisoners set at liberty; to whom he gave some trifling presents for their caciques, as a token of friendship, at the same time expressing his regret at what had taken place in his absence. Soon after the natives began to visit the Spanish camp, and before the departure of the expedition, the most cordial and friendly intercourse existed between them. Such was a commencement of the conciliatory policy adopted by Cortes towards the Indians throughout his whole enterprise; he never resorted to hostile measures until every possible effort had been made to avoid them without success.
The principal temple on this island attracted the attention of the Spaniards; it was well built of stone, in the form of a square tower, with four doors or windows opening upon an embattled corridor. It contained an idol of unusual dimensions, placed against the wall, and unlike in figure any others they had seen. In the rear was a room corresponding to the sacristry or vestry of a church, where were kept the articles used in the service of the temple, and belonging to the idol or the priests. There was a small, secret door that opened through the wall into the body of the idol, by means of which one of the priests entered, and answered audibly the prayers and petitions of the worshippers, who believed that the idol itself spoke, and. were liberal in their offerings, which consisted of the fumes of copal, burnt as incense, bread and fruits, together with the blood of quails and other birds, dogs, and even men. Such was the fame of this idol, that devotees resorted to the island from various countries for the purpose of paying it homage. But what was most remarkable in the religious ceremonies of this people was their worship of the cross; for within an enclosure formed by a handsome turreted wall of stone and lime, at the base of this temple, stood a cross of stone about ten feet high, which they adored as the god of rain; and in times of drought, the devotees going in large processions made it offerings of quails to appease its anger. The origin of this worship of the cross is quite mysterious, says Gomara, (from whom this account is almost literally taken,) for there is no reason to suppose that the gospel was ever preached on their island, or any where else in the new world, before the arrival of the Spanish discoverers. 22
During his stay on this island, Cortes took means to reform the religion of the natives by erecting altars in their temples, destroying their idols, and substituting in their place crosses and images of the Virgin Mary and the saints; to which the islanders, abandoning their own superstitions, paid apparent respect, burning incense before them, and bringing them offerings of quails, Indian corn, fruits and other things, which they had been accustomed to present to their idols. They also requested Cortes to leave with them a teacher of the true faith, who would instruct them how to worship the God of the Christians; which however, he declined doing on account of the small number of priests in the expedition, as well as from an unwillingness to expose the life of any individual amongst a people but partially converted from the errors of paganism. 23
Through a native of the island who had been taken to Cuba by Grijalva, and now served as an interpreter, it was casually ascertained that there were several Spaniards in captivity on the coast of Yucatan; when Cortes at once despatched Ordas in a brigantine with several natives, bearing a letter addressed to the Spaniards, and some trifling articles for their ransom. Ordas, after landing the Indians on the coast, was directed to wait eight days only for their return; but at the expiration of that time, neither the Spanish captives nor the islanders had appeared. He then went back to the island, and Cortes supposing he had been deceived soon after took his leave of Cozumel. But the fleet had not proceeded far on its way, when one of the vessels sprung a leak, and rendered it necessary to return to the island for repairs. This accident was regarded by the Spaniards as an instance of divine interposition in their behalf; for it led to the recovery of a Christian captive, who was well qualified to act as an interpreter of the language of Yucatan, from his long residence in that country. The repairs were already completed, and the ships ready to set sail on the Saturday following their return to the island, but contrary winds detained them till the next day; as this was the first Sunday in Lent, they determined to hear mass, and then after taking some refreshment to embark. While Cortes was partaking of his repast, he was told that a canoe under sail was crossing from Yucatan in the direction of the ships; and rising from the table he discovered the canoe bending its way to the shore. He immediately dispatched a party of men to watch her landing, who, concealing themselves near the shore, saw four tawny savages (as they appeared) leave the canoe; they were armed with bows and arrows, and on seeing the Spaniards approach them with drawn swords, three of them fled, but the fourth called the others back, telling them in the Indian tongue to have no fears. He then addressed the Spaniards in their own language, and inquired if they were Christians; on their answering in the affirmative, and that they were Spaniards, tears of joy filled his eyes; he then asked if it was not Wednesday, for he had a prayer-book in which he prayed every day, and begged them to thank God for his delivery. Kneeling down devoutly, stretching out his hands, and turning his eyes towards Heaven, while tears bathed his cheeks, he made his humble prayer to God, giving him hearty thanks for his deliverance out of the hands of infidels and savages, and his restoration to the society of Christians and his own countrymen. The Spanish soldiers then embraced him, and conducted him to Cortes, by whom he was joyfully received and supplied with suitable apparel. His name was Geronimo de Aguilar.
Cortes finally sailed from Cozumel on the fourth of March, having received a supply of wax and honey from the natives, who parted with him in the most friendly manner. Steering towards Yucatan, he ran in near the coast, which he closely followed to the northwest, examining with the boats and smaller vessels every little bay and river in quest of the missing ship. In this way they reached Campeachy, in the neighborhood of which, on entering a bay formed by a small group of islands, the missing ship was found in good condition, and so completely land-locked that Cortes gave the bay the name of Puerto Escondido, which it still bears. 24 The ship’s company hailed the arrival of their companions with great joy, having feared the loss of the rest of the fleet. They had been supplied with game for food by a greyhound, which had been left on the coast by one of the former expeditions.
From this place Cortes pursued his route to the river Tabasco, where Grijalva had met with a most liberal and kind reception from the natives. 25 On their arrival at the mouth of that river, the large ships not being able to pass the bar came to anchor. The Spaniards were at once struck with the appearance of boats filled with Indians; some armed, and all much superior in aspect to those of the islands. Leaving a sufficient force to guard the ships, Cortes embarked the rest in the brigantines and small boats, with several pieces of artillery, and rowed up the river against a strong current. After proceeding a little more than half a league, he discovered a large town with houses built of sun-dried bricks and covered with thatched roofs. It was surrounded by a wall of timber, of great strength and provided with loopholes, through which arrows, stones and darts were discharged in time of war. Accosting some of the canoes, through the interpreter Aguilar, Cortes requested leave to land for supplies of fresh water and provisions, of which they were in want, and would pay well. The boatmen promised to take a message to the town and bring an answer. They went, and soon returned bringing five or six boats filled with bread, and a few turkeys, which they told the Spaniards to accept as a gift. Cortes replied that these were entirely inadequate to their wants, on account of the number of persons in the large ships below, which they had not seen; and he begged they would send word to allow him to enter the town and obtain his supplies. The Indians asked one night to consider his request and returned to the town; while Cortes went to a little island in the river, where he waited till morning for their answer. Both practised some deception; the Indians wanting the time in order to carry away their effects and women and children to the mountains during the night, and to rally their warriors; while Cortes sent for the rest of his force that had been left in the ships to come up to the island; and caused a search to be made on the river for a fording place. Neither party knew what the other was doing during the night. The men came from the ships, and a ford was found within less than half a league above, where the water was only two or three feet deep. They also discovered a thicket of trees under shelter of which they could approach very near the town without being seen. Cortes on obtaining this information immediately directed two officers, Alonzo de Avila and Pedro de Alvarado, with each 150 men, to occupy the woods the same night, in order to be in readiness, on hearing a signal, to attack the town on the land side in the morning.
As soon as it was day, eight boats filled with armed men, more numerous than before, came to the island, bringing a very small quantity of provisions, saying that they could not fetch more, as the inhabitants had all fled from the town from fear; and they therefore begged that the Spaniards would take this supply, and return to the sea, and not disturb the peace of the country. The interpreter answered that it was shameful to leave them to perish with hunger, and that they would soon repent it. They replied that they knew them not, and as they had a frightful appearance, they feared to admit them to their houses; and if they wanted water, they could take it out of the river or dig wells, as they did when they wanted it. Cortes then said, that he could by no means depart without entering the town and seeing the country, for the purpose of giving an account of it to the greatest lord in the world, who had sent him there; and that they might give him a favorable reception or not, as they pleased; if not, he should commend himself to the power of God and his own strength. The Indians retorted, that he had better go away, and not boast in other people’s country; and that as to entering the town, they would never permit it, and if attempted, they would destroy them all. Cortes still persisted in his endeavor to obtain an amicable reception, but finding it all in vain, gave the signal for the attack on the landside, and he himself at the head of 200 men approached in boats near the town wall, where he discharged bis ordnance and then leaped into the water to the knees, and began the assault on the walls and bulwarks. The Indians fought with desperation, wounding several Spaniards with their arrows and darts; and although terrified at the strange noise of the ordnance, made a courageous resistance and fled not from the walls. But the laud force coming upon them unawares, entered the town on the side where it was not defended; the enemy seeing this, left the river side of the town to defend the other, and in the mean time Cortes entered, and took possession of the market place, and drove the inhabitants out of the town. The Spaniards searched the houses, but found nothing but Indian corn, turkeys, some articles of cotton, and a few grains of gold. Cortes took up his quarters in the temple, which afforded space enough to contain all the Spaniards, as it had a court and several large and elegant, halls. This was the first city taken by force of arms in the course of the expedition.
After another engagement the caciques waited upon Cortes, bringing presents of gold, cotton mantles, and ornaments of feathers, and twenty female slaves; and having made many excuses for their conduct, submitted cheerfully to the power of the superior beings by whom they had been conquered. They also brought cassava bread, turkeys, fruits, and other provisions, together with a considerable amount of gold. Cortes received them kindly and made them some small presents in return, which they valued highly. It was remarked on this occasion, that the Indians were struck by the neighing of the horses, and imagining that they spoke, inquired of the Spaniards what they said; who replied that they were offended on account of their having fought against them. The simple Indians then asked the horses their pardon, and gave them roses and turkey-hens to eat. 26
Departing from Tabasco, the expedition continued its cruise in a north-westerly direction, keeping close in with the land, until they arrived at a river which they called Alvarado, from the captain of that name, who was the first to enter it; this name it still bears. From thence they followed the coast until they reached the islands of Sacrificios and S. Juan de Ulua, opposite the present city of Vera Cruz.
