Microaggressions and Marginality E-Book

• Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 671

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2010

Beschreibung

A landmark volume exploring covert bias, prejudice, and discrimination with hopeful solutions for their eventual dissolution Exploring the psychological dynamics of unconscious and unintentional expressions of bias and prejudice toward socially devalued groups, Microaggressions and Marginality: Manifestation, Dynamics, and Impact takes an unflinching look at the numerous manifestations of these subtle biases. It thoroughly deals with the harm engendered by everyday prejudice and discrimination, as well as the concept of microaggressions beyond that of race and expressions of racism. Edited by a nationally renowned expert in the field of multicultural counseling and ethnic and minority issues, this book features contributions by notable experts presenting original research and scholarly works on a broad spectrum of groups in our society who have traditionally been marginalized and disempowered. The definitive source on this topic, Microaggressions and Marginality features: * In-depth chapters on microaggressions towards racial/ethnic, international/cultural, gender, LGBT, religious, social, and disabled groups * Chapters on racial/ethnic microaggressions devoted to specific populations including African Americans, Latino/Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, indigenous populations, and biracial/multiracial people * A look at what society must do if it is to reduce prejudice and discrimination directed at these groups * Discussion of the common dynamics of covert and unintentional biases * Coping strategies enabling targets to survive such onslaughts Timely and thought-provoking, Microaggressions and Marginality is essential reading for any professional dealing with diversity at any level, offering guidance for facing and opposing microaggressions in today's society.

Leseprobe

Table of Contents

Title Page

Copyright Page

Preface

About the Editor

PART I - MICROAGGRESSIONS AND MARGINALITY

CHAPTER 1 - Microaggressions, Marginality, and Oppression

MARGINALITY AND OPPRESSION

FORMS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

THE WAY FORWARD: ABOUT THIS EDITED BOOK

REFERENCES

PART II - RACIAL/ETHNIC MANIFESTATION OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

CHAPTER 2 - Black Undergraduates’ Experiences with Perceived Racial ...

METHOD

RESULTS

DISCUSSION

FUTURE IMPLICATIONS

CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

APPENDIX A: RESULTS TABLE

APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

CHAPTER 3 - Microaggressions and the Life Experience of Latina / o Americans

PREJUDICE & DISCRIMINATION AGAINST LATINAS/OS

METHOD

RESULTS

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

REFERENCES

APPENDIX A

CHAPTER 4 - Racial Microaggressions Directed at Asian Americans Modern Forms of ...

THE MODEL MINORITY MYTH

SHIFT FROM OVERT TO COVERT FORMS OF RACISM

STEREOTYPES

RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS: SUBTLE RACISM AGAINST ASIAN AMERICANS

IMPLICATIONS OF RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS

CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 5 - The Context of Racial Microaggressions Against Indigenous Peoples

IMPACT OF COLONIALISM

MODERN RACISM

EFFECTS OF RACISM AND COPING

APPROACHING RESEARCH

CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 6 - Multiracial Microaggressions

THE CHANGING FACE OF RACE AND RACISM

THE MULTIRACIAL EXPERIENCE

TOWARD A TAXONOMY OF MULTIRACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS

DISCUSSION

IMPLICATIONS FOR THEORY, RESEARCH, AND CLINICAL PRACTICE

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 7 - Microaggressions and the Pipeline for Scholars of Color

MICROAGGRESSIONS ALONG THE PIPELINE

DOCTORAL EXPERIENCES

APPLYING FOR FACULTY POSITIONS

PURSUING TENURE

IMPLICATIONS

CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

PART III - OTHER SOCIALLY DEVALUED GROUP MICROAGGRESSIONS:

CHAPTER 8 - Microaggressions Experienced by International Students Attending ...

MICROAGGRESSIONS

IMPLICATIONS

DISCUSSION

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 9 - The Manifestation of Gender Microaggressions

LITERATURE REVIEW

TAXONOMY OF GENDER MICROAGGRESSIONS

METHOD

RESULTS

DISCUSSION

CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

APPENDIX A: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 10 - Sexual Orientation and Transgender Microaggressions

IMPLICATIONS FOR COUNSELING

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 11 - Microaggressive Experiences of People with Disabilities

METHODS

RESULTS

DISCUSSION

CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 12 - Class Dismissed

CLASSISM

THE NUMBERS DON’T LIE: WHY WE CAN NO LONGER DISMISS CLASS

SEEING CLASSISM

CLASSIST MICROAGGRESSIONS: HIDING IN PLAIN SIGHT

ON THE HORIZON: A CALL FOR THE STUDY OF CLASSIST MICROAGGRESSIONS

REFERENCES

CHAPTER 13 - Religious Microaggressions in the United States

LITERATURE REVIEW OF RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION

THE MANIFESTATION OF RELIGIOUS MICROAGGRESSIONS

IMPACTS OF RELIGIOUS MICROAGGRESSIONS ON MENTAL HEALTH

IMPLICATIONS FOR COUNSELING AND PSYCHOTHERAPY

REFERENCES

PART IV - MICROAGGRESSION RESEARCH

CHAPTER 14 - Microaggression Research

REVIEW OF CURRENT MICROAGGRESSION LITERATURE

METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

REFERENCES

About the Contributors

Author Index

Subject Index

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Copyright © 2010 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All rights reserved.

Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey. Published simultaneously in Canada.

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or otherwise, except as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior written permission of the Publisher, or authorization through payment of the appropriate per-copy fee to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, [phone], fax [phone], or on the web at www.copyright.com. Requests to the Publisher for permission should be addressed to the Permissions Department, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 111 River Street, Hoboken, NJ 07030, [phone], fax [phone].

Limit of Liability/Disclaimer of Warranty: While the publisher and author have used their best efforts in preparing this book, they make no representations or warranties with respect to the accuracy or completeness of the contents of this book and specifically disclaim any implied warranties of merchantability or fitness for a particular purpose. No warranty may be created or extended by sales representatives or written sales materials. The advice and strategies contained herein may not be suitable for your situation. You should consult with a professional where appropriate. Neither the publisher nor author shall be liable for any loss of profit or any other commercial damages, including but not limited to special, incidental, consequential, or other damages.

This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If legal, accounting, medical, psychological, or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional person should be sought.

Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks. In all instances where John Wiley & Sons, Inc., is aware of a claim, the product names appear in initial capital or all capital letters. Readers, however, should contact the appropriate companies for more complete information regarding trademarks and registration.

For general information on our other products and services please contact our Customer Care Department within the United States at [phone], outside the United States at [phone] or fax [phone].

Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books. For more information about Wiley products, visit our web site at www.wiley.com.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:

Microaggressions and marginality: manifestation, dynamics, and impact/edited by Derald Wing Sue. p. cm.

Includes index.

ISBN 978-0-470-49139-3 (cloth); 9780470627068 (eMobi); 9780470627198 (ePDF); 9780470627204(ePub)

1. Aggressiveness. 2. Cross-cultural counseling. I. Sue, Derald Wing.

BF575.A3M—dc22

2009050972

Preface

Microaggressions and Marginality: Manifestation, Dynamics, and Impact is the second major text that follows the previous publication of Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Race, Gender, and Sexual Orientation (Sue, 2010). Like its predecessor, it represents a major step forward in (1) exploring the psychological dynamics of unconscious and unintentional expressions of bias and prejudice toward socially devalued groups; (2) exploring the numerous manifestations of microaggressions, the harm they engender, and how marginalized groups and individuals cope with them; and (3) expanding the concept of microaggressions beyond simply that of race and the expressions of racism.

It differs, however, in that this recent work invites various experts in their respective fields to present their original research and scholarly works across a broad spectrum of groups in our society who have traditionally been treated as second-class citizens and lesser beings, thereby being marginalized and disempowered. There are separate chapters on racial/ ethnic, international/cultural, gender, lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgender (LGBT), disability, class, and religious microaggressions. In the case of racial/ethnic microaggressions, multiple chapters are devoted to specific populations such as African Americans, Latino/a/Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, Indigenous populations, and biracial/multiracial people.

In less than a decade, research and scholarly theorizing on racial microaggressions have exploded on the scene, especially in the social science literature devoted to topics of implicit bias and subtle racism. With the realization that racial microaggressions reflect the worldviews of perpetrators, such as their ethnocentric assumptions about human behavior, values, biases, and prejudices, it did not take long for other marginalized groups in our society to realize that the manifestation and dynamics of microaggressions could be equally applied to nearly all socially devalued groups. Microaggressions reflect attitudes and beliefs about inclusion/exclusion, superiority/ inferiority, healthiness/unhealthiness, and normality/abnormality between groups. While microaggressions include both conscious and unconscious biased beliefs and attitudes, current research reveals that it is the unconscious, subtle, and unintentional expressions that are most damaging and harmful to oppressed groups. Thus, microaggressive research now makes clear that overt expressions of racism, sexism, ageism, and ableism are less problematic than the covert and unconscious manifestations delivered by well-intentioned individuals.

Microaggressions and Marginality: Manifestation, Dynamics, and Impact (1) conceptually organizes the marginalizing experiences of socially devalued groups in our society under an oppression framework, (2) explores and discusses the common dynamics of covert and unintentional biases directed toward them, (3) investigates the detrimental harm perpetrated against these groups, (4) explores possible coping strategies that best allow targets to survive such onslaughts, and (5) recommends what society must do if it is to reduce prejudice and discrimination directed at these groups. What is unique about this text is the devotion of separate in-depth chapters addressing group-specific microaggressions by scholars who are members of these groups or who are working with these populations. This allows readers to compare and contrast the various group-universal and group-specific microaggressions encountered by people of color, women, the poor, religious minorities, gays/lesbians, and so forth. In a number of chapters, groundbreaking research is reported for the first time on group-specific microaggressions.

Part One, “Microaggressions and Marginality,” opens with an introductory chapter.

• Chapter 1: “Microaggressions, Marginality, and Oppression: An Introduction” presents the original taxonomy of racial microaggressions that has generated so much interest in understanding the psychological dynamics, manifestation, and impact of unintentional, subtle, and covert forms of racism. In this chapter, the relationship of microaggression, marginality, and oppression applied to all socially devalued groups is proposed as an introduction to the many group-specific chapters to follow.

Part Two, “Racial/Ethnic Manifestation of Microaggressions,” is composed of five separate chapters, each dealing with a specific racial/ ethnic minority group and/or how microaggressions impact their mental/physical well-being, education, employment, and other endeavors in life.

• Chapter 2: “Black Undergraduates’ Experiences with Perceived Racial Microaggressions in Predominately White Colleges and Universities” by Watkins, LaBarrie, and Appio reports an important research study on how Black students experience the numerous racial snubs and invalidations in their day-to-day lives at primarily White institutions. They provide numerous helpful suggestions about what institutions of higher education must do to ameliorate these constant invalidations.

• Chapter 3: “Microaggressions and the Life Experience of Latina/o Americans” by Rivera, Forquer, and Rangel also presents important research on racial microaggressions experienced by Latinos/as in their daily lives. Using a similar qualitative approach as that employed in Chapter 2, these authors go on to describe the types of racial microaggressions this population is most likely to experience and offers possible solutions.

• Chapter 4: “Racial Microaggressions Directed at Asian Americans: Modern Forms of Prejudice and Discrimination” by Lin applies the racial microaggression taxonomy to Asian Americans. The author discusses unique issues that confront this population and compares and contrasts the microaggressions experienced by Asian Americans to those of African Americans and Latinos/as.

• Chapter 5: “The Context of Racial Microaggressions Against Indigenous Peoples: Same Old Racism or Something New?” by Hill, Kim, and Williams indicates how colonialism is a basic part of historic genocide directed toward Indigenous populations throughout the world. They cover various forms of microaggressions directed toward these groups and the harmful effects of them.

• Chapter 6: “Multiracial Microaggressions: Exposing Monoracism in Everyday Life and Clinical Practice” by Johnston and Nadal is among the first scholarly attempts to critically examine the unique and common forms of subtle racism perpetrated against this population. They make helpful suggestions for mental health practitioners who hope to truly understand the life experiences of multiracial clients.

• Chapter 7: “Microaggressions and the Pipeline for Scholars of Color” by Guzman, Trevino, Lubuguin, and Aryan looks at how microaggressions are partially responsible for the lack of faculty of color in institutions of higher education. Throughout the recruitment, retention, and promotion phases, faculty of color encounter significant obstacles in academia. These authors provide possible solutions to this dilemma.

Part Three, “Other Socially Devalued Group Microaggressions: International /Cultural, Sexual Orientation and Transgender, Disability, Class, and Religious,” is composed of six chapters that discuss several other socially devalued or marginalized groups in our society. Little doubt exists that international/cultural, gender, sexual orientation, disability, class, and religious microaggressions have historically and continue to be directed toward these specific groups. As a result, the inclusion of these groups will give readers greater understanding of how unintentional biases, prejudices, and discrimination are the result of society’s marginalization of those who are socially devalued.

• Chapter 8: “Microaggressions Experienced by International Students Attending U.S. Institutions of Higher Education” by S. Kim and R. H. Kim provides valuable information to colleges and universities about the plight affecting international students and what must be done to make the campus climate truly multicultural.

• Chapter 9: “The Manifestation of Gender Microaggressions” by Capodilupo, Nadal, Corman, Hamit, Lyons, and Weinberg represents another original study aimed at identifying gender microaggressions and their manifestation and impact.

• Chapter 10: “Sexual Orientation and Transgender Microaggressions: Implications for Mental Health and Counseling” by Nadal, Rivera, and Corpus applies the microaggression taxonomy to the LGBT population. They discuss important implications for culturally competent mental health counseling.

• Chapter 11: “Microaggressive Experiences of People with Disabilities” by Keller and Galgay conducts a study of people with disabilities and finds unique insults and invalidations that they experience. They conclude with helpful suggestions about what able-bodied people must do to stop the constant onslaught of disability microaggressions.

• Chapter 12: “Class Dismissed: Making the Case for the Study of Classist Microaggressions” by Smith and Redington is one of the first conceptual pieces to look at how our society treats our less affluent citizens from a microaggressive perspective. While race, gender, and sexual orientation are often discussed in the literature, the power of class discrimination is often overlooked.

• Chapter 13: “Religious Microaggressions in the United States: Mental Health Implications for Religious Minority Groups” by Nadal, Issa, Griffin, Hamit, and Lyons helps readers understand how religious orientation can form the basis of prejudice and discrimination. Not only do they outline a taxonomy of religious microaggressions, but they discuss mental health implications as well.

Part Four, “Microaggression Research,” is composed of a final chapter on research.

• Chapter 14: “Microaggression Research: Methodological Review and Recommendations” by Lau and Williams does a superb job in analyzing methodological approaches to microaggression research and issues related to qualitative and quantitative studies and suggests future directions that will prove helpful in strengthening our understanding of this phenomenon. It will arm future researchers with the tools to ask and answer questions about the human condition.

In closing, I wish to acknowledge the help and work of many faculty and graduate students at Teachers College, Columbia University, who have worked with me in producing this volume and the many forthcoming studies on microaggressions. Nearly all contributors are faculty, former doctoral students, current students, or those who have become influenced by them. They represent some of the finest minds in the field, and I am positive they will continue to contribute to the profession.

The important work on racial, gender, sexual orientation, disability, class, religious, and other forms of microaggressions would not have been possible without their energies and efforts. Already, the impact of our work has begun to generate much interest and other scholarly research on this topic. Our work at Teachers College has made us affectionately known as the “microaggression capital of the world.” I take pride in this designation but am uncertain how our administration would feel about its possible misinterpretation.

Derald Wing Sue Editor

About the Editor

Derald Wing Sue is a professor of psychology and education in the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology at Teachers College, Columbia University. He has served as president of the Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues, the Society of Counseling Psychology, and the Asian American Psychological Association. Dr. Sue is an associate editor of American Psychologist and continues to be a consulting editor for numerous publications. He is the author of over 150 publications, including 15 books, and is well known for his work on racism/antiracism, cultural competence, multicultural counseling and therapy, and social justice advocacy. Two of his books, Counseling the Culturally Diverse: Theory and Practice (Jossey-Bass) and Overcoming Our Racism: The Journey to Liberation (John Wiley & Sons), are considered classics in the field. Dr. Sue’s most recent research on racial, gender, and sexual orientation microaggressions has been a major breakthrough in understanding how everyday slights, insults, and invalidations toward marginalized groups create psychological harm to their mental and physical health and create disparities for them in education, employment, and health care. A national survey has identified Derald Wing Sue as “the most influential multicultural scholar in the United States,” and his works are among the most frequently cited. xiii

PART I

MICROAGGRESSIONS AND MARGINALITY

CHAPTER 1

Microaggressions, Marginality, and Oppression

An Introduction

DERALD WING SUE

MICROAGGRESSIONS ARE THE everyday verbal, nonverbal, and environmental slights, snubs, or insults, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative messages to target persons based solely upon their marginalized group membership (Sue et al., 2007). In many cases, these hidden messages may invalidate the group identity or experiential reality of target persons, demean them on a personal or group level, communicate they are lesser human beings, suggest they do not belong with the majority group, threaten and intimidate, or relegate them to inferior status and treatment. While microaggressions are generally discussed from the perspective of race and racism (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Willis, 1978; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Sue et al., 2007), any marginalized group in our society may become targets: people of color, women, lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgendered people (LGBTs), those with disabilities, religious minorities, and so on (Sue, 2010).

The most detrimental forms of microaggressions are usually delivered by well-intentioned individuals who are unaware that they have engaged in harmful conduct toward a socially devalued group. These everyday occurrences may on the surface appear quite harmless, trivial, or be described as “small slights,” but research indicates they have a powerful impact upon the psychological well-being of marginalized groups (Brondolo et al., 2008; Swim, Hyers, Cohen, & Ferguson, 2001; Szymanski, Kashubeck-West, & Meyer, 2008) and affect their standard of living by creating inequities in health care (Sue & Sue, 2008), education (Bell, 2002), and employment (Purdie-Vaughns, Davis, Steele, & Ditlmann, 2008).

Racial, gender, sexual orientation, disability, class, and religious microaggressions deliver hidden demeaning messages that often lie outside the level of conscious awareness of perpetrators. These hidden messages, however, have detrimental impact upon recipients through the contradictory metacommunications they convey. Some sample microaggressions and their hidden meanings are given next (taken from Sue, 2010; Sue & Capodilupo, 2008).

Racial Microaggressions:

• A White man or woman clutches her purse or checks his wallet as a Black or Latino man approaches or passes them. (Hidden message: You and your group are criminals.)

• An Asian American, born and raised in the United States, is complimented for speaking “good English.” (Hidden message: You are not a true American. You are a perpetual foreigner in your own country.)

• A Black couple is seated at a table in the restaurant next to the kitchen despite there being other empty and more desirable tables located at the front. (Hidden message: You are a second-class citizen and undeserving of first-class treatment.)

Gender Microaggressions:

• An assertive female manager is labeled as a “bitch,” while her male counterpart is described as “a forceful leader.” (Hidden message: Women should be passive and allow men to be the decision makers.)

• A female physician wearing a stethoscope is mistaken for a nurse. (Hidden message: Women should occupy nurturing and not decision-making roles. Women are less capable than men).

• Whistles or catcalls are heard from men as a woman walks down the street. (Hidden message: Your body/appearance is for the enjoyment of men. You are a sex object.)

Sexual Orientation Microaggressions:

• Students use the term “gay” to describe a fellow student who is socially ostracized. (Hidden message: People who are weird, strange, deviant, or different are “gay.”)

• A lesbian client in therapy reluctantly discloses her sexual orientation to a straight therapist by stating she is “into women.” The therapist indicates he is not shocked by the disclosure because he once had a client who was “into dogs.” (Hidden message: Same-sex attraction is abnormal and deviant.)

• Two gay men hold hands in public and are told not to flaunt their sexuality. (Hidden message: Homosexual displays of affection are abnormal and offensive. Keep it private and to yourselves.)

As indicated previously, microaggressions can be based upon any group that is marginalized in this society. Religion, disability, and social class may also reflect the manifestation of microaggressions. Some of these examples include the following.

• When bargaining over the price of an item, a store owner says to a customer, “Don’t try to Jew me down.” (Hidden message: Jews are stingy and moneygrubbing.)

• A blind man reports that people often raise their voices when speaking to him. He responds by saying, “Please don’t raise your voice; I can hear you perfectly well.” (Hidden message: A person with a disability is defined as lesser in all aspects of physical and mental functioning).

• The outfit worn by a TV reality-show mom is described as “classless and trashy.” (Hidden message: Lower-class people are tasteless and unsophisticated.)

MARGINALITY AND OPPRESSION

Groups that are marginalized in our society exist on the lower or outer limits of social desirability and consciousness. Whether racial/ethnic minorities, people with disabilities, LGBTs, or women, these groups are perceived negatively, given less status in society, and confined to existing on the margins of our social, cultural, political, and economic systems. The result is often exclusion from the mainstream of life in our society, unequal treatment, and social injustice. The inferior status and treatment associated with marginality are constant, continuing, and cumulative experiences of socially devalued groups. Racial, gender, and sexual orientation microaggressions, for example, are active manifestations of marginality and/or a reflection of a worldview of inclusion/exclusion, superiority/inferiority, normality/abnormality, and desirability/undesirability (Sue, 2003). Because most people experience themselves as good, moral, and decent human beings, conscious awareness of their hidden biases, prejudices, and discriminatory behaviors threatens their self-image. Thus, they may engage in defensive maneuvers to deny their biases, to personally avoid talking about topics such as racism, sexism, heterosexism, and ableism, and to discourage others from bringing up such topics. On the one hand, these maneuvers serve to preserve the self-image of oppressors, but on the other, they silence the voices of the oppressed. In other words, keeping oppression from being acknowledged and enforcing a conspiracy of silence allows oppressors to (1) maintain their innocence (guilt-free) and (2) leave inequities from being challenged (Sue, 2004).

Microaggressions reflect the active manifestation of oppressive worldviews that create, foster, and enforce marginalization. To be confined to the margins of existence in mainstream life is to be oppressed, persecuted, and subjugated; denied full rights of citizenship; imprisoned or trapped to a lower standard of living; stripped of one’s humanity and dignity; denied equal access and opportunity; invalidated of one’s experiential reality; and restricted or limited as to life choices (Freire, 1970; Hanna, Talley, & Guindon, 2000; Sue, 2004). Oppression can occur through imposition or deprivation. In both cases, they span a continuum from its direct/concrete nature to those with more symbolic or psychological manifestations and from being consciously perpetrated to being unintentional, indirect, and subtle.

IMPOSITION

Oppression by imposition, force, coercion, and duress has been defined by Hanna and colleagues (2000) in the following way: “It is the act of imposing on another or others an object, label, role experience, or set of living conditions that is unwanted, needlessly painful, and detracts from physical or psychological well-being. An imposed object, in this context, can be anything from a bullet, a bludgeon, shackles, or fists, to a penis, unhealthy food, or abusive messages designed to cause or sustain pain, low self-efficacy, reduced self-determination, and so forth. Other examples of oppression by force can be demeaning hard labor, degrading job roles, ridicule, and negative media images and messages that foster and maintain distorted beliefs” (p. 431).

Most of us can immediately recognize the horror and heinous nature of overt and concrete acts of rape (imposition of a penis), torture (imposition of physical and psychological abuse), murder (taking away life), and unjust imprisonment as obvious forms of injustice and unfairness visited upon individuals and groups. Racial hate crimes, for example, are recognized by an overwhelming number of citizens as abhorrent actions that they strongly condemn. They are the actions of White supremacists such as Klan members and Skinheads. Good, moral, and decent folks do not condone such actions. Yet, acts of oppression by imposition or force through microaggressions can be many times more harmful to racial/ethnic minorities than hate crimes (Sue, 2010).

The power of microaggressions lies in their invisibility to perpetrators and oftentimes the recipients. The definition of oppression includes imposing “abusive messages” (microaggressions) that both reflect and perpetuate false beliefs about people of color. Those beliefs cause humiliation and pain, reduce self-determination, confine them to lesser job roles and status in society, and deny them equal access and opportunities in education, employment, and health care. Most of the pain and detrimental impact of racism does not come from that of overt racists but from ordinary, normal, decent people who believe in life, liberty, and the pursuit of justice for all. They are unaware of their racial biases and prejudices but act them out in the form of racial microaggressions.

DEPRIVATION

Oppression can also take a second form—that of deprivation. It can be seen as the flip-side of imposition and involves depriving people of desired jobs, an education, health care, or living conditions necessary for physical and mental well-being. Food, clothing, shelter, love, respect, social support, or self-dignity can be wrested from any marginalized group (Hanna et al., 2000). In our history, we once banned the Sioux nation from practicing their spiritual and religious traditions, deprived them of their lands, and took away their dignity as Indigenous people in their own country. Taking away a group’s humanity and integrity through forced compliance is a very common practice directed toward marginalized groups. When African American students are told to “calm down” and to speak objectively and without emotion because “emotion is antagonistic to reason” and when Asian Americans are admonished because they are too quiet and nonparticipative in classroom discussions, we are not only imposing Western standards of communication styles upon them but also depriving them of their cultural communication styles. When nursing home attendants address their elderly residents as “sweetie” and “dear,” they are unaware of how these microaggressive terms belittle and infantilize the elderly and how they deprive them of their roles as capable and competent adults. “Elderspeak” has been identified as a very harmful and humiliating form of microaggression and can result in a downward spiral for older persons, low self-esteem, withdrawal, and depression (Leland, 2008).

FORMS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

Microaggressions may take three forms: (1) microassault, (2) microinsult, and (3) microinvalidation (Sue et al., 2007). Figure 1.1 briefly defines each, illustrates their relationship to one another, and lists some common hidden messages/denigrating themes under each category that are directed toward people of color. We use racial microaggressions to illustrate more specifically the forms they take when racism is the primary culprit. Please keep in mind that other marginalized groups either may share or may experience different group-specific themes and hidden messages. Research on gender, sexual orientation, disability, class, and religious microaggressions is needed to identify commonalities and differences that may be directed toward other socially devalued groups.

Figure 1.1 Categories and Relationship of Racial Microaggressions. Reproduced from Sue et al. (2007, p. 278).

MICROASSAULTS

Microassaults are conscious biased beliefs or attitudes that are held by individuals and intentionally expressed or acted out overtly or covertly toward a marginalized person or socially devalued group. They differ from the other two forms of microaggressions (to be discussed shortly) in that the perpetrator harbors conscious bias toward an identified and socially devalued group. This bias may be directly and publicly expressed through racist, sexist, or heterosexist statements (using racial epithets or making catcalls toward women, for example) or acted out in any number of ways (preventing a son and daughter from dating or marrying outside of their race, giving second-class service to a woman, and so on). In extreme forms of microassaults, LGBTs may experience teasing and bullying in schools, isolation, physical violence, hate speech, and anti-LGBT legislation.

The case of Matthew Shepard, a gay University of Wyoming student who was tortured, beaten, and tied to a fence to die by two homophobic men, represents extreme acts of hate. Conscious-deliberate bigots generally possess a strong belief in the inferiority of a devalued group and will discriminate when an opportunity arises. Because of strong public condemnation of such undemocratic beliefs and actions, overt expressions of bigotry are most likely to occur when perpetrators feel safe to express their biases and/or they lose emotional control. Social scientists have referred to these forms of overt bigotry as “old-fashioned racism, sexism, or heterosexism” and believe that they have transformed into more disguised, subtle, and less conscious forms (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000; Salvatore & Shelton, 2007; Sue, 2010; Swim & Cohen, 1997). Interestingly, some research suggests that socially devalued groups may find it easier to deal with old-fashioned forms of bigotry, because no guesswork is involved in discerning the motives of the perpetrator. Unconscious and unintentional bias, however, is ambiguous, and subtle and prejudicial actions are less obvious. As we will shortly see, they create psychological dilemmas for marginalized group members.

MICROINSULTS

Microinsults are also forms of microaggressions, but they differ significantly from microassaults in that they likely occur outside the level of conscious awareness of the perpetrator. These are either interpersonal interactions (verbal/nonverbal) or environmental cues that communicate rudeness, insensitivity, slights, and insults that demean a person’s racial, gender, sexual orientation, or group identity and heritage. Microinsults are subtle snubs often unconsciously disguised as a compliment or positive statement directed toward the target person or group. The contradictory communication starts with what appears to be a positive statement but is undermined with an insulting or negative metacommunication.

For example, an African American student who has done outstanding work in his economics class is told by the professor, “You are a credit to your race.” On the conscious level, the professor appears to be complimenting the Black student, while on the other hand, the metacommunication contains an insulting message: “Blacks are generally not as intelligent as Whites. You are an exception to your people.” This type of microinsult does several things: (1) it disguises a racial bias or prejudicial worldview of the perpetrator; (2) it allows the perpetrator to cling to the belief in racial inferiority, albeit unconsciously; and (3) it oppresses and denigrates in a guilt-free manner.

Microinsults can take many other forms. For example, they can occur environmentally. Men who display nude pictures of women from Hustler or Playboy magazines in their places of employment (offices, desks, locker rooms, etc.) may be unknowingly contributing to sexual objectification. The hidden message is that women’s bodies are not their own and they exist to service the sexual fantasies of men. The impact is to strip women of their humanity and the totality of their human essence (intelligence, emotions, personal attributes, and aspirations) and to relegate them to being only sexual beings. Environmental microaggressions are generally invisible to those in the majority group but quite visible to those groups most disempowered (Sue, 2010). When a Fortune 400 company displays pictures of its past CEOs and presidents and they are all White males, there is a powerful metamessage being communicated to women and employees of color: “You will not feel comfortable working at this company.” “You do not belong here.” “People of color and women do not belong in leadership positions.” “If you choose to stay, your advancement is limited.”

MICROINVALIDATIONS

Microinvalidations are similar to microinsults in that they generally occur outside the level of conscious awareness of perpetrators. However, this form of microaggression is perhaps the most insidious, damaging, and harmful form, because microinvalidations directly attack or deny the experiential realities of socially devalued groups (Sue, 2010). They accomplish this goal through interpersonal and environmental cues that exclude, negate, or nullify the psychological thoughts, feelings, beliefs, and experiences of the target group.

Color blindness, for example, is one of the most frequently delivered microinvalidations directed toward people of color. It can be defined as an unwillingness to acknowledge or admit to seeing race or a person’s color. Such an orientation is predicated on the mistaken belief by many Whites that “not seeing color” means they are unbiased and free of racism. As a result, many Whites engage in defensive maneuvers not to appear racist by either pretending not to see color or by actively avoiding any discussions associated with race (Apfelbaum, Sommers, & Norton, 2008; Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Despite studies indicating that race and gender are two of the most easily identifiable qualities seen by people, color blindness and gender blindness inundate our everyday interactions. “There is only one race: the human race.” “When I look at you, I don’t see color.” “We are all Americans.” “Regardless of your gender or race, I believe the most qualified person should get the job.” Such statements and their orientation serve to deny the racial, gender, or sexual orientation reality and experiences of these groups. Sue (2010) has suggested that “the denial of differences is really a denial of power and privilege. The denial of power and privilege is really a denial of personal benefits that accrue to certain privileged groups by virtue of inequities.” The ultimate denial is a denial that dominant group members profit from the isms of our society and a denial of personal responsibility to take action.

PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS OF MICROAGGRESSIONS

In a previous publication, Sue and colleagues (2007) identified four major psychological dilemmas or dynamics created by microaggressions directed toward racial groups: (1) the clash of realities between the dominant group and socially devalued group members, (2) the invisibility of unintentional bias and discrimination, (3) the perceived minimal harm of microaggressions, and (4) the catch-22 of responding. The analysis here is being broadened to include a number of different marginalized groups besides that of race.

CLASH OF REALITIES

Studies reveal that culture and group-based experiences (racial, gender, sexual orientation, religious, and class) shape worldviews and influence the perception of reality of various groups (Babbington, 2008; Hanna et al., 2000; Sue, 2010). For example, the racial reality of people of color has been found to be significantly different from that of White Americans (Astor, 1997). Many Whites seem to believe that racism is no longer a significant problem (à la post-Obama race era), while many Blacks continue to report that their lives are filled with constant and continuing experiences of prejudice and discrimination. Women continue to report that sexism keeps them from rising to top managerial positions, that their contributions are not recognized by their male counterparts in the workplace, that they are not promoted when otherwise qualified, and that they encounter the glass ceiling frequently. Men, however, are fond of saying that “competence will rise to the top” regardless of gender and that “you’ve come a long way, baby.”

Such differences in racial, gender, or sexual orientation realities is most pronounced when a significant power differential exists between groups that hold power and those who are most disempowered (Sue, 2003). Whites hold greater power over people of color. Men hold greater power than women. Straights possess greater power than LGBTs, able-bodied people are more likely to have power over those with disabilities, and those with wealth hold greater power over the poor or less affluent. “True power,” however, is in a group’s ability to define reality (Guthrie, 1998; Hanna et al., 2000; Keltner & Robinson, 1996). In general, mainstream groups hold the ability to define reality through the tools of education, mass media, and social institutions. When children are taught by parents, the mass media, and schools that LGBTs are sick or deviant, when people of color are portrayed as dangerous and unintelligent, and when women are stereotyped as the weaker sex and less capable in leadership positions, a system of hierarchy and access to privilege and power is established in our society.

Racial, gender, and sexual orientation microaggressions, especially microinsults and microinvalidations, operate from an imposed reality that is outside the level of conscious awareness when the beliefs, biases, and false assumptions are defined as truth and normative. Thus, if racism, sexism, and heterosexism are believed to no longer be a major problem and if normality is based upon White, male, and “straight” standards, then those who differ from them are defined as abnormal and problematic. We have already indicated that microaggressions are reflections of worldviews of inclusion/ exclusion and normality/abnormality. When racial microaggressions are delivered by well-intentioned White brothers and sisters, perpetrators are unlikely to be aware of the biased hidden messages they are sending to people of color. Herein lies a major dilemma. If motives and the insulting messages of perpetrators are outside awareness, how do we make the “invisible” visible? In other words, when a clash of racial realities occurs, whose reality is likely to hold sway? Whose reality will be judged to be the true reality? The answer, unfortunately, is that the group who holds the greatest power has the ability to impose reality on less powerful groups.

Let us try to address these questions from the perspectives of both perpetrators and targets using racial microaggressions as an example. In studies dealing with racial microaggressions in the classroom (Sue, Lin, Torino, Capodilupo, & Rivera, 2009), it was found that (1) racial microaggressions were often instigators to difficult dialogues on race, (2) students of color could identify and define them quite well, (3) White students had difficulties understanding what they had done or said that was racially offensive, and (4) Whites often became defensive and labeled students of color as “oversensitive” and even “paranoid.” Additionally, similar findings regarding White professors were found (Sue et al.). They had great difficulty recognizing racial microaggressions committed by White students; more importantly, they were equally baffled in identifying them when they themselves were the perpetrators!

One common racial microaggression delivered by well-intentioned White teachers can be seen in the following example. Black students often report that when they make a particularly insightful or intelligent comment in class, both White students and White professors act surprised. A common reaction by professors is to compliment the student with a remark such as “That was a most articulate, intelligent, and insightful analysis.” On the surface, this is a compliment that many students, regardless of race, should find flattering. Yet, many Black students report being uncomfortable with the remark, and some report being very offended. The hidden racial microaggressive message, they contend, is that it reflects a belief that African Americans generally lack intelligence and are less capable. Thus, when one of them exhibits insight and intellect, it is surprising and unusual. The microaggressive message does two things: (1) it reflects a biased belief that African Americans are less capable than Whites, and (2) it allows the perpetrator to cling to the widespread belief in the inferiority of Blacks, even in the face of contradictory evidence (he or she is an exception).

When targets of microaggressions attempt to point out the offensive nature of remarks and actions from perpetrators, they are told that their perceptions are inaccurate, that they are oversensitive, or that they are paranoid. In other words, they are out of touch with reality. The experiential realities of those in power are imposed upon less powerful groups by denying their perceptions and life experiences. Interestingly, some have asserted or found that those groups who are least empowered have the most accurate assessment of reality (Hanna et al., 2000; Keltner & Robinson, 1996; Sue, 2003). Such a conclusion makes common sense, as those in power do not need to understand disempowered groups to survive or do well, while those without much power must actively discern the mindset and motives of those with power in order to survive. Women in the workforce must understand the thinking of their male counterparts to do well, but the reciprocal is not true for men.

INVISIBILITY OF UNINTENTIONAL BIAS

Research on aversive racism (Dovidio, Gaertner, Kawakami, & Hodson, 2002), subtle sexism (Swim et al., 2001), and heterosexism (Herek, 1998) has shown that socialization and cultural conditioning fosters unconscious biases and misinformation about various marginalized groups in our society; some research even suggests that cultural conditioning can actually connect prejudices to emotions in a neurological manner (Abelson, Dasgupta, Park, & Banaji, 1998). Thus, it is highly possible and even probable that most people have unconsciously inherited the cultural biases of their forebears and that of society.

The concept of aversive racism is central to our understanding of microaggressions (Dovidio, Gaertner, Penner, Pearson, & Norton, 2009; Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005). Simply defined, aversive racism is a contemporary form of bias: It is an insidious and less conspicuous form of racism that hides in the assumptions/beliefs/values of well-intentioned people and is difficult to identify in its motivational manifestations. This is especially true when such biases are invisible to perpetrators and are unintentional in nature. According to Dovidio and colleagues, aversive racists truly believe they are nonprejudiced, consciously hold egalitarian values, and would never deliberately discriminate; yet, they are likely to harbor unconscious biases that may result in discriminatory actions. Studies reveal that training and education may be successful in confronting and lessening conscious biases, stereotypes, and preconceived notions but that implicit biases generally remain untouched and unaffected (Boysen & Vogel, 2008).

Because most people experience themselves as good, moral, and decent human beings, they find it difficult to entertain the notion that they may have acted in a racist, sexist, or heterosexist manner. Thus, in addition to holding hidden biases, getting them to confront their prejudices and discriminatory actions threatens their self-image as someone who stands for equality, justice, and respect for everyone. Two layers of resistance are present: (1) the unawareness and unintentionality of their prejudices and discriminatory actions and (2) the need to preserve their self-image as an unbiased and good person. If one’s prejudices are unconscious, if one’s discriminatory actions are unintentional, and if one’s self-image is locked into a belief of one’s inherent goodness, the challenges and questions become: How do we make the invisible visible? How do we reach people so that they can become aware of their biases? How do we make people see the harm perpetrated against socially devalued groups in our society? The last question leads us to the third psychological dilemma posed by microaggressions.

PERCEIVED MINIMAL HARM

Even when people acknowledge that they may have made an innocent offensive remark, it is often described as a small slight and the impact is minimized. The recipients of the insults are usually encouraged to “let it go” and “get over it.” Such advice, however, is easier said than done and in itself may constitute a microaggression, because it denies the harmful impact and experiential reality of such biases. Indeed, racial microaggressions are often described as banal and minor offenses and as trivial in nature.

Overwhelming evidence exists, however, that far from being trivial, microaggressions have major consequences for marginalized groups. Their cumulative nature and continuing day-in and day-out experience have been found to (1) contribute to a hostile and invalidating campus and work climate (Dovidio et al., 2009; Rowe, 1990; Solórzano et al., 2000), (2) devalue social group identities (Purdie-Vaughns et al., 2008), (3) lower work productivity and educational learning (Salvatore & Shelton, 2007; Sue, 2010), (4) perpetuate stereotype threat (Cardinu, Maas, Rosabianca, & Kiesner, 2005; Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002), (5) create physical health problems (Brondolo, Rieppi, Kelly, & Gerin, 2003; Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999), and (6) assail mental health by creating emotional turmoil, low self-esteem, and psychological energy depletion (Sue, 2010).

Microaggressions are also found to create disparities in health care, education, and employment (Sue, 2010) because they are based upon a biased worldview that is manifested in hiring, retention, and promotion decisions in the workplace; that reduces the quality of education received by students of color, for example; and that may result in lower quality of health care for certain groups. Persons of color, LGBTs, women, people with disabilities, and other marginalized groups are subjected to chronic, continuing, and daily microaggressive stressors from well-intentioned individuals who are unaware of the insults, slights, and demeaning actions they visit upon these groups. Sue (2010) has summarized how microaggressive stress can be manifested through four identifiable pathways:

1. Biological and physical effects: Stress has been associated with increased susceptibility to illness and may affect the course of a disease (Keltner & Dowben, 2007; Underwood, 2005). Early studies on the life-change model of stress have found that the accumulation of small changes could be additive and become a potent form of stress equal to the effect of a major catastrophic trauma (Holmes & Rahe, 1967). When these stresses summate and act together, they are strongly correlated with increased illnesses and severity. As we have repeatedly emphasized, race-related, gender-related, and sexual-orientation-related stresses (microaggressions) are anything but insignificant. Women who perceived greater job stress related to bias had higher fibrinogen levels, believed to be correlated with coronary heart disease (Davis, Mathews, Meilahn, & Kiss, 1995); LGBTs who experienced greater levels of microaggressions reported more health-related problems; and it has been shown that race-related stress negatively affects the biological health of persons of color (Brondolo et al., 2008; Clark et al., 1999).

2. Emotional effects: Racism, sexism, heterosexism, and other forms of bias directed toward socially devalued groups have been shown to affect their emotional well-being, psychological adjustment, and mental health (Buser, 2009; Moradi, Van den Berg, & Epting, 2009; Utsey & Hook, 2007). Anxiety, feelings of alienation, subjective well-being, and exhaustion may be associated with the experience of group-specific microaggressions (Harrell, 2000; Ponterotto, Utsey, & Pedersen, 2006; Sue, 2010). Depression, for example, has been found to be related to gender (women are more likely to report these feelings and to exhibit a diagnosable disorder; Strickland, 1992). Gender role conflicts; overt, covert, and subtle sexism; subservient roles to men; and lower sense of self-control have all been suggested as possible causes (Hill & Fischer, 2008; Sue, Sue, & Sue, 2010).

3. Cognitive effects: The effects of microaggressions can be classified under three processes: (1) attempts to make meaning of an incident with potential microaggressive overtones, (2) disrupted cognitive processing, and (3) stereotype threat. First, when a microaggressive incident occurs, considerable energy is expended toward attempting to make sense of the situation. (Was this a microaggression? Did what happened really happen? Was this a compliment or a slight? If the latter, how should I respond? If I do, what will be the consequences?) Second, these questions or attempts to understand what has occurred cause cognitive disruption, so the person is unable to focus directly on the task at hand. At work, productivity may be affected, or at school, the student may be less likely to solve problems. Third, stereotype threat may be activated in the mind of the person, leading to lowered performance.

4. Behavioral effects: Microaggressions can signal a hostile or invalidating climate that threatens the physical and emotional safety of the devalued group, assails self-esteem, and imposes forced compliance (oppression) upon them. Sue (2010) has summarized five behavioral effects of microaggressions when directed toward marginalized groups: (1) hypervigilance /skepticism (suspiciousness toward the majority group), (2) forced compliance (surviving or being co-opted), (3) rage and anger, (4) fatigue and hopelessness, and (5) strength through adversity. This last behavioral attribute is related to the development of functional survival skills used to negotiate hostile and demeaning microaggressions directed toward the individual or group.

It is clear from an analysis of the harmful and detrimental consequences of microaggressions that marginalized groups in our society suffer biologically, emotionally, cognitively, and behaviorally. Microaggressions are far from banal and insignificant slights; they are oppressive and harmful to the well-being of many groups in our society.

THE CATCH-22 OF RESPONDING TO MICROAGGRESSIONS

Microaggressions, especially microinsults and microinvalidations, place socially devalued group members in an unenviable position of (1) trying to ascertain the motivations behind the actions of perpetrators and (2) deciding whether and how to respond. Since many microaggressions are likely to be delivered unintentionally and their real motives are not conscious to the perpetrator, they are usually filled with double meanings and/or are very ambiguous. On a conscious level, dominant group members who engage in unconscious microaggressions believe they are acting in an unbiased manner, complimenting the target, or making a rationale decision. When a statement such as “I believe the most qualified person should get the job” is made to a female job candidate, the job seeker is caught in a double bind: On the one hand, the statement is valid and reasonable, but on the other hand, experience has shown the woman job hunter that it can be used to justify not hiring women and offering such positions to male candidates. When students of color are seldom called upon by a White professor to answer questions, is this a random act, or is the professor operating from an unconscious assumption that minorities are less likely to have intelligent comments or answers to class problems? The term “attributional ambiguity” has been given to motivational uncertainty in that the motives and meanings of a person’s actions are unclear and hazy. Studies suggest that attributional ambiguity depletes psychological energy by diverting attention away from other important tasks (problem solving in classrooms and work productivity in the workplace; Cardinu et al., 2005; Sue, Lin, & Rivera, 2009).

Second, a catch-22 is often induced in the recipient of microaggressions. The conflict involves how to respond to the person when a remark or action conveys a demeaning insult or offense.

In the face of an offensive group-specific comment, the target is placed in a “damned if you do and damned if you don’t” situation. That is, if the person does nothing, he or she may suffer from a sense of low self-esteem, a feeling of not being true to the self, and a loss of self-integrity. Yet, to confront the perpetrator or to raise the issue may result in negative consequences. Sue (2010) has observed that most marginalized group members choose or are forced to do nothing. He proposes several reasons for this common reaction.

1. Attributional ambiguity: As mentioned, the person is thrown into a very confusing and ambiguous situation, making it difficult to conclude whether an offense has occurred. This is especially true when the perpetrator seems to be a well-intentioned individual.

2. Response indecision: Even when a microaggression is obvious to the target, the person may be at a loss as to how best to respond: “If I express anger, the perpetrator will only become defensive.” “Should I try a rational approach?” “What is the best way to react and point out its impact upon me?”

3. Time-limited nature of responding: In most cases, microaggressions occur quickly and are embedded in the larger context of a communication. The instantaneous nature of microaggressions leaves little time to respond. By the time a response is considered, the conversation or event may have changed or moved on to something else.

4. Denying experiential reality: Many marginalized group members may engage in self-deception and deny that their close neighbor, partner, or friend engaged in an offensive action toward them. In most cases, the person has a need to cling to the belief that the microaggressor does not look down (even unconsciously) upon their race, gender, sexual orientation, and so on.

5. Impotency of actions: This is a common reaction—the belief that any action taken will not do any good or will have minimal impact on the microaggressor or situation. Individuals may simply give up or develop a sense of hopelessness. On the other hand, some may simply realize that actions will do little good and desire to conserve their energies and efforts for larger battles.

Ever present in the awareness of marginalized group members is the power differential that generally exists between perpetrators and targets. Should a Latina/o student who is the target of microaggressions from fellow White students or even from the professor raise the issue? In this case, the Latina/o student may be outnumbered in the class by fellow White students who will be unable to see the microaggression; they may become defensive, or they may see the Latina/o student as oversensitive. Additionally, the power differential becomes especially clear if a White professor is involved. Questions and thoughts likely to race through the mind of the student include: “Will the professor be offended?” “Will the professor think less of me?” “Will I get a poor grade in his or her class?” “Maybe I should just do nothing and let it go.”

THE WAY FORWARD: ABOUT THIS EDITED BOOK

All interpersonal interactions that involve race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, class, disability, and so forth may be prone to microaggressions. While the concept of racial microaggressions is not new (Pierce et al., 1978), their impact on academic climates (Solórzano et al., 2000), work sites (Sue et al., 2009), mental health (Sue & Capodilupo, 2008), and the development of a working taxonomy (Sue et al., 2007) has gained high visibility in only recent years. As the understanding of the psychological dynamics of racial microaggressions has developed, many other marginalized groups have begun to translate how microaggressions may be tied to group-specific stereotypes, biases, and misinformation. In the book Racial Microaggressions in Everyday Life : Race, Gender, and Sexual Orientation, Sue (2010) summarized and offered a conceptual framework to view how three major sociodemographic groups shared similarities and differences in life experiences related to an ethnocentric, monocultural perspective that socially devalued certain groups in our society.

In this edited book, Microaggressions and Marginalized Groups in Society, we attempt to provide a unique cutting-edge text that expands the concepts of microaggressions to include many marginalized groups in our society. It presents the most recent scholarly research and formulations on race, gender, sexual orientation, gender, religion, class, and disability microaggressions. We believe this text will be in high demand for courses in the social sciences, education, and those that are related to topics of marginality, social justice, and prejudice and discrimination.

While much has been written about contemporary forms of racism, sexism, and homophobia, many studies in health care, education, law, employment, mental health, and social settings indicate the difficulty of describing and defining discrimination that occurs via “implicit bias”; it is difficult to identify, quantify, and rectify because of its subtle, nebulous, and unnamed nature. The subtle isms of our society remain relatively invisible and potentially harmful to the well-being, self-esteem, and standard of living of many marginalized groups in society. These daily common experiences of aggression may have significantly more influence on anger, frustration, and self-esteem than traditional overt forms of racism, sexism, and heterosexism. Furthermore, their invisible nature prevents perpetrators from realizing and confronting their own complicity in creating psychological dilemmas for minorities and their role in creating disparities in employment, health care, and education.

The text discusses the manifestation, psychological dynamics, and impact of microaggressions on the well-being of marginalized groups and will elucidate their role in creating disparities in education, employment, and health care. The text is unique because it (1) pulls together in an integrated fashion the relationship of marginality to group-specific microaggressions (race, gender, sexual orientation, class, and religious orientation), (2) contains both conceptual and qualitative research pieces, and (3) allows for comparing and contrasting similarities and differences between and among multiple marginalized groups.

REFERENCES

Abelson, R. P., Dasgupta, N., Park, J., & Banaji, M. R. (1998). Perceptions of the collective other. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2, 243-250.

Apfelbaum, E. P., Sommers, S. R., & Norton, M. I. (2008). Seeing race and seeming racist: Evaluating strategic colorblindness in social interaction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95, 918-932.

Astor, C. (1997). Gallup Poll: Progress in Black/White relations, but race is still an issue. U.S. Society & Values. Retrieved February 16, 2007, from . http://usinfo.stategov/journals/itsv/0897/ijse/gallup.htm.

Babbington, C. (2008). Poll shows gap between Blacks and Whites over racial discrimination. Retrieved March 15, 2009, from http://news.yahoo.com/page/election-2008-political-pulse-race-in-america.

Bell, L. A. (2002). Sincere fictions: The pedagogical challenges of preparing White teachers for multicultural classrooms. Equity and Excellence in Education, 35, 236-244.

Bonilla-Silva, E. (2006). Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Boysen, G. A., & Vogel, D. L. (2008). The relationship between level of training, implicit bias, and multicultural competency among counselor trainees. Training and Education in Professional Psychology, 2, 103-110.

Brondolo, E., Brady, N., Thompson, S., Tobin, J. N., Cassells, A., Sweeney, M., et al. (2008). Perceived racism and negative affect: Analyses of trait and state measures of affect in a community sample. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 27, 150-173.

Brondolo, E., Rieppi, R., Kelly, K. P., & Gerin, K. W. (2003). Perceived racism and blood pressure: A review of the literature and conceptual and methodological critique. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 25, 55-65.

Buser, J. K. (2009). Treatment-seeking disparity between African Americans and Whites: Attitudes toward treatment, coping resources, and racism. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 37(2), 94-104.

Cardinu, M., Maas, A., Rosabianca, A., & Kiesner, J. (2005). Why do women under-perform under stereotype threat? Evidence for the role of negative thinking. Psychological Science, 16, 572-578.

Clark, R., Anderson, N. B., Clark, V. R., & Williams, D. R. (1999). Racism as a stressor for African Americans. American Psychologist, 54, 805-816.

Davis, M. C., Mathews, K. A., Meilahn, E. N., & Kiss, J. E. (1995). Are job characteristics related to fibrinogen levels in middle-aged women? Health Psychology, 14, 310-318.

Dovidio, J. F., & Gaertner, S. L. (2000). Aversive racism and selective decisions: 1989- 1999. Psychological Science, 11, 315-319.

Dovidio, J. F., Gaertner, S. L., Kawakami, K., & Hodson, G. (2002). Why can’t we all just get along? Interpersonal biases and interracial distrust. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 8, 88-102.

Dovidio, J. J., Gaertner, S. L., Penner, L. A., Pearson, A. R., & Norton, W. E. (2009). Aversive racism: How unconscious bias influences behavior: Implications for legal, employment, and health care contexts. In J. L. Chin (Ed.), Diversity in mind and action (Vol. 3, pp. 21-35). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.

Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum.

Gaertner, S. L., & Dovidio, J. F. (2005). Understanding and addressing contemporary racism: From aversive racism to the common ingroup identity model. Journal of Social Issues, 61(3), 615-639.

Guthrie, R. V. (1998). Even the rat was White (2nd ed.). New York: Harper & Row.

Hanna, F. J., Talley, W. B., & Guindon, M. H. (2000). The power of perception: Toward a model of cultural oppression and liberation. Journal of Counseling and Development, 78, 430-446.

Harrell, J. P. (2000). A multidimensional conceptualization of racism-related stress: Implications for the well-being of people of color. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70, 42-57.

Herek, G. M. (Ed.). (1998). Stigma and sexual orientation: Understanding prejudice against lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Hill, M. S., & Fischer, A. R. (2008). Lesbian and heterosexual women’s experiences with sexual- and self-objectification. Counseling Psychologist, 36, 745-776.

Holmes, T. H., & Rahe, R. H. (1967). The Social Readjustment Rating Scale. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 11, 213-218.

Keltner, N. G., & Dowben, J. S. (2007). Psychobiological substrates of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder: Part I. Perspectives in Psychiatric Care, 43, 97-101.

Keltner, D., & Robinson, R. J. (1996). Extremism, power, and imagined basis of social conflict. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 5, 101-105.

Leland, J. (2008, October 7). In “sweetie” and “dear,” a hurt for the elderly. New York Times. Retrieved from www.nytimes.com/2008/10/07/us/07aging.html?=todayspaper&pagewanted=print.

Moradi, B., Van den Berg, J. J., & Epting, F. R. (2009). Threat and guilt aspects of internalized antilesbian and gay prejudice: An application of personal construct theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 56, 119-131.

Pierce, C., Carew, J., Pierce-Gonzalez, D., & Willis, D. (1978). An experiment in racism: TV commercials. In C. Pierce (Ed.), Television and education (pp. 62-88). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Ponterotto, J. G., Utsey, S. O., & Pedersen, P. B. (2006). Preventing prejudice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Purdie-Vaughns, V., Davis, P. G., Steele, C. M., & Ditlmann, R. (2008). Social identity contingencies: How diversity cues signal threat or safety for African Americans in mainstream institutions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 615-630.

Rowe, M. P. (1990). Barriers to equality: The power of subtle discrimination to maintain unequal opportunity. Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal, 3, 153-163.

Salvatore, J., & Shelton, J. N. (2007). Cognitive costs of exposure to racial prejudice. Psychological Science, 18, 810-815.

Solórzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60-73.

Steele, C. M., Spencer, S. J., & Aronson, J. (2002). Contending with group image: The psychology of stereotype and social identity threat. In M. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 23, pp. 379-440). New York: Academic Press.

Strickland, B. R. (1992). Women and depression. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 1, 132-135.

Sue, D. W. (2003). Overcoming our racism: The journey to liberation. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.