Different Perspectives on the Syrian Reality E-Book

• Herausgeber: ibidem
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 297

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2018

Beschreibung

This unique collection from Syria presents research papers focusing on topics in cultural research that are relevant to the current Syrian situation, especially with regard to the fundamental changes in the relationship of Syrians to the society they live in and the dynamic transformations they are witnessing. Through its unique inside views, the volume offers a fascinating alternative narrative of the current societal context in Syria. Ettijahat – Independent Culture is a Syrian cultural organization founded in 2011. Ettijahat seeks to involve independent culture and arts positively in the process of cultural and social change. Ettijahat supports artists and people engaged in cultural initiatives, works to build consensus and alliances between individuals and cultural institutions, promotes the arts and artists through regional and international platforms, helps Syrian communities in having access to culture and arts, and funds young researchers focusing on the current cultural and societal situation in Syria.

Leseprobe

ibidem-Verlag, Stuttgart

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Foreword

Features of the Home in the Refugee Camp

Acknowledgment

Summary

Introduction

Part One – Physical Description of the Camp

Part Two – Architectural Environment of the Camp and Life in It

Conclusion

Sources and References

Political Stereotypes in the Syrian Uprising

Summary

Introduction

First – The Stereotype

Second – The Political Stereotype

Third – The Political Stereotype during the Syrian Uprising

Conclusion

Sources and References

Imagery of the Tormented Body in Contemporary Syrian Art

Summary

Introduction

Forward – The Centrality of the Human Body in Art History

Part One – The Tormented Body in Different Art Histories

Part Two – The Tormented Body in Artworks Produced during the Syrian Revolution

Conclusion

Sources and References

Children in the Shadow of the Islamic State: Jihadi Schooling and Recruitment

Summary

Introduction

First – Historical Background of the Emergence of IS

Second – Schooling in IS-Held Territory

Third – Recruitment in IS-Held Territory–Cub Camps

Conclusion

Appendix I: Figures and Statistics, Number of Recruited Children and Number of Child Fatalities among Recruits

Appendix II: Selected International Condemnations and Statements Issued on Child Recruitment

Appendix III: Key Dates in IS Timeline

Sources and References

Copyright

Research: To Strengthen the Culture of Knowledge

This capacity-building programme aims to provide an opportunity for full-time commitment for Syrian and Palestinian-Syrian young researchers (22–40 years old) to explore the field of cultural studies. The programme seeks to enhance their research skills, guide them and enable them to accomplish their research project (the programme will most likely be their first such venture following their academic studies). Experienced cultural researchers, who are part of the Selection Committee for the programme, will directly supervise these projects.

The current edition of the programme’s annual course consists of three key phases:

Application submission and selection of young researchers

Training and skill enhancement

Completion of actual research, supervised by experienced researchers.

The programme will focus on current trends in cultural research which are relevant to the situation in Syria, especially changes in the perspectives of Syrian artists with regard to their relationship with society and the transformations it is witnessing.

Programme Team

Nada Farah – Programme Manager

Mossaad Assaad – Programme Coordinator

Ettijahat-Independent Culture would like to express its gratitude to all its partners for their support. Special thanks goes to Mimeta – Centre for Culture Sector Development and Arts Cooperation for their support since the beginning of the programme and for their faith in the value of cultural research.

We owe our utmost recognition to all the respectable Trainers, Lecturers, Scientific Committee Members and Mentors, with whom we have had the privilege of collaborating, particularly for their efforts, involvements and commitments. Special mention in this regard is due to Hassan Abbas, PhD, and Marianne Njeim, PhD.

The programme would not have had the same impression were it not for the involvement of the Young Researchers, who have shown genuine enthusiasm and seriousness in conducting research on topics related to their country, communities and fields of work, and from whom we—as a team—have learned a great deal.

Last but not least, we would like to thank Ranya Assassa for her support.

www.ettijahat.org

Facebook: Ettijahat-Independent Culture

Twitter: EttijahatIndep

Youtube: Ettijahat-Independent Culture

Foreword

Hassan Abbas, PhD.

“The total number of full-time researchers in the Arab countries, including faculty members, is 35,000…1” Today, this number has undoubtedly decreased, considering the fact that many researchers have been forced to leave their countries since the publication of this figure in 2003, due to the tragic situation of the Arab world and the demise of its scientific, intellectual and research institutions.

The scientific research scene in the Arab world is not particularly promising. We would not, in my opinion, be mistaken to establish a causal link between this gloomy scene and the level of violence in the region or the underdeveloped discourse prevalent in Arab societies. Science alone is capable of driving nations towards the establishment of societies that promote human dignity, and it is the only guarantor to overcome oppression and to ensure progress and civility. Nations that are institutionally concerned with science and research enjoy the highest degrees of freedom and development. The pioneers of the Arab renaissance became aware of this fact and focused their projects on enhancing science through the establishment of higher institutes and centres for scientific research, as did Muhammad Ali2 in the first half of the nineteenth century. However, the turbulent history of the region had prevented stability, which is a prerequisite for progressive and pioneering projects to flourish. The history of the region is one of war and uncertainty, much more so than one of peace and stability. Prolonged periods of destruction and demolition are incomparable to the scarce moments of building and urbanisation. Consecutive wars have deprived the region of the privilege of directing its attention towards the establishment of scientific institutions and research centres, and towards nurturing future generations of scientific researchers. While it is true that many Arab countries have created research centres affiliated with state or military institutions, most of these centres specialise in fields related to the state's authoritarian and security functions, rather than to human development. Continuous wars, especially the Israeli occupation of Arab territories, have forced Arab countries to focus their expenditures on the war effort, which constantly drains a large proportion of their capabilities. Nonetheless, this excuse—which is no doubt legitimate—has turned into a pretext to justify the failure of Arab countries in establishing the real foundations of states that are capable of achieving the aspirations of their citizens in terms of security, development and stability. The most important of these foundations is the consolidation of the research community, primarily through the establishment of scientific research institutions.

States that have failed to perform their duty of establishing scientific research institutions should instead have created favourable conditions for civil society to carry out this task. It is normal for civil society to assume the responsibilities that the state is incapable or unwilling to fulfil. However, the revolutionary regimes that rose to power in their respective countries were not concerned with gaining legitimacy through persuasion and participation as much as they sought to impose and secure their grip on power through repression and domination. In fact, these regimes have restricted freedoms and antagonised civil society and disrupted its energies. Rather than directing their policies towards developing human capital, these regimes have focused on the development of their repressive organs to the point where democracy has become confined to strict security limitations: everything is planned or established from the perspective of security—the security of these regimes, that is. This was, for many years, the general picture of the so-called revolutionary regimes, including the Syrian regime.

Syrian civil society had suffered for decades from these circumstances, until the beginning of the millennium, which brought forth a revival in this field, albeit characterised by the concurrence of two contradictory phenomena: on the one hand, the regime created a civil organisation, which was both a governmental and non-governmental organisation—GoNGO3. The regime did not hesitate to support and strengthen this organisation, giving it wide-ranging influence in the field of development and culture. On the other hand, the regime continued to clamp down on organised civil activities, especially those handling intellectual, cultural and human rights issues. Concurrently, many young Syrians embarked on individual or collective creative activities. Musical bands witnessed a surprising boom, many theatrical companies emerged and presented their work in alternative venues, and cinema clubs attracted a wide young audience, not to mention the establishment of several reading clubs, etc. Amid this atmosphere of independent cultural development, craving freedom and creativity, Ettijahat-Independent Culture was born. It introduces itself as "a cultural organisation that is active in the field of independent culture in Syria and the Arab region. It seeks to activate the role of independent culture and arts in order to play a positive role in the process of cultural, political and social change. It also seeks to contribute to building a genuine relationship between cultural and artistic work on the one hand and Syria’s diverse communities on the other hand…"4

Ettijahat has defined three main focus areas, namely:

1) To contribute to the revitalisation of the artistic movement, and to cooperate with independent artists and cultural actors;

2) To contribute to the development of cultural policies and the basic trends of culture and arts at the national level;

3) To contribute to the development of field and academic studies and research.

Indeed, after its establishment, Ettijahat proceeded to work on projects related to these specific axes. Its first project was a programme to train and support young researchers aged between 22 and 40 years to undertake research in the cultural field. To date, Ettijahat has completed four trainings, the first of which was held in Damascus and the remaining three in Beirut. Preparations are underway to launch the fifth edition of the project.

The percentage of participation in these trainings can be more accurately identified through the following detailed table:

Applicants

Trainees

Research Completed

Female / Male

Outside / Inside Syria

First Edition

31

11

11

7/4

10/1

Second Edition

38

14

10

6/4

5/5

Third Edition

40

8

9

6/4

4/6

Fourth Edition

38

9

9

3/6

3/6

Total

147

42

39

22/18

22/18

At the beginning of each edition, researchers engage in an intensive training workshop on the concept of culture, research methodologies and principles of research writing. After that, specialised mentors direct the researchers’ work throughout the entire duration of the project. The mentors directly oversee the completion of research papers. Over the past few years, some of these studies were published independently5. However, in 2016, Ettijahat selected five research papers completed under the second edition of the programme and published them in one book6. In the book you now have in your hands, Ettijahat presents examples of research papers carried out under its pioneering project. A committee of specialised researchers has carefully chosen the following research papers based on a set of criteria:

1) Features of the Home in the Refugee Camp-Applied Study on Al Jarahiya Camp, by Alina Oueishek

2) Political Stereotypes in the Syrian Uprising, by Hani Al Telfah.

3) Imagery of the Tormented Body in Contemporary Syrian Art, by Mohammad Omran

4) Children in the Shadow of the Islamic State: Jihadi Schooling and Recruitment, by Wasim Raif Al Salti

These research papers, and the majority of studies completed, are characterised by the seriousness of the topics and a clear commitment to academic rigor and research ethics, which will be clearly evident to those interested in reading this book.

The initiative taken by Ettijahat to train researchers and encourage them to explore various cultural domains deserves our admiration and encouragement for several reasons, notably:

1) It provides a successful model for what can be accomplished by civil society in the field of research and scientific progress;

2) It provides a successful model for what can be accomplished by localising research as a necessary step for building a national research community;

3) It contributes to establishing a research movement that relies on active young people and liberates their abilities;

4) It contributes to investigating Syrian society by focusing research on different contexts of the current Syrian reality;

5) It contributes to strengthening citizenship by allowing young researchers to work on the issues they face in life.

The Syrian crisis has attracted the attention of research centres in many countries and has aroused the interest of many governmental and non-governmental organisations. Researchers of all stripes have come to work on topics related to Syria, and this fact cannot be ignored and should not be criticised or rejected under any pretext. Rather, we ought to praise and celebrate the national initiatives taken to understand, study and analyse the issues of Syrian society. Such efforts are at the core of Ettijahat's work, of which we find an exquisite representation in this book.

1Arab Human Development Report 2003, Towards a Knowledge Society, UNDP, Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development. P. 72

2 https://www.britannica.com/biography/Muhammad-Ali-pasha-and-viceroy-of-Egypt

3Syrian Trust for Development.

4 Information available on Ettijahat's website: www.ettijahat.org.

5 See, for example: Alia Ahmed, The Reality of Syrian Women in the Current Crisis, Citizen House Publishing (Syrian League for Citizenship), Damascus, 2014.

6Research: to Strengthen the Culture of Knowledge—Five Research Papers on Contemporary Syrian Questions, Mamdouh Adwan Publishing House, 2016.

Features of the Home in the Refugee Camp

Applied Study on Al Jarahiya Camp

Prepared by: Alina Oueishek

Supervised by: Omar Abdulaziz Al Hallaj

Research conducted in 2014–2015

Acknowledgment

I would like to thank my research supervisor, Mr. Omar Abdulaziz Al Hallaj, who has helped me a great deal with his guidance throughout all the different stages of this work and put me back on the right track whenever I lost focus.

My heartfelt love and appreciation go to Sabah Al Hallak and Hassan Abbas, without whom this research would have never seen the light of day. I thank them for their presence and unwavering support, as well as for their trust in this work and my ability to accomplish it.

Dad: now that the research is published, my deepest gratitude and love go to you.

Summary

Although the camp may appear as one whole entity for an outsider, in terms of areas and spaces, it is in fact divided into separate communities by a series of invisible delimitations drawn by the social roles and relationships that exist among refugees. Men and children dominate open public spaces, and men specifically can be seen ambulating around the camp during the day without any restriction on their movement. By contrast, the lives of women are more severely affected by those invisible delimitations, as the constraints they impose on women’s mobility between tents also reflect their family traditions.

This research paper examines the architectural environment of Al Jarahiya refugee camp in Lebanon’s Bekaa Valley, including the way in which the refugees have shaped this camp and the physical and invisible borders they have established within it, in order to understand the various relationships that influence and are influenced by the surrounding architectural environment.

The paper also tackles the various levels of the camp’s composition: the general borders of the tents and their environment; clusters formed by a number of neighboring or adjacent tents or by a tent that houses more than one family; and the relationships and space distribution inside a single tent. All of these factors are considered in light of the radius of mobility and the visible and invisible boundaries set for both women and children, as well and the mechanisms by which these boundaries are set.

The paper mainly focuses on the reciprocal relationships that emerge between housing units and the communities established within them, looking at both individuals and groups and how their relationships affect the delimitation of visible and invisible borders, particularly for women and children. To analyse this aspect of life in the camp, a series of pivotal questions must be answered in order to address the main research question: what are the vital spaces that constitute Al Jarahiya camp? What are the types of housing and activities that exist in it? What forms do the clusters in the camp take? Why are these clusters shaped the way they are? What are the visible and invisible boundaries governing the movements and gatherings of the camp’s residents? How are they defined? How do these boundaries affect the participation of women and children in public life?

The paper is based on the general assumption that there is an inevitable dialectic relationship between housing and culture, which affects the way housing units are built and organised and forges the relationships among the individuals living within the same housing unit, as well as the relationship that these individuals have with their neighborhood. The way in which the camp’s housing units are structured also becomes a significant factor that influences the cultural lifestyle of the people living there.

The research paper also seeks to understand the different relationships created in the camp, which influence or are influenced by the surrounding architectural environment, through a scientific examination of models that were recorded during field visits. The paper also documents the effects of displacement as an emergency situation widely affecting the relationships and lifestyles within Syrian society, in addition to causing a humanitarian crisis in neighboring countries, particularly in Lebanon. In the conclusion, the paper offers a series of recommendations for relevant institutions and for actors within camps.

The researcher starts by giving a general description of the situation that has led to the displacement of Syrians and the establishment of the analysed camp, by presenting a glimpse of the armed conflict in Syria which has generated this new social environment (the refugee camp). She also provides some information on the origins of Al Jarahiya camp as an empirical model for the study of the camp’s physical environment and the interactions of refugees with it.

The paper then describes the architectural environment of the tents and their formation, as well as how they interact with each other and with their surroundings, by illustrating the camp layout on three levels (the tent, the cluster and the camp with its periphery). In order to analyse these three levels, the research methodology relies on case studies and samples of families and individuals living in the camp. It also adopts a descriptive approach in order to analyse specific examples of the camp’s architectural spaces (tents, clusters, markets, roads, etc.), to identify the people who form and occupy these spaces and to describe how they interact with each other and with their surroundings. This aims at understanding the reciprocal and dialectic relationship between the refugees’ culture and their new dwellings, as well as to detect the changes that their new type of settlement has imposed on their lifestyle.

In her analysis of the first level (the tent), the researcher has relied on two models: the first model is a tent where a family of three brothers and their sister live, while the second model consists of two related families living in the same tent: a woman with her husband and six children and her sister – a long-time divorcee – with her two daughters. This part thoroughly describes the nature of the tents and the interior and exterior spaces that define them, along with the visible and invisible borders that constrict the mobility of the tenants and their daily activities, with special focus on women and children.

In the part focusing on the second level, the researcher describes two examples of clusters that exist in the camp and that only become apparent when one spends time living inside the camp as an internal observer. The researcher details the nature of these clusters and describes the ways in which they were formed, as well as the different factors that influence them. Certain clusters, for example, are based on the aggregation of related families and their seclusion from other tents; other clusters are formed through the solid relationships that emerge between neighboring tents, which in a way become secluded from their environment.

In studying the third level (the camp and its periphery), the researcher explores refugees’ attitudes towards the open spaces generated by the overall urban environment of the camp (surrounding streets, roads between tents, markets and shops), as well as refugees’ movements within these spaces, according to their roles and needs and the way they relate to these spaces. The researcher also tries to identify the invisible boundaries that the camp forms between its various components and with its environment.

At the end of this paper, a series of findings regarding the effect of these open spaces on the nature of public and private relationships formed in the camp is presented, by focusing on the role of women and children in particular and how they influence and are influenced by the public space. Men and children are almost entirely in control of public spaces, while women dominate private spaces. Men can be seen roaming the camp throughout the day without any restriction on their mobility, while invisible boundaries affect women much more than men, constraining their movements during the day.

The paper by no means claims that these findings offer an absolute formula to understand the relationships that exist within the camp in general. Rather, it analyses certain case studies at the level of the family or cluster and detects differences in the structure of relationships within the family and with the environment, keeping in mind that these differences are usually the result of variances in the culture and frame of reference of each family. The different social and cultural backgrounds of families and individuals living in the camp are also taken into account, as they reflect the traditions of the various regions of Syria from which the refugee families hail. The paper also attempts to detect the changes that have occurred in these cultures as a result of their contact with each other during this exceptional and compulsory situation, especially with regard to the role of women in public life. In this regard, the researcher has noticed that the role of women is developing in the camp’s clusters due to the fact that different families are living in close proximity to one another. By contrast, women play a much less prominent role in clusters that consist of one family for example.

Introduction

Syrian citizens have been relocating to neighbouring countries and elsewhere in an attempt to flee the violence and insecurity of war at home. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the number of Syrian refugees has exceeded three million people scattered around the world, with Lebanon hosting the largest number, recorded at approximately 1.5 million individuals1 in 2015. However, Lebanon has yet to sign the 1951 Convention that regulates the status of refugees, thus offering little or no protection in comparison to other countries party to the Convention. This has caused different manifestations at all levels, which are most visible in the architectural environment created by refugees themselves. In order to live in camps, Syrian refugees have to pay rent to landowners and build basic housing infrastructure themselves, pitching their tents out of the materials sporadically provided by various organisations. As a result, the shape of these camps is directly dependent on the types of materials supplied by the organisations and the way the refugees use them.

With the exacerbation of the refugee crisis, and after more than four years of displacement of Syrians into neighbouring countries, it has become increasingly necessary to find solutions for the housing of refugees in a way that is responsive to their financial, social and cultural needs. Given the overall context, it is important to analyse and identify the different challenges faced by refugees in order to better understand their critical cultural and social needs, as well as their day-to-day financial needs. This research paper seeks to analyse one component of this environment by looking at how refugees make up the camp’s architectural environment, and the visible and invisible cultural and social restraints on the mobility of women and children within it. Women and children were chosen because they constitute the majority of camp residents (women: 26%, children: 52%, men: 22%). The mobility of women is largely tied to and influenced by children, given the nurturing role originally attributed to them in the communities they come from, which continues to impose many constraints on them. This approach was adopted in order to identify the standards that remain priorities for refugees in their architectural environment in conformity with their culture, and to pave the way for a discussion on how this environment can be shaped to create an enabling environment that motivates economic production.

The issues raised in this paper are intended to question how space is formed as an essential social component for refugees, bearing in mind that what is meant by ‘space’ is the constructed physical and social architectural environment. How do individuals and groups express their identity through this space, particularly in a refugee context?

This paper addresses this issue by assuming that “the space thus produced also serves as a tool of thought and of action,” (Lefebvre, 1991) and that “space creates the special relation between function and social meaning in buildings. The ordering of space in buildings is really about the ordering of relations between people.” (Hanson, 1984) Consequently, the relationship between human beings, in this case the refugees, and their surroundings not only reflects on their material needs, but also extends to the consideration and fulfilment of their psychological, cultural and social needs. One way of understanding a given society is by examining the spaces it creates and studying their shapes and order. “Through the ways in which buildings, individually and collectively, create and order space, we are able to recognise society: that it exists and has a certain form.” (Hillier and Hanson, 1984)

This study is based on research conducted in the Al Jarahiya camp, located in Al Marj, in the western part of Lebanon's Bekaa Valley. This particular camp was selected for the study due to the fact that it is not new, and it continues to grow without being vacated at any stage, contrary to other camps, thus making it relatively stable. This has allowed for greater access in order to trace the characteristics of its architectural environment and their impacts on its residents. In addition to that, Al Jarahiya is a relatively large camp, and its residents come from various regions in Syria. It is worth noting that the study was conducted in the winter of 2015, which has impacted the results. In fact, the need for warmth during the relatively harsh weather conditions had a large influence on daily life. This suggests that components of behaviour or needs in the camp change throughout the year, with the elimination of some factors and the emergence of others, such as not needing to use the stove or being able to keep the windows open for longer periods of time, etc.

The study examines three of the camp’s dimensions: the tents, the settlements and the camp as a whole. It also looks into the relationships and mobility of women and children across these three levels, with greater focus on the tent dimension, which is the smallest unit in the camp. Moreover, the research addresses the role of international and local organisations working in the camp in shaping the camp space through the services they provide and the activities they conduct.

For the purposes of this study, the researchers have relied heavily on field visits to the camp and meetings with staff or volunteers in organisations that have a strong presence there. During the visits, the researchers stayed with two families who have been living in the camp for approximately one year and a half. The female members of these two families also facilitated visits to other tents of their female friends and relatives, enabling the researchers to speak to as many residents as possible. Information was collected and recorded during these visits. The researchers were introduced to both families by the Syrian Eyes organisation,2 which has been active in the camp since 2013. This was a major factor in building trust with the families, in addition to our knowledge of their social context and our awareness of the customs and traditions of camp residents during our stay with them.

These two families were chosen as a sample for the study based on several criteria, particularly their willingness to host the researchers and engage in sharing information and perspectives on the camp with them. Also taken into consideration was the selection of two different locations in the camp, with one family living on the periphery of the camp and the other in the centre. Selection criteria also included various characteristics of the family, the number of family members and the nature of their relationships.

In order to answer the pivotal question that this paper poses, it was crucial to first determine and study the dynamics and characteristics of the camp. Therefore, the paper studied and identified the key spaces constituting the camp, including those dedicated to general activities and events, and the way they are utilised by residents of the camp. This study also examined the types and forms of housing in the camp, as well as some of the settlement patterns and the reasons why they were formed in this manner. Our aim was to investigate the paths and governing rules of mobility within the spaces in the camp.

We have adopted a descriptive and analytical approach in order to understand how the camp was established and how its physical traits, relationships and social roles have developed. For this reason, the methodology of this paper was based on an ethnographic approach, relying mainly on field visits with primary sources (camp residents), as well as through first-hand experiences and observations in the camp. The written notes that we took during our visits and interviews with the residents were used as primary sources of information. As for qualitative information, we have relied on interactions and discussions with staff or volunteers of Syrian organisations active in the camp, relying on their in-depth knowledge of internal dynamics in the camp.

This paper also references an approach used in a study conducted in the Zaatari camp3 in Jordan. The researcher studied the camp’s architectural environment by collecting reports and surveys on the Zaatari camp, as well as by conducting field visits in order to understand how the camp has developed into a city. Dalal’s research includes a comparison between the Zaatari camp and Palestinian camps in the region, with reference to their architectural developments. The study also examines the camp from its establishment and through the different stages of its expansion, as it was conceptually conceived and designed to host large numbers of refugees, in terms of humanitarian access and efficiency, according to a layout elaborated by different organisations.

One of the most interesting points tackled by the Zaatari study was the immensely negative impact felt by refugees from the efforts deployed or work done without consideration of the societal relationships and cultural environment dominant in the camp, thus causing a social shock for residents. One of the implications was modifying the new housing to render it appropriate to their life and culture. The researcher presented several recommendations on how to improve the architecture and its impact on social interactions in a way that is compatible with residents’ culture within the camp.

The paper also consulted several sources and studies on architectural environment in order to contextualise the discussion within the framework of theories addressing the formation of an architectural environment and its impact on social life. Moreover, as this paper addresses the concept of the refugee camp as a defined and utilised space, its authors have also relied on Henri Lefebvre’s The Production of Space, in which the author describes the formation of social spaces in phases. According to Lefebvre, these spaces develop only after being used by those who are most concerned with them, and can only be clearly named as space after their users give them meaning or function.4 In fact, the final shape and function of a space are not converged upon the end of construction; they are rather acquired after users add symbols to it, whether visible or invisible constraints, and give it a proper name.

During the course of this research, it was difficult to obtain reports written on the Al Jarahiya camp from international organisations. The UNHCR reports that the researcher was able to access only contained information about Al Marj town, without separately providing details on the camp itself. Statistics provided by Save the Children5 in 2014, combined with information from reports published by INGOs or UN Agencies, offer a general idea about the camp’s condition and the history of its formation. The UNHCR has conducted extensive research in this regard, specifically on how best to find adequate solutions for refugee camps to reach standards that provide necessary protection to refugees, as well as creating an enabling environment that facilitates coping and self-reliance. However, the literature and recommendations that we were able to access did not take into account the cultural diversity of refugee populations, not to mention that such recommendations could not be implemented in all countries hosting refugees in the same way, but rather remain context-specific.

The study is divided into two sections: the first includes a discussion on the physical description of the camp, highlighting the camp’s characteristics, periphery, location and management structure. The second section of this paper details the camp’s architectural environment and life within it, starting with the camp’s overall structure and settlement patterns, before finally presenting a thorough study of the architectural environment that characterises the tents. This was done by looking at two samples of two tents and at the patterns in which they are settled, and by identifying the relationship between the camp and its periphery at the physical and architectural levels.

The aim of this study is to contribute to finding better methods for organisations to work with refugee communities and to support refugees in ways that are more compatible with their culture. This study also hopes to shed light on issues regarding the impact of the camp’s architectural environment on the lives of refugees. We hope that it will be a useful addition to literature on this specific topic, with the belief that work in this field is motivated by the ability to improve refugees’ financial and social lives, without clashing in any way with their culture and social norms.

Part One – Physical Description of the Camp

The Al Jarahiya camp in Lebanon was formed in parallel with the escalation of the conflict in neighbouring Syria, with a marked deterioration of the security and the military context. As Syrians embarked on their forced journey out of their homes and neighbourhoods in search for secure and stable areas, many sought refuge in alternative cities or towns in Syria. Others, however, left the country, fleeing the violence by crossing national borders into Turkey, Jordan or Lebanon. These three neighbouring countries would come to host the largest numbers of Syrian refugees to date. While Egypt and Iraq did accommodate many Syrians and a large number of profiled Syrians were selected for resettlement in several European countries, the number of Syrians outside of neighbouring countries remained relatively low (up to 2015). Most Syrians crossed into and settled in Lebanon, initially forming small settlement communities that soon developed into larger camps throughout the country, most notably in the Bekaa Valley.