A Life Dedicated to the Republic: Vavro Srobár's Slovak Czechoslovakism E-Book

Josette Baer

• Herausgeber: ibidem
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2015

Seitenzahl: 576

Beschreibung

In this stunning biography, Josette Baer re-traces the eventful life of the Slovak politician Vavro Srobár, the principal figure in the implementation of Czechoslovak democracy in Slovakia. Spanning from his student days and his fight for Slovak civil rights in Upper Hungary via his ministerial positions during the First Czechoslovak Republic to his active resistance against German fascism, Baer’s research paints a most comprehensive picture. Based on rich archive material available to the English-reading public for the first time, Baer shows how Srobár’s political thought and activities shaped the turbulent history of Czechoslovakia in the first half of the 20th century. Offering unique insights into the political past of a country whose history remains largely under-researched, this book is a must-read for anyone interested in the region.

Leseprobe

 ibidem Press, Stuttgart

This book is dedicated to M. and P., for their wisdom, humour and curiosity. It is also dedicated to the memory of Milan Zemko, a dear colleague, a passionate historian and a decent person.

Table of Contents

Foreword

Acknowledgements

Abbreviations

X. Introduction

X. 1. Why write about Šrobár? Note that all translations into English are mine, unless indicated otherwise.

X. 2. Analytical framework and conceptual matrix

X. 3. Method, definitions, hypothesis

X. 3. 1. Method: contextual biography

X. 3. 2. Definitions

X. 3. 2. 1. Antisemitism

X. 3. 2. 2. Nation-building

X. 3. 2. 3. State-building

X. 3. 2. 4. Transition to democracy, consolidation of democracy

X. 3. 3. Hypothesis

I. The idea of Czecho-Slovak solidarity and the Czechoslovak state (1898–1918)

I. 1. A prelude? The year 1907 in the Czech lands and Upper Hungary

I. 1. 1. 1907 in the Czech lands

I. 1. 2. 1907 in Upper Hungary

I. 2. Slovak Czechoslovakism in Detvan and the journals Hlas and Prúdy

I. 2. 1. The Slovak student circle Detvan

I. 2. 2. The journal Hlas (1898–1904)

I. 2. 3. The journal Prúdy (1909–1914; 1922–1938)

II. The making of Czechoslovakia in Slovakia (1918–1938)

II. 1. The ministries (1918–1922)

II. 1. 1. Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia (1918–1920)

II. 1. 1. 1. The Žilina government

II. 1. 1. 2. The move to Pressburg

II. 1. 1. 3. Béla Kun and the war dictatorship

II. 1. 2. The Ministry of Information and Public Health (1920–1922)

II. 1. 2. 1. "De-alcoholizing" Slovakia and the fight against trachoma

II. 1. 2. 2. Employment matters and a letter against discrimination

II. 1. 3. The Ministry of Education and Culture (1921–1922)

II. 1. 3. 1. The "small law" on schooling

II. 1. 4. Member of Parliament

II. 1. 4. 1. In defence of the state – the lecture tour in the USA (1923)

II. 1. 4. 2. Family matters

II. 2. The autonomist movement and Andrej Hlinka

II. 2. 1. The affair of the Ružomberok bear

II. 2. 2. Lux in Tenebris – a literary attack on Slovak clericalism

II. 3. The Agrarians and relations with Milan Hodža

II. 3. 1. Budapest 1918 – the principal reason for a power struggle in 1928?

II. 3. 2. The affair of the forged paintings

II. 4. Šrobár's commitment to the Hippocratic Oath

III. The Slovak State and the post-war years (1939–1950)

III. 1. Autonomy and the Slovak State (1938–1939)

III. 1. 1. The pogrom in Piešťany (1939)

III. 1. 2. Šrobár's memoirs of the Slovak State

III. 2. Toward the reconstitution of Czechoslovakia (1944–1946)

III. 2. 1. The Slovak National Uprising (1944)

III. 2. 2. The Košice Agreement (1945)

III. 2. 3. The three Prague Agreements (1945–1946)

III. 3. Šrobár's last years in Czechoslovak politics (1945–1950)

III. 3. 1. The Democratic Party (1944) and the Party of Freedom (1946)

III. 3. 2. The Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Unification of Laws

Conclusion

Vavro Šrobár – data

Appendix

Vavro Šrobár – life in brief

Oral history interview with Mr. Karol Šrobár, academic painter, 18 July 2012, Vlkolinec, Slovakia, 11.30 – 13.00. The interview was conducted in Slovak.

Bibliography

Foreword

Apolitician from asmall nation in a time of upheaval

At the turn of the 19thto the 20thcentury, the Slovaks were one of many peoples of the Habsburg Empire – or Austria-Hungary. Yet, in the Eastern part of the Empire, Magyar politicians and the elite of Magyar society considered the Slovaks just one of many ethnic minorities in Hungary that had to be assimilated as soon as possible and turned into"proper Magyars". Some patriots and educated citizens stood out against this political agenda, trying to protect the Slovaks'ethnic and national identity. In those times, Slovak society was weak, which was the reason the intellectual elite sought the support of the neighbouring Slavic nations, in particular that of the Czechs who were closest to them linguistically. Owing to the disproportionally advantageous conditions that ruled in the Austrian part of the Habsburg Empire, the Czechs were much more developed in political, economic and cultural terms than the Slovaks, their neighbours to the East, living in the region of Upper Hungary. Leading Czech politicians did not at first engage in this Czecho-Slovak cooperation because they had an agenda of their own within the framework of the monarchy. But among the educated Czech citizens and politicians there were persons who recognized the significance of such cooperation for a common future. A key figure in making it a reality was the philosopher and politician T. G. Masaryk, the future president of the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks.

On the Slovak side, the physician, publicist and politician Dr. Vavro Šrobár (1867–1950) was one of the principal individuals who adhered to Czecho-Slovak cooperation and put it into practice. As a graduate of the Medical Faculty of the Czech section of the Charles-Ferdinand University of Prague, Šrobár considered himself Masaryk's spiritual disciple. Already in his youth, he had committed himself to the cultural and medical education of his nation and was active in politics to promote the Slovaks'development while always having in mind the need for close cooperation with his Czech associates. At the end of WWI, his public and political activities reached a first highpoint; he was one of the five signatories of the Czechoslovak Declaration of Independence. In late 1918 and early 1919, he rendered outstanding services to the common state by attaching Slovakia to the Czech lands and defending her against the attack of the Magyar Bolshevik army. In 1922, he was the Minister of Education and submitted to parliament a law concerning the modernization of the Czechoslovak school system. In the following years, he served as parliamentarian and senator and was, for a short period of time, Professor of Social Medicine at the Comenius University in Bratislava.

The second significant phase of V. Šrobár's public and political activities consists of his participation in the antifascist resistance during WWII, essentially the Slovak National Uprising and the first two post-war years, when he acted as a member of government in reconstituted Czechoslovakia. In WWII and the post-war years, Šrobár was already an old man, and a younger generation of Czech and Slovak politicians dominated the public and political life of the Republic, which found itself in the sphere of influence of the powerful Soviet Union. Eventually, the political fate of this convinced democrat ended with the Communist overthrow in February 1948 – which is a bitter paradox! He volunteered to serve the Communist government as a figurehead, bereft of any political power.

In her book, the historian Josette Baer focuses on the analysis of Šrobár's political ideas and activities in Slovak domestic affairs, dominated by the prevailing zeitgeist that also reflects the intellectual currents of the time. However, in the first half of the 20thcentury, these ideas were changing and, in the years between the wars, in a way that was not always conducive to democracy and civil rights. J. Baer therefore also investigates the social environment and the political conditions V. Šrobár and those intellectually close to him had to face; sometimes, these conditions were like a wind blowing right into their faces, sometimes they were just a brief gust. They were apparent not only in Slovak political developments, but all over Central Europe at the end of the 1930s, during the war and lastly in the long post-war decade that was dominated by the Communist regime and the political block ruled by the Soviet Union.

When commenting on a historical study, one can always have a polemical discussion and eventually disagree with the author on some particular issues. But thanks to the author's fundamental knowledge of the historical material, J. Baer's book is not only a contribution to the research on Slovak political thought of the first half of the 20thcentury, but also on wider political developments, which in those years reached beyond the borders of Slovakia, since they were dependent on the development of the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe.

Milan Zemko

Department of History at the Slovak

Academy of Sciences,September 2013

Bratislava, Slovakia

Acknowledgements

How was Czechoslovak rule implemented in Slovakia in 1918 and by whom?

Thisstudy presents the political thought and activities of Vavro Šrobár (1867–1950), who has, quite undeservedly, been forgotten by European history. It is the first biography of Šrobár; no such biography exists, neither in Slovak nor in Czech. Šrobár was the decision-maker in two important phases of Czechoslovak and Slovak history: first, the implementation of Czechoslovak democracy in Slovakia, beginning in 1918; and, second, the participation in the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) in August 1944, followed by the post-war reconstruction of Czechoslovakia.

The change from Austro-Hungarian rule to a sovereign and democratic system affected not only administrative and political institutions, it also put into practice the new ideas of political rights and participation. The exile council, led by the Czech philosopher and politician Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk (1850–1937), the Czech lawyer Edvard Beneš (1884–1948) and the Slovak astronomer, pilot and General of the French Army Milan Rastislav Štefáník (1880–1919), had in four tireless years of lobbying achieved the international recognition of Czechoslovakia. The Republic declared its sovereignty on 28 October 1918.

From 1918 to 1920, Šrobár was the Czechoslovak Minister Plenipotentiary for Slovakia. In the First Republic (1918–1938), he was a member of parliament for the Czechoslovak Agrarians and led various ministries. The retired physician participated in the organization of the uprising. With WWII and the Slovak state (1939–1945) drawing to an end, he founded two new political parties. After the Communist coup d'état in February 1948, he held two ministries in the government of Klement Gottwald (1896–1953).

This biography introduces the reader to the political atmosphere in Slovakia of the first half of the 20thcentury (1918–1950), rendered vibrant through the voice of Šrobár, whose memoirs, newspaper articles, reports to the Prague government and correspondence are an interesting source of information. The chapters appear in chronological order, according to Šrobár's political positions. The names of locations, towns and cities appear according to their historical names in the subject period.

My thanks. The foundation of the Privatdozenten at Zurich University UZH granted a generous stipend, which enabled me to finish this study. I am greatly indebted to my colleagues and friends in Europe and the USA for their interest in my research and willingness to discuss specific issues with me. My thanks, in alphabetical order, go to Eva Broklová, Valerián Bystrický, Gabriela Dudeková, Frédéric Guelton, Matej Hanula, Thomas Hardmeier, Marián Hertel, Roman Holec, Vlasta Jaksicsová, Michal Kšiňan, Daniela Kodajová, Dušan Kováč, Thomas Lorman, Slavomír Michálek, Miroslav Michela, Daniel E. Miller, Jaroslava Roguľová, Jan Rychlík, Dušan Šegeš and Nikola Todorović.

The staff of the University Library, the library of the Slovak Academy of Sciences and the Slovak National Archive in Bratislava were very helpful. My special thanks go to Ľudmila Šimková and the ladies at the Slovak National Library in Martinfor their outstanding services. Václava Kalvašova and Zdenka Garnotová at the Archive of the Czech Parliament in Prague went to great lengths to assist my research. I thank Jan Bílek and Helena Kokešová at the Masaryk Institute and Archive in Prague and Zdenka Kokošková and her colleagues at the National Archive of the Czech Republic in Prague. Jakub Doležal, the director of the Archive of the President's Office in Prague and Tatiana Babušíková, the director of the Archives of the Museum of the SNP in Banská Bystrica provided me with archive material in a swift and uncomplicated fashion.

The ladies at the housing office of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Bratislava have made my several research stays such a joyful and uncomplicated matter: Maria and LenkaVallová, Božena and Ľubica Konečná – thank you. Valerie Lange, my editor at ibidem publishers in Stuttgart, is an exceptionally patient, effective and supportive editor. Peter Thomas Hill proofread the manuscript; his professional pedantry and unremittingefforts to teach me English that is up to his high standards are unprecedented.

Lastly, my reverence to Milan Zemko, my supervisor: his suggestions were invaluable. I met him first in the summer of 2012, when he agreed to supervise my study on Vavro Šrobár. We corresponded via email. I sent him chapter after chapter and he sent me his comments. He guided me through the difficulties of Slovak, Czech and Central European history with a gentle hand. He was always precise and rational and I, a careful student of Slovak and Czechoslovak history, very much appreciated his comments. With some of them, I disagreed, others I acknowledged. I did not know Milan Zemko well, but I respected him as a historian, a dear colleague and a decent person. The last time I met Milan Zemko was on 4 July at his office. We talked about my Šrobár monograph, how I could improve the text, what I should add and highlight, and so on. Sadly, Milan Zemko died suddenly before this book went into print. In the summer, he rushed to finish the foreword to this study, which has immensely benefitted from his expertise. I shall never forget his kindness, decency and academic acumen.

The errors and shortcomings in this volume are my own.

Josette Baer

Zurich, Switzerland, and Bratislava, Slovakia, September 2013

Abbreviations

Archives

AKPR

Archiv Kanceláře Prezidenta Republiky, Praha – The Archive of the Chancellory of the President of the Czech Republic, Prague, Czech Republic.

ALU SNK

Archiv Literatúry a Umení, Slovenská Národná Knižnica, Martin – The Archive of Literature and Art at theSlovak National Library, Martin, Slovak Republic.

AM SNP

Archív Múzeum SNP – The Archives of the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising, Banská Bystrica, Slovak Republic.

APS PČR

Archiv Poslanecké Sněmovny Parliament České Republiky, Praha – The Archives of the Parliamentary Assembly and the Parliament of the Czech Republic, Prague.

MUA

Masarykův Ústav a Archiv AV ČR, Praha – The Masaryk Institute and the Archive of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague.

NAČR

Národní Archiv České Republiky, Praha – The National Archives of the Czech Republic, Prague.

SNA

Slovenský Národný Archív, Bratislava – The Slovak National Archives, Bratislava, Slovak Republic.

SNK

Slovenská Národná Knižnica, Martin – The Slovak National Library, Martin, Slovak Republic.

Political parties, associations and organisations

ČSSD

Česká Strana Sociálně Demokratická – Czech Social Democratic Party

DS

Demokratická Strana– Democratic Party

HG

Hlinkova garda – Hlinka Guards

HSĽS

Hlinkova Slovenská Ľudová Strana – Hlinka's Slovak People's Party

HSĽS-SSNJ

Hlinkova Slovenská Ľudová Strana / Slovenská Strana Národnej Jednoty – Hlinka's Slovak People's Party / Slovak Party of National Unity

KSČ

Kommunistická Strana Česka – Czech Communist Party

KSS

Kommunistická Strana Slovenska – Slovak Communist Party

SPS

Slovenský Poslanecký Klub – Slovak Parliamentarians Club

SĽS

Slovenská Ľudová Strana – Slovak People's Party

SNR

Slovenská Národná Ráda – Slovak National Council

SNS

Slovenská Národná Strana – Slovak National Party

SP

Strana Práce – Party of Work

SSl

Strana Slobody – Party of Freedom

SSO

Strana Slovenskej Obrody – Party of Slovak Rebirth

X.Introduction

X. 1.Why write about Šrobár?[1]

The Czech journalist Ferdinand Peroutka(1895–1978), a prominent associate of President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk(1850–1937), described the political situation in the Czech lands during WWI from memory, delivering a critical assessment of Senator Jan Herben's memoirs. Herben, wrote Peroutka, deliberately suppressed important information about the political atmosphere in those years:

"… he deleted from his memoirs the very parts that would arouse the most lively interest and call for a minor Trojan war in our politics: … the parts about the relations of some of our politicians to the revolutionary activities during the war, about how long some parts of our nationconsidered Masarykadangerous nut[nebezpečného blázna] … about their low opinion of him as the nation's leader in exile [v odboj]."[2]

While the Czech political elite in 1927 enjoyed the liberty to openly criticize the government and often slander the president-liberator (prezident-osvoboditel) in an unfair fashion, politics in Slovakia were quite different. Vavro Šrobár (1867–1950), a member of themaffie[3], delegate in the Czechoslovak parliament for the Agrarians and the founder of the group of Slovak MPs in the provisional parliament, elected MP for the Agrarians in the first parliamentary electionsin 1920, minister and, since 1925, senator for the Agrarians, was sixty years old and had turbulent years behind him; even more distressing years would await him after the Munich agreementof 1938.

Who was Šrobár as a politician? What merits did he bring to Slovak and Czechoslovak politics? Why should one be interested in his political thought in the light of the fact that the former Agrarian agreed to become a minister in the Communist government of Klement Gottwald(1896–1953)? What can one learn about Slovak and Czechoslovak history from Šrobár?

The goal of this study isnotto contribute to nationalism studies[4]with a theoretical discussion about aspects of Czechoslovak or Slovak national identity, but to present thefirstintellectual and political portrait of Šrobár in English.Theoretical considerations whether or not the Slovaks were a nationat the turn of the 20thcentury, are not only anachronistic, but raise suspicions of a biased attitude toward Slovak historiography. Czech and Slovak historians have been establishing their own and common histories without ideological constraints since 1989. A few international and Czech and Slovak studies in alphabetical order: Ash,[5]Bosl,[6]Brock,[7]Bystrický,[8]Collegium Carolinum,[9]Dudeková,[10]van Dujin,[11]Harris,[12]Henderson,[13]Hoensch,[14]Hronský and Pekník,[15]Kaplan,[16]Kamenec,[17]Skalnik Leff,[18]Krajčovičová,[19]Lipták,[20]Michálek,[21]Pauer,[22]Pick and Handl,[23]Pynsent,[24]Rychlík,[25]Skilling,[26]Škvarna,[27]Teich et al.,[28]Vykoukal,[29]and Zemko[30]. In 1995, historians of the Czech and Slovak Academies of Science formed the Czecho-Slovak commission of historians, which publishesThe Czecho-Slovak Historical Annual(Česko-slovenská historická ročenka).[31]A good source of information is alsoForum historiae, the website of the historians of the Slovak Academy of Sciences.[32]

Czechoslovakismbegan as an idea of cultural closeness and solidarity and turned into a political programme; its main principles consisted, first, in the political union of the Czechs and Slovaks in an independent state, whose political system, second, had to be a democracythat respected the rights of the minorities. This projected state was directed against the rule of the aristocracy and clergy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, but, more importantly, it targeted the core principle of Austro-Hungarian power: theAusgleich(compromise)of 1867 that had established the constitutionally granted autonomyof Hungary and, with that, the Magyar supremacy in the multiethnic Hungarian kingdom. Before I elaborate on the analytical framework, methodand definitions, let me present an overview of the scientific publications about Šrobár.

Apart from biographical sketches,[33]there are only two anthologies about Šrobár's life and the various political functions he held: Leikert's volume focusses on a cultural studies perspective,[34]scrutinizing Šrobár's literary achievements and his cultural activities for the enlightenment of the Slovaks, while Pekník and his authors investigate Šrobár's merits as a politician, author and patriot.[35]Unfortunately, these studies are available only to the Slovak-reading public.