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- Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
- Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2020
The essential, authoritative guide to microaggressions, revised and updated The revised and updated second edition of Microaggressions in Everyday Life presents an introduction to the concept of microaggressions, classifies the various types of microaggressions, and offers solutions for ending microaggressions at the individual, group, and community levels. The authors--noted experts on the topic--explore the psychological effects of microaggressions on both perpetrators and targets. Subtle racism, sexism, and heterosexism remain relatively invisible and potentially harmful to the wellbeing, self-esteem, and standard of living of many marginalized groups in society. The book examines the manifestations of various forms of microaggressions and explores their impact. The text covers: researching microaggressions, exploring microaggressions in education, identifying best practices teaching about microaggressions, understanding microaggressions in the counseling setting, as well as guidelines for combating microaggressions. Each chapter concludes with a section called "The Way Forward" that provides guidelines, strategies, and interventions designed to help make our society free of microaggressions. This important book: * Offers an updated edition of the seminal work on microaggressions * Distinguishes between microaggressions and macroaggressions * Includes new information on social media as a key site where microaggressions occur * Presents updated qualitative and quantitative findings * Introduces the concept of microinterventions * Contains new coverage throughout the text with fresh examples and new research findings from a wide range of studies Written for students, faculty, and practitioners of psychology, education, social work, and related disciplines, the revised edition of Microaggressions in Everyday Life illustrates the impact microaggressions have on both targets and perpetrators and offers suggestions to eradicate microaggressions.
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Table of Contents
Cover
Preface
What Is New to the Second Edition?
SECTION ONE: Psychological Manifestation and Dynamics of Microaggressions
CHAPTER ONE: Microaggressions as Toxic Rain: Here, There, and Everywhere!
“Still I Rise”
What Are Microaggressions?
Racial Microaggressions
Gender Microaggressions
Sexual‐Orientation Microaggressions
Misunderstanding Microaggressions
Microaggressions, Marginality, and Harmful Impact
CHAPTER TWO: Taxonomy of Microaggressions
Conscious and Deliberate Bigotry versus Unconscious and Unintentional Bias
Environmental Macroaggressions
Forms of Microaggressions
Microinsults and Microinvalidations: Common Themes
CHAPTER THREE: The Psychological Dilemmas and Dynamics of Microaggressions
Clash of Racial Realities: “You Are Just Being Hypersensitive and Misreading the Situation!”
Invisibility of Unintentional Biases: “I'm Not a Racist!”
Perceived Minimal Harm of Microaggressions: “Don't Make a Mountain Out of a Molehill!”
The Catch‐22 of Responding to Microaggressions: “You're Damned if You Do and Damned if You Don't!”
SECTION TWO: Microaggressive Impact on Targets and Perpetrators
CHAPTER FOUR: The Microaggression Process Model: The Internal Struggle of Targets
Tracing the Impact of Microaggressions
The Microaggression Process Model: Recap
CHAPTER FIVE: Microaggressive Stress: Impact on Physical and Psychological Well‐Being
Biological Stressors: A Roadmap to Understanding Microaggressive Harm
Psychological and Social Stressors
The Harmful Effects of Microaggressive Stress
Strength through Adversity
CHAPTER SIX: Microaggressive Perpetrators: Who, What, When, How, and Why?
Who Are Microaggressive Perpetrators?
How and Why Do Individuals Perpetrate Microaggressions?
What Makes It So Difficult For Perpetrators To Recognize Their Privilege?
What Are the Costs of Microaggressions to Perpetrators?
SECTION THREE: Interrogating Microaggressions: On Research, Teaching, and Counseling
CHAPTER SEVEN: Researching Microaggressions: Show Me the Evidence!
In Their Own Words: Qualitative Investigation of Microaggressions
Do Findings Generalize? Quantitative Investigation of Microaggressions
Summary
CHAPTER EIGHT: Teaching about Microaggressions
Faculty Narratives: Facing Challenges in the Classroom
Encountering Microaggressions in the Classroom
Navigating Microaggressions: What Can Educators Do?
Microaggressions Pedagogy: How to Teach about Microaggressions
CHAPTER NINE: Microaggressions in Counseling and Psychotherapy
Underutilization of Mental Health Services
Premature Termination and Quality of Mental Health Care
Multicultural Counseling Competence
Manifestations of Racial Microaggressions in Counseling and Psychotherapy
Microaggressions Influence Counseling Process and Outcomes
SECTION FOUR: Disarming Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
CHAPTER TEN: Microintervention Strategies for Disarming Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
The Need to Take Action: Targets, Allies, and Bystanders
Responding to Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
Microinterventions
Microinterventions and Macroaggressions
Context Matters
References
Author Index
Subject Index
End User License Agreement
List of Tables
Chapter 2
Table 2.1 Examples of Racial, Gender, and Sexual‐Orientation Microaggressions
Chapter 4
Table 4.1 Microaggression Process Model
Chapter 5
Table 5.1 Sample Stressors and Their Rankings by Undergraduate College Studen...
Chapter 7
Table 7.1 Microaggressions Scales
Chapter 9
Table 9.1 Microaggressions in Counseling and Psychotherapy
Chapter 10
Table 10.1 Microintervention Strategies.
List of Illustrations
Chapter 2
Figure 2.1 Categories of and Associations among Microaggressions. Reproduced...
Chapter 10
Figure 10.1 Microintervention Strategies
Guide
Cover
Table of Contents
Begin Reading
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MICROAGGRESSIONS IN EVERYDAY LIFE
Second Edition
DERALD WING SUE, PhD
LISA BETH SPANIERMAN, PhD
This edition first published 2020© 2020 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Edition History1e, 2010, John Wiley and Sons, Inc
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by law. Advice on how to obtain permission to reuse material from this title is available at http://www.wiley.com/go/permissions.
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Library of Congress Cataloging‐in‐Publication Data
Names: Sue, Derald Wing, author. | Spanierman, Lisa, author.Title: Microaggressions in everyday life / Derald Wing Sue, PhD, Teachers College, Columbia University, Lisa Beth Spanierman, PhD, Arizona State University.Description: Second Edition. | Hoboken : Wiley, 2020. | Revised edition of Microaggressions in everyday life, c2010. | Includes bibliographical references and index.Identifiers: LCCN 2019027809 (print) | LCCN 2019027810 (ebook) | ISBN 9781119513797 (paperback) | ISBN 9781119513803 (adobe pdf) | ISBN 9781119513810 (epub)Subjects: LCSH: Aggressiveness. | Offenses against the person. | Cross‐cultural counseling.Classification: LCC BF575.A3 S88 2020 (print) | LCC BF575.A3 (ebook) | DDC 155.2/32–dc23LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019027809LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019027810
Cover Design: WileyCover Image: © Adrienne Bresnahan/Getty Images
Preface
Microaggressions in Everyday Life, Second Edition is about the damaging consequences of everyday prejudice, bias, and discrimination on the lives of marginalized groups in our society. Building on the highly successful first edition, this completely revised and updated version analyzes the most recent research findings and current scholarly thinking on the manifestation, dynamics, and impact of microaggressions across a broad range of marginalized groups and settings. Microaggressions theory has become integrated into many professional fields including psychology, education, law, medicine, and public policy and has become part of mainstream discourse (e.g., print, television, and talk radio) and social media (e.g., internet blogs and Facebook). The concept of microaggressions, which initially focused on race and communities of color, has been applied to many marginalized groups in society (women, LGBTQ populations, people with disabilities, religious minorities, and persons living in poverty), and in a multitude of settings (classrooms, public spaces, and places of employment). In 2017 the word “microaggression” was formally added to the Merriam‐Webster Dictionary, thereby making the term a part of the American lexicon.
Those of you familiar with the first edition will note that major changes have occurred in coverage and emphasis due to my collaboration with Dr. Lisa B. Spanierman, an expert scholar and researcher on the psychosocial costs of racism to White Americans, the detrimental impact of microaggressions to targets, and the roles and responsibilities of White racial justice allies. Her expertise in this revised edition offers a fresh contemporary look, incorporates new and important topical areas, and applies microaggression research to everyday life. Although there are a number of major organizational and topical changes, we have maintained three key features that our readers consistently declare as extremely helpful: (a) using real‐life examples or case vignettes at the opening of most chapters to illustrate the upcoming content; (b) employing contemporary interpersonal, social, and political events that anchor the concepts of explicit and implicit bias; and (c) concluding each chapter with a section titled “The Way Forward” that provides concrete future actions/directions to combat microaggressions.
Organizationally, we have eliminated three chapters from the first edition that deal separately with racial microaggressions, gender microaggressions, and sexual‐orientation microaggressions. Instead, we have incorporated these group‐based microaggressions throughout the chapters and discussed microaggressions in an integrated fashion, pointing out similarities and differences between the targeted groups.
What Is New to the Second Edition?
According to many psychologists and educators, the taxonomy of microaggressions has revolutionized the way we think about prejudice and discrimination. Since the publication of “Racial Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Implications for Clinical Practice” (Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007) and of Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Race, Gender and Sexual Orientation (Sue, 2010), there have been over 20,000 publications on the topic (Google Scholar, October 2018). The journal article and book have generated a multitude of research studies, conceptual/analytical models, case studies, anecdotal reports, and editorial/opinion pieces. This current edition was guided by the most up‐to‐date research findings on microaggressions, resulting in what we hope will become an equally important and groundbreaking standard for the field. The new features/topics of Microaggressions in Everyday Life, Second Edition are discussed next.
The majority of work on microaggressions has focused on how they detrimentally harm target populations. In this new edition, we devote Chapter 6 to how macrolevel systems of dominance and oppression affect the microlevel psyche and behavior of perpetrators or offenders. Interestingly, very little research has focused on understanding those who commit microaggressions. Thus, we address several important questions: Who are microaggressive perpetrators? How and why do individuals perpetrate microaggressions? What makes it so difficult for perpetrators to recognize their role in the transmission of microaggressions? What are the costs of microaggressions to those who perpetrate them? This last question is unique and important because most discussions of perpetrators emphasize power, privilege, and the advantages that accrue to dominant‐group members who engage in oppressive acts. We show, however, that research reveals microaggressors experience a multitude of psychosocial costs (emotional, behavioral, spiritual, and moral) that deplete their humanity.
Second, we also introduce a completely new concept in this edition that we label microinterventions. In our work with microaggressions, we have repeatedly asked how people can effectively fight against expressions of bias. In Chapter 10 we review the literature and findings on antibias actions and develop a conceptual framework of strategies (microinterventions)—a repertoire of responses used to directly disarm or counteract the effects of micro‐ and macroaggressions by challenging perpetrators who deliver interpersonal slights and persons in authority who operate under biased policies or practices. In this chapter we describe the potential antiracist actions of three major groups—targets, allies, and bystanders—in their struggle against racism. We believe these constituents must take a proactive stance against the discriminatory actions of perpetrators. Drawing from research studies, we extract guiding principles and provide suggestions, strategies, and interventions that disrupt, diminish, or terminate prejudice and discrimination at the individual level. We also address the need for scholars and practitioners to develop antiracist microintervention strategies directed at biased institutional programs and practices and toward biased societal social policies as well.
Third, another major addition to the book is Chapter 7, “Researching Microaggressions: Show Me the Evidence,” and our stance that there are multiple ways to ask and answer questions about the human condition, especially in the study of microaggressions. Unlike some scholars who minimize the importance of experiential reality and targets’ perspectives, we believe that methodological diversity is necessary and must involve to some degree people's lived experiences. We provide a historical look at how the study of microaggressions has evolved over the years; the advantages and disadvantages of specific research strategies; and a description of both qualitative and quantitative methodologies used to portray a more comprehensive picture of the nature, manifestation, expression, and impact of microaggressions and how these aspects vary for different groups in different contexts. Of special relevance to future researchers, we provide an overview of more than a dozen microaggression scales commonly used to research these forms of bias.
Fourth, throughout the book we distinguish between the usage of the terms “microaggressions” and “macroaggressions.” In our earlier formulation of microaggression theory, we concentrated primarily on microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations. This led to confusion when some in the public began to use the term “macroaggressions” to indicate the immense harm that often resulted from a microaggression. Unlike microaggressions, which are situated in microlevel interpersonal contexts, macroaggressions affect whole groups or classes of people because they are systemic in nature. Further, microaggressions reside in the beliefs and attitudes of individuals, while macroaggressions reside in the programs, policies, and practices of institutions and society. Disarming or counteracting microaggressions refers to neutralizing bigotry among individuals, whereas combating macroaggressions refers to changing the policies and practices of organizations and institutions that deny equal access and opportunity for all.
Fifth, being both educators and mental health practitioners, we introduce two completely revised chapters: Chapter 8, “Teaching About Microaggressions,” which has implications for educators, and Chapter 9, “Microaggressions in Counseling and Psychotherapy.” As it is nearly impossible to separate the practice of teaching about microaggressions from the dynamics of encountering microaggressions in the classroom, in Chapter 8 we focus on teaching about microaggressions as well as using teachable moments effectively when microaggressions occur in our classrooms. In Chapter 9 we underscore how clients’ presenting concerns may be related to microaggressive harm in their everyday lives. We also emphasize how well‐intentioned helping professionals unknowingly commit harmful microaggressions toward their clients in the therapeutic context, which is especially concerning because clients seek therapy to resolve problems. Culturally insensitive therapeutic practice can lead to secondary trauma, especially among clients who experience multiple microaggressions in their everyday lives. If microaggressions are not addressed in therapy or, worse yet, if a therapist commits microaggressions during a session, clients may never receive the help they need. In this chapter we describe briefly mental health disparities in terms of underutilization, premature termination, and quality of care. We also review cutting‐edge counseling process and outcomes research that investigates microaggressions in the therapy context.
Microaggressions in Everyday Life, Second Edition is divided into four major sections.
Section One—Psychological Manifestation and Dynamics of Microaggressions is composed of three chapters that provide the conceptual framework of microaggression theory and explicate, via research, the manifestation, dynamics, and impact of microaggressions across a broad spectrum of marginalized group members.
Chapter 1—Microaggressions as Toxic Rain: Here, There and Everywhere!
What Are Microaggressions?
Racial Microaggressions
The Invisibility and Nebulous Nature of Everyday Racism
Gender Microaggressions
Sexual‐Orientation Microaggressions
Misunderstanding Microaggressions
Stop Making Mountains Out of Molehills!
Everything’s a Microaggression in This Climate of Political Correctness
Your Analysis Is Flawed
Microaggressions, Marginality, and Harmful Impact
The Way Forward: Making the “Invisible” Visible
Chapter 2—Taxonomy of Microaggressions
Conscious and Deliberate Bigotry versus Unconscious and Unintentional Bias
The Changing Face of Racism, Sexism, and Heterosexism
Microaggressions
Environmental Macroaggressions
Forms of Microaggressions
Microassults
Microinsults and Microinvalidations: Common Themes
Microinsults
Microinvalidations
The Way Forward: Defining, Recognizing, and Deconstructing Hidden Messages in Microaggressions
Chapter 3—The Psychological Dilemmas and Dynamics of Microaggressions
Clash of Racial Realities: “You Are Just Being Hypersensitive and Misreading the Situation!”
Invisibility of Unintentional Biases: “I'm Not a Racist!”
Perceived Minimal Harm of Microaggressions: “Don't Make a Mountain Out of a Molehill!”
The Catch‐22 of Responding to Microaggressions: “You're Damned if You Do and Damned if You Don't!”
The Way Forward: Dealing with Psychological Dilemmas
Section Two—Microaggressive Impact on Targets and Perpetrators is composed of three chapters. In this section, we provide a model to understand the internal struggle of microaggression recipients, and the harm it has on their physical and mental well‐being. Quite new is our chapter on microaggressive perpetrators and the unique analysis of the impact that microaggressions have upon them.
Chapter 4—The Microaggression Process Model: The Internal Struggle of Targets
Tracing the Impact of Microaggressions
Phase One—The Potential Microaggressive Incident or Event
Phase Two—Initial Assessment and Questioning of the Incident
Phase Three—Reaction Processes
Phase Four—Interpretation and Meaning
Phase Five—Consequences and Impact
The Microaggression Process Model: Recap
The Way Forward: Strength through Adversity
Chapter 5—Microaggressive Stress: Impact on Physical and Psychological Well‐Being
Biological Stressors: A Roadmap to Understanding Microaggressive Harm
Psychological and Social Stressors
Microaggressions and Daily Hassles
Impact of Everyday Hassles
The Life‐Change Model of Stress
The Transactional Model of Stress
Situating Stress in the Macro‐Context of Oppression
The Harmful Effects of Microaggressive Stress
Physical Health Effects of Microaggressive Stressors
Psychological Health Effects of Microaggressive Stressors
Strength through Adversity
The Way Forward: Responding Strategically and Resisting Microaggressions
Chapter 6—Microaggressive Perpetrators: Who, What, When, How, and Why?
Who Are Microaggressive Perpetrators?
How and Why Do Individuals Perpetrate Microaggressions?
Using the Tools: Creating and Maintaining Dominance
Power to Impose a Biased Reality
What Makes It So Difficult for Perpetrators to Recognize Their Privilege?
Layer One—Fear of Appearing Biased
Layer Two—Fear of Recognizing One's Complicity in Oppression
Layer Three—Fear of Acknowledging One's Privilege
Layer Four—Fear of Taking Personal Responsibility to End Oppression
What Are the Costs of Microaggressions to Perpetrators?
Cognitive Costs of Oppression
Emotional Costs of Oppression
Behavioral Costs of Oppression
Spiritual and Moral Costs of Oppression
The Way Forward: The Ethical Mandate
Section Three—Interrogating Microaggressions: On Research, Teaching, and Counseling is composed of three chapters. In this section, we discuss microaggressions from three different perspectives: (a) what has microaggression research revealed and how research methodologies can be used to study the phenomena, (b) how educators need to be cognizant of addressing and teaching about microaggressions, and (c) what mental health professionals need to address in their own personal awakening about microaggressions, and in the quality care of services delivered to culturally diverse clients.
Chapter 7—Researching Microaggressions: Show Me the Evidence!
In Their Own Words: Qualitative Investigation of Microaggressions
Purposive Samples
Focus Groups
Individual Interviews
Other Data Sources
Trustworthiness
Do Findings Generalize? Quantitative Investigation of Microaggressions
Measuring Microaggressions
Quantitative Research Designs
Summary
The Way Forward: Future Research Directions
Chapter 8—Teaching About Microaggressions
Faculty Narratives: Facing Challenges in the Classroom
Challenges Faculty Members of Color Face
Challenges White Faculty Members Face
Encountering Microaggressions in the Classroom
Navigating Microaggressions: What Can Educators Do?
Microaggressions Pedagogy: How to Teach about Microaggressions
The Way Forward: General Strategies for Facilitating Difficult Dialogues on Race
Chapter 9—Microaggressions in Counseling and Psychotherapy
Underutilization of Mental Health Services
Premature Termination and Quality of Mental Health Care
Multicultural Counseling Competence
Manifestation of Racial Microaggressions in Counseling and Psychotherapy
Microaggressions Influence Counseling Process and Outcomes
Innovative Research Approaches
The Way Forward: Microaggressions Implications for Practice and Research
Section Four—Disarming Microaggressions and Macroaggressions is composed of one chapter. It is a fitting end to the book, because it directly addresses what targets, allies, and bystanders can do to disarm or neutralize microaggressions.
Chapter 10—Microintervention Strategies for Disarming Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
The Need to Take Action: Targets, Allies, and Bystanders
Targets
Allies
Bystanders
Responding to Microaggressions and Macroaggressions
Microinterventions
Strategic Goal: Make the “Invisible” Visible
Strategic Goal: Disarm the Microaggression
Strategic Goal: Educate the Perpetrator
Strategic Goal: Seek External Intervention or Support
Microinterventions and Macroaggressions
Context Matters
The Way Forward: Microinterventions and the New Research Frontier
It is important to note that a major goal of the text is to present research data, theory, and practical suggestions on how to overcome microaggressions that target members of marginalized groups and to make specific suggestions related to how microaggressions can be ameliorated at individual, institutional, and societal levels. To further emphasize remedial and preventive interventions, we updated the special concluding sections in each chapter, “The Way Forward,” to provide guidelines, strategies, and interventions that readers can enact to reduce the frequency and impact of microaggressions in our society. We also devote an entire chapter (Chapter 10) to offer readers a conceptual framework and specific microintervention tactics.
In closing, we would like to personally acknowledge our family and partners for their encouragement, support, and help throughout this project. Derald Wing Sue would like to dedicate this book to his wife, Paulina, his son Derald Paul and wife Claire, granddaughters Caroline and Juliette, his daughter Marissa Catherine and husband Neal, and grandsons Niam and Kiran. Lisa B. Spanierman would like to dedicate this book to Tony Clark for his unwavering support, her parents, Brenda and Ron, and her sister, Dana. She would also like to thank Jorge Ballesteros, Shelby Messerschmitt‐Coen, and Jackson Liguori for their helpful research assistance.
Derald Wing SueLisa Beth SpaniermanJuly 2019
SECTION ONEPsychological Manifestation and Dynamics of Microaggressions
CHAPTER ONEMicroaggressions as Toxic Rain: Here, There, and Everywhere!
“Still I Rise”
You may write me down in history
With your bitter, twisted lies,
You may tread me in the very dirt
But still, like dust, I'll rise.
..............................................
You may shoot me with your words,
You may cut me with your eyes,
You may kill me with your hatefulness,
But still, like air, I'll rise.
Maya Angelou
Written by Maya Angelou, a renowned African American poet, writer, and Civil Rights advocate, the poem “Still I Rise” both empowers and validates those who have suffered oppression, abuse, bullying, humiliation, and injustice and pricks the conscience of “oppressors” for the hurt and pain caused by their racial prejudice and discriminatory actions. It is also a testament to the courage, resilience, and strength of African Americans in their ability to survive and thrive in the face of constant hatred and bigotry. Although written primarily about the lived experience of Black individuals in the United States, the poem has universal appeal and application to all persons of color and to members of socially marginalized groups in our society.
There is perhaps no better way to introduce the topic of microaggressions than in these two selected passages. Most people who read the poem believe Maya Angelou is referring to overt and conscious displays of racism or hate crimes associated with bigots or White supremacists. That, however, is only a small part of the meaning of “Still I Rise.” In this poem and in her other writings, Angelou also addresses the everyday racism expressed by well‐intentioned, dominant‐group members who experience themselves as good, moral, and decent human beings, who would never consciously discriminate against people of color. Although she never used the term “microaggressions,” Angelou likened the everyday slights and indignities to “little murders” as distinct from the “grand execution” (hate crimes). These everyday and seemingly innocuous insults and putdowns (microaggressions) are what she labels “death by a thousand cuts.” The two passages indicate how microaggressions are manifested in the educational curriculum of our schools (“You may write me down in history with your bitter twisted lies”), verbally (“You may shoot me with your words”), and nonverbally (“You may cut me with your eyes”). In other words, microaggressions may be delivered contextually, verbally, and nonverbally. Let us use two examples to illustrate the manifestation, dynamics, and impact of microaggressions.
What do these incidents have in common? How does Maya Angelou's poem relate to these two cases? In both examples, individuals with power deliver subtle, perhaps unconscious, microaggressions. In Example 1.1, a well‐intentioned professor delivered racial microaggressions, and in Example 1.2, a commuter on the train and the vice president both delivered gender microaggressions. “Still I Rise” represents resilience of the targets. Before we analyze these two examples in greater depth, let us first define microaggressions in greater detail.
Example 1.1
Standing before his classroom, Charles Richardson, a White professor, asked for questions from the class. He had just finished a lecture on Greco‐Roman contributions to the history of psychology. An African American male student raised his hand.
When called upon, the student spoke in a frustrated manner, noting that the history of psychology was “ethnocentric and Eurocentric” and that it left out the contributions of other societies and cultures. The student seemed to challenge the professor by noting that the contributions of African, Latin American, and Asian psychologies were never covered.
The professor responded, “Robert, I want you to calm down. We are studying American psychology in this course, and we will eventually address how it has influenced and been adapted to Asian and other societies. I plan to also talk about how systems and theories of psychology contain universal applications.”
Rather than defusing the situation, however, Professor Richardson sensed that his response had raised the level of tension among several students of color. Another Black male student then stated, “Perhaps we are looking at this issue from different perspectives or worldviews. Just as language affects how we define problems, maybe we all need to evaluate our assumptions and beliefs. Maybe we are ethnocentric. Maybe there are aspects of psychology that apply across all populations. Maybe we need to dialogue more and be open to alternative interpretations.”
Throughout the semester, the professor had sensed increasing resentment among his students of color over the course content (he could not understand the reasons), and he welcomed the opportunity to say something positive about their classroom contributions. He responded, “Justin [who is a Black student], I appreciate your exceptionally thoughtful and intelligent observation. You are a most articulate young man with good conceptual and analytical skills. This is the type of nonjudgmental analysis and objectivity needed for good dialogues. We need to address these issues in a calm, unemotional, and reasoned manner.”
To the professor's surprise, Justin and several other students of color seemed offended and insulted by the praise.
Example 1.2
Kathleen, graduating with her master's in business administration, was dressed conservatively in a black blazer and matching skirt as she rode the number 1 subway train from Columbia University to downtown Manhattan. This would be her second job interview with a major brokerage firm and she was excited, sensing that her first interview with a mid‐level manager had gone very well. She had been asked to return to be interviewed by the department vice president. Kathleen knew she was one of three finalists but also sensed her advantage in having unique training that was of interest to the company.
During the train ride, Kathleen endured the usual smattering of admiring glances as well as a few more lecherous stares. As she exited a very crowded subway train at Times Square, she attempted to squeeze out between the streams of commuters entering the train car. One man, seeing her dilemma, firmly placed his hand on her lower back to escort her out onto the platform. With his left arm, he steered her toward the exit, and they walked briskly toward the stairs, where the crowd thinned. Upon separating, the man smiled and nodded, obviously believing he had acted in a chivalrous manner. Kathleen did not appreciate being touched without her permission but thanked him anyway.
During the interview, the vice president seemed very casual and relaxed. Kathleen noted, however, that he referred to male employees as “Mr. X” and to female employees by their first names. Several times he called her “Kathy.” She thought about telling him that she preferred “Kathleen” but did not want to alienate her potential employer. She very much wanted the job. When she inquired about the criteria the company would use to hire for the position, the vice president joked, “What do you need a job for, anyway? You can always find a good man.”
When Kathleen did not laugh and remained serious, the vice president quickly said, “I believe the most qualified person should be offered the position. We treat all men and women equally. In fact, I don't even think about employees as men or women. People are people, and everyone has an equal opportunity to be hired and succeed.”
Kathleen felt very uncomfortable with the response. She left the interview knowing she would not be offered the position.
What Are Microaggressions?
The term “microaggressions” was coined by African American psychiatrist and Harvard University professor Chester Middlebrook Pierce in his work with Black Americans. He defined microaggressions as “subtle, stunning, often automatic, and nonverbal exchanges which are ‘put‐downs’” (Pierce, Carew, Pierce‐Gonzalez, & Willis, 1978, p. 66). They also have been described as “subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously” (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000, p. 60).
While early theorizing focused solely on racial microaggressions, microaggressions can be expressed toward any marginalized group in our society. They can be linked to racism, sexism, genderism, heterosexism, classism, ableism, and other forms of oppression (Nadal, Whitman, Davis, Erazo, & Davidoff, 2016; D. W. Sue & Capodilupo, 2008). In this book we concentrate on specific forms of microaggressions that have garnered research support (e.g., racial, gender, and sexual‐orientation microaggressions) and also feature a wave of research that emerged since publication of this book's first edition, such as trans and genderqueer microaggressions (Nadal, Whitman, et al., 2016); religious microaggressions (Dupper, Forrest‐Bank, & Lowery‐Carusillo, 2014; Husain & Howard, 2017); classist microaggressions (Gray, Johnson, Kish‐Gephardt, & Tilton, 2018; Smith, Mao, & Deshpande, 2016); and intersectional microaggressions (Lewis & Neville, 2015; Nadal et al., 2015). We introduce research from national contexts beyond the United States, including Australia, Canada, Mexico, and the United Kingdom. And, importantly, we introduce two new concepts: macroaggressions as distinct from microaggressions, and microinterventions to highlight resistance and resilience to microaggressions and macroaggressions (D. W. Sue, Alsaidi, et al., 2019).
It has been helpful for students learning about microaggressions to consider the components of the term to define it. First, in this case, “micro” does not refer to being small or innocuous but rather underscores the interpersonal, microlevel context of the act. Microaggressions denote some sort of interpersonal interaction involving a perpetrator and a target (marginalized group member). Second, we must keep in mind the term “aggression.” Most often, social psychologists have defined aggression as verbal or nonverbal behavior intended to harm. At the same time, some forms of aggression (indirect, social, and relational) may exclude others or harm their reputations, with or without intention to do so (Archer & Coyne, 2005). These latter forms of aggression shape our understanding of microaggressions that take shape as insults, invalidations, or assaults.
Thus, microaggressions are verbal and nonverbal interpersonal exchanges in which a perpetrator causes harm to a target, whether intended or unintended. These brief and commonplace indignities communicate hostile, derogatory, and/or negative slights to the target (D. W. Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007). Importantly, microaggressions theory values the target's perception in identifying harm, as perpetrators often are unaware that they have engaged in an exchange that demeans the target. In Chapter 3, we elaborate on this point by describing four psychological dilemmas and dynamics of microaggressions.
To illustrate the concept of a subtle microaggression not intended to cause harm, the second author (Lisa Spanierman) recounts an experience boarding a flight on a major U.S. airline. An African American NFL Hall of Famer handed his first‐class boarding pass to the gate agent. Without hesitation, the agent scoffed, “We are boarding first class now.” It is unlikely that the gate agent meant to cause harm to this Hall of Fame running back. Rather, she was working from an assumption that African Americans do not belong in the first‐class cabin. During the flight, Professor Spanierman told the football pro that she studies racial microaggressions; he replied that he encounters this experience all too often. Ironically, he was recognizable to many of the passengers who were shaking his hand and taking selfies with him as they boarded the aircraft. Professor Spanierman filed a complaint with the airline and received a generic reply from their customer service department (“Thank you for sharing your concerns … we should have been more responsive”). Notably, in 2017, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) issued a warning to African American passengers about flying American Airlines due to several incidents that suggested a corporate culture of racial insensitivity and bias. Later we discuss the interplay between individual incidents of insensitivity and broader institutional and cultural forms of racism. It is the latter (systemic racism) that allows the former (racial microaggressions) to thrive.
Any one microaggression alone may be minimally impactful, but when they occur continuously throughout a life span, their cumulative nature can have major detrimental consequences (Holmes & Holmes, 1970; Holmes & Rahe, 1967; Jones, Peddie, Gilrane, King, & Gray, 2016; Meyer, 1995, 2003; Utsey, Giesbrecht, Hook, & Stanard, 2008; Utsey & Ponterotto, 1996). Many White individuals, for example, fail to realize that people of color are, from the moment of birth, subjected to multiple racial microaggressions from the media, peers, neighbors, friends, teachers, and even in the educational process and/or curriculum itself. These insults, invalidations, and indignities are so pervasive that they often are unrecognized. In this chapter, we contextualize racial and gender microaggressions in larger systems of oppression and apply the concepts to the two examples provided earlier in the chapter.
Racial Microaggressions
Similar to Philomena Essed's (1991) concept of everyday racism, racial microaggressions reflect a complex relationship between microinteractions and macrostructures. In other words, everyday racism and racial microaggressions are manifestations of systemic inequities in the larger society (e.g., income, wealth, education, and health disparities). Racial microaggressions often go unnoticed and unacknowledged because they seem so familiar in everyday settings, such as classrooms, shopping malls, restaurants, hotels, and offices. Next we describe social psychologist James Jones's levels of racism to highlight the dynamic interplay between microacts and macrostructures (Jones, 1997). Racial microaggressions are commonplace and make sense only in a world rife with institutional inequities grounded in the cultural superiority of the dominant group.
“Racism” may be defined as any attitude, action, institutional structure, or social policy that subordinates persons or groups because of their racial group membership (Jones, 1997; Ponterotto, Utsey, & Pedersen, 2006). The subordination of people of color is manifested in inferior housing, education, employment, and health services (D. W. Sue, 2003). The complex manifestation of racism occurs at three different levels: individual, institutional, and cultural (Jones, 1997; Jones & Rolon‐Dow, 2018). All of these manifestations vary in their degree of overtness and conscious intentionality.
“Individual racism” is best known to the American public as overt, conscious, and deliberate individual acts intended to harm, place at a disadvantage, or discriminate against racial minorities. Serving Black patrons last, using racial epithets, preventing a White son or daughter from dating or marrying a person of color, or not showing clients of color housing in affluent White neighborhoods are all examples. At the other end of the spectrum, hate crimes against people of color and other marginalized groups represent extreme forms of overt individual racism. In 2015, during Bible study at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, 21‐year‐old White supremacist Dylann Roof pulled out a Glock .45‐caliber pistol and fired 70 rounds at the parishioners, killing nine people and injuring one. In his racist manifesto, he explained that he was fighting for the White race. He was charged with 33 federal hate crimes and convicted on all counts. Also reflecting individual acts of violence, a report in 2017 by the National Coalition of Anti‐Violence Programs documented the highest number ever recorded of homicides of LGBTQ people (approximately one per week). When we think about these extreme forms of individual racism and violence, most people are able to say “That's not me. I'm not racist … I'm not homophobic.” It must also be noted, however, that the majority of individual racism and heterosexism is more subtle, indirect, unintentional, and outside the level of conscious awareness of perpetrators. Often these forms of expression are referred to as everyday racism (Essed, 1991) or implicit bias (Dovidio, Pearson, & Penner, 2019).
“Institutional racism” refers to any policy, practice, procedure, or structure in business, government, courts, places of religious worship, municipalities, schools, and the like by which decisions and actions unfairly subordinate persons of color while allowing White individuals to profit from the outcomes. Examples of this racism include racial profiling, segregated churches and neighborhoods, discriminatory hiring and promotion practices, and educational curricula that ignore and distort the history of minority group members. Institutional bias often is masked in the policies of standard operating procedures that are applied equally to everyone but that have outcomes that disadvantage certain groups while advantaging others (Jones, 1997; D. W. Sue, 2003). Systemic or institutional biases that reside in the philosophy, programs, practices, and structures of communities and organizations are referred to as macroaggressions (D. W. Sue, Alsaidi, et al., 2019). Before proceeding, it is important to distinguish between microaggressions and macroaggressions. First, microaggressions are manifest in the biased attitudes and behaviors of individuals, whereas macroaggressions reside in the rules, regulations, and sanctioned practices of institutions, communities, or society. Second, microaggressions generally are directed toward a specific individual target, while macroaggressions are group‐focused and affect an entire class of people. Third, combating microaggressions means directing action toward the personal bigotry of the person (biased attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors); confronting and eliminating macroaggressions means altering biased institutional policies and practices.
“Cultural racism” is perhaps the most insidious and damaging form of racism because it serves as an overarching umbrella under which individual and institutional racism thrive. It is defined as the individual and institutional expression of the superiority of one group's cultural heritage (arts/crafts, history, traditions, language, and values) over another group's, and the power to impose those standards on other groups (D. W. Sue, 2004). For example, Native Americans1 have at times been forbidden to practice their religions (“We are a Christian people”) or to speak in their native tongues (“English is superior”), and in contemporary textbooks the histories or contributions of people of color have been neglected or distorted (“European history and civilization are superior”). These are all examples of cultural racism.
To summarize, individual racism is the source of microaggressions; institutional/structural racism is the source of macroaggressions; and cultural racism validates, supports, and enforces the expression of both (D. W. Sue et al., 2019).
As awareness of overt racism has increased, however, people have become more sophisticated in recognizing the overt expressions of individual, institutional, and cultural bigotry and discrimination. Because of our belief in equality and democracy, and because of the Civil Rights movement, we as a nation now strongly condemn racist, sexist, and heterosexist acts because they are antithetical to our stated values of fairness, justice, and nondiscrimination (Dovidio, Gaertner, Kawakami, & Hodson, 2002; Sears, 1988). Unfortunately, this statement may apply only at the conscious level and may be changing as President Donald J. Trump and his allies express widely publicized racist, sexist, and xenophobic sentiments. For example, in the current political climate where those in authority openly express bigotry, researchers found that such displays foster ethnic hostility contagion among adolescents who overheard or witnessed overt acts of prejudice (Bauer, Cahliková, Chytilová, & Želinsky, 2018). The experimenters found that harmful behavior directed toward a disliked minority group is twice as contagious as behaviors that harm members of one's own group. They issued an ominous warning that even in social situations or societies with minimal interethnic hatred, witnessing or publicly overhearing biased behaviors or comments can create a “social contagion” where overt prejudice and discrimination can thrive and spread quickly.
The Invisibility and Nebulous Nature of Everyday Racism
Despite the apparent renewed overt expressions of bias and bigotry among a small group of the populace (explicit bias), the majority of well‐intentioned White Americans continues to stand against open displays of racism, sexism, and heterosexism. Furthermore, in tracking the overt expressions of racism (hate crimes, physical assaults, use of racial epithets, and blatant discriminatory acts) over many decades, social scientists argue that its expression has morphed into a more contemporary and insidious form. Bigotry often hides in our cultural assumptions/beliefs/values, our institutional policies and practices, and the deeper psychological recesses of our individual psyches (DeVos & Banaji, 2005; Dovidio, Gaertner, & Pearson, 2017; Nelson, 2006; D. W. Sue, Capodilupo, Nadal, & Torino, 2008). In other words, race experts believe that racism has become invisible, subtle, and more indirect, operating below the level of conscious awareness and continuing to oppress in unseen ways (implicit bias). This contemporary manifestation has various names: symbolic racism (Sears, 1988; Sears & Henry, 2003); modern racism (McConahay, 1986); implicit racism (Banaji, Hardin, & Rothman, 1993); aversive racism (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1996); and color‐blind racism (Bonilla‐Silva, 2001, 2006; Neville, Awad, Brooks, Flores, & Bluemel, 2013; Neville, Lilly, Duran, Lee, & Browne, 2000).
Aversive racism is closely related to the concept of racial microaggressions (Dovidio, Pearson, & Penner, 2018). Dovidio and Gaertner (1996) contended that most White people experience themselves as good, moral, and decent human beings who would never intentionally discriminate against others on the basis of race. Their studies reveal, however, that it is difficult for anyone born and raised in the United States to be immune from inheriting racial biases. In fact, many White individuals who may be classified as well‐educated liberals appear to be aversive racists. Aversive racists truly believe they are nonprejudiced, espouse egalitarian values, and would never consciously discriminate, but they nevertheless harbor unconscious biased attitudes that may result in discriminatory actions. Dovidio and Gaertner (1991, 1993, 1996, 2000) have produced many studies in support of this conclusion.
Racial microaggressions are similar to aversive racism in that they generally occur below the level of awareness of well‐intentioned people, but microaggressions researchers focus primarily on describing the dynamic interplay between perpetrator and target, classifying everyday manifestations, deconstructing hidden messages, and exploring internal (psychological) and external (disparities in education, employment, and health care) consequences (Dovidio et al., 2019; D. W. Sue & Capodilupo, 2008; D. W. Sue, Capodilupo, & Holder, 2008).
Racial microaggressions also overlap with color‐blind racism. Neville et al. (2013) described color‐blind racial ideology as the distortion, denial, and minimization of race and racism. It comprises a set of beliefs that support the myth of meritocracy (false perception of a level playing field where all people have an equal chance of succeeding) and is the dominant racial ideology in the post–Civil Rights era. Color‐blind racial ideology may involve people saying “I don't see race. I treat all people as individuals.” Or it might deny the existence of racism in contemporary society and blame people of color for their plight. This latter notion was evident especially after Barack Obama was elected as the 44th President of the United States. To some, the election of a Black man as the leader of the free world reflected the idea that racism had ended. Let us return to Example 1.1 to illustrate the dynamic interplay of racial microaggressions between the professor and the Black students.
The Black students in the class suffered a series of racial microaggressions and macroaggressions delivered unconsciously and unintentionally by Professor Richardson. Rather than thinking he was insulting or invalidating students of color, the professor believed he was teaching the “real” history of psychology, teaching students to think and communicate in an objective fashion, and giving praise to a Black student. That might have been his conscious intent, but students of color perceived invalidating and demeaning hidden messages.
First, the professor neglected to entertain the notion that the history of psychology and the curriculum comes from a primarily White Eurocentric perspective that alienates and/or fails to capture the experiential reality of students of color (cultural racism). In the first edition of this book, we termed these sorts of environmental slights and indignities environmental microaggressions. In this case, the readings, lectures, and content of the course come from only one perspective and do not present the historical totality of all groups in our society or global community. In our current thinking, we now refer to these slights as environmental macroaggressions to underscore their manifestation in macrolevel institutions, structures, and cultural values. Although a biased program or policy may be a macroaggression, it is important to note that it is generally individually mediated. By this we mean that someone in authority (in this case, Professor Richardson) acts as an agent of a biased educational curriculum that potentially harms students of color.
Robert Guthrie, an African American psychologist, in the late 1970s produced the first edition of his now‐classic book Even the Rat Was White, which took psychology to task for being primarily a White Eurocentric field, neglecting the contributions of people of color in historical storytelling, and unintentionally elevating the contributions of one group (primarily White males) while denigrating Asian, African, and Latin American contributors through “benign neglect.” The hidden message to students of color was that White American psychology is universal and superior (other psychologies are inferior), and that students of color should accept this “reality.” White students are affirmed, but students of color feel that their identities are constantly assailed or ignored in the classroom. Black students are likely to expend considerable emotional energy protecting their own integrity while at the same time being distracted from fully engaging in the learning process (D. W. Sue, Lin, Torino, Capodilupo, & Rivera, 2009). Researchers documented a similar finding among South Asian Canadian undergraduate students (Poolokasingham, Spanierman, Kleiman, & Houshmand, 2014).
Second, Professor Richardson seems to equate rational discourse with approaching topics in a calm and objective manner. When he tells the Black student to “calm down” and implies that students are “too emotional,” the professor may unintentionally be delivering another racial microaggression with multiple hidden fears, assumptions, and biased values: (a) Blacks are prone to emotional outbursts, can get out of control, and may become violent; (b) emotion is antagonistic to reason, and conversations in the classroom should be unemotional and objective; and (c) the communication style of many Black individuals is dysfunctional and should be discouraged (D. W. Sue & Sue, 2008). Pathologizing Black communication and learning styles has been identified as a common microaggression directed toward African Americans (Constantine & Sue, 2007; D. W. Sue, Capodilupo, Nadal, & Torino, 2008). Studies suggest that communication and learning styles of Black Americans may differ from those of White Americans (DePaulo, 1992; Hale, 2016; Kochman, 1981). For example, affect, emotion, and passion are considered positive attributes of communication among Black Americans because they indicate sincere interest and seriousness toward the material or subject matter while objectivity and unemotional responses indicate insincerity and lack of connection.
Third, some of the Black students found Professor Richardson's compliment of Justin's intelligent analysis and his ability to articulate the issues to be offensive. Why? To answer this question requires an understanding of historical racial stereotypes and their interactional dynamics. This situation is very similar to what occurred in the 2007 to 2008 democratic presidential primaries when both Senators Joe Biden (White) and Barack Obama (Black) announced their candidacies. After announcing his presidential run, Mr. Biden was asked by a reporter about the public's wild enthusiasm for a Black candidate, Barack Obama. Joe Biden responded, “I mean, you got the first mainstream African‐American who is articulate and bright and clean and a nice‐looking guy. I mean, that's a storybook, man.”
There was an immediate uproar from many in the Black community who considered the statement insulting and offensive. To them, it represented a racial microaggression. Senator Biden, for his part, could not understand why a positive comment toward a fellow Democrat would evoke anger from Black Americans. It is important for us to understand that messages often contain multiple meanings. Although on the surface, the comment by Biden can be interpreted as praise, the metacommunication (hidden message) is “Obama is an exception. Most Black individuals are unintelligent, inarticulate, dirty, and unattractive.” Such a racial microaggression allows the perpetrator to acknowledge and praise a person of color but also allows him or her to express group stereotypes. In other words, while praising the Black student might have come from the professor's best intentions, the comment was experienced as a microaggression because it seemed to indicate that the professor was surprised that a Black student could be capable of such insightful and intelligent observations.
Gender Microaggressions
Like racism, sexism can operate at an overt conscious level or at a covert and less conscious one (Swim & Cohen, 1997). Blatant, unfair, and unequal treatment of women can be manifested in sexual harassment, physical abuse, discriminatory hiring practices, or women being subjected to a hostile, predominantly male work environment. Like overt racism and hate crimes, such sexist acts are strongly condemned by our society, and many men have become increasingly sensitive to their sexist actions (D. W. Sue & Sue, 2008). As our society has become more aware of what constitutes sexism and its harmful impact on women, the conscious, intentional, and deliberate forms of gender bias have seemingly decreased but also continue in the form of subtle and unintentional expressions (Butler & Geis, 1990; Fiske, 1993; Swim & Cohen, 1997). These subtle forms of sexism are similar to aversive racism in that they come from well‐intentioned men who believe in gender equality and would never deliberately discriminate against women. Yet these men unknowingly engage in behaviors that place women at a disadvantage, infantilize or stereotype them, and treat them in such a manner as to deny them equal access and opportunity (Benokraitis, 1997; Fiske & Stevens, 1993; Glick & Fiske, 2001; Swim, Aikin, Hall, & Hunter, 1995).
Similar to aversive and symbolic racism, theories of sexism identify both overt and covert forms—old‐fashioned and modern manifestations (Glick & Fiske, 1996; Swim & Cohen, 1997; Swim et al., 1995). Glick and Fiske (1996) put forth ambivalent sexism theory to describe two different but complementary expressions of sexism. Hostile sexism is consistent with the overt brand of sexism we see in television shows like Mad Men and The Handmaid's Tale. It refers to the inherent superiority of men, which justifies their dominant position over women. In contrast, benevolent sexism is subtle in that it refers to chivalrous expressions of male superiority (Becker & Wright, 2011). Although seemingly positive, benevolent sexism restricts women's roles and perpetuates male dominance via stereotypic views of women (e.g., nurturing and deserving of men's protection).
Women report that gender microaggressions occur frequently and devalue women’s contributions, objectify them as sex objects, dismiss their accomplishments, and limit their effectiveness in social, educational, athletic, employment, and professional settings (Banaji & Greenwald, 1995; Basford, Offermann, & Behrend, 2014; Benokraitis, 1997; Caplan & Ford, 2014; Kaskan & Ho, 2016; Morrison & Morrison, 2003). In the world of work, for example, many women describe a pattern of being overlooked, disrespected, and dismissed by their male colleagues (Sojo, Wood, & Genat, 2016). During team meetings in which a female employee may contribute an idea, the male chief executive may not respond or seemingly may not hear the idea. However, when a male coworker makes the identical statement, he may be recognized and praised by the executive and fellow colleagues. It has been observed that in classrooms, male students are more frequently called on to speak or answer questions by their teachers than are female students. The hidden messages in these microaggressions are that women's ideas and contributions are less worthy than those of their male counterparts.
In Example 1.2 involving Kathleen's job interview, several common gender microaggressions were delivered to her by well‐intentioned male commuters and the interviewer.
First, it is not unusual for attractive young women to get admiring glances from men. Upon entering the subway train, Kathleen noted the looks that she received from male passengers and seemed to enjoy being noticed but also experienced a few stares as “lecherous.” Some women seem to face a double‐edged sword: wanting to be attractive and desired but also feeling objectified and treated as sex objects. The overt expression of sexual objectification often is communicated in forms ranging from overt whistles and catcalls to more subtle cues such as stares that make a woman feel as if she were being undressed in public.
Second, although one of the male commuters meant well and saw a “damsel in distress,” the liberty he took in placing his hand on Kathleen's back to guide her to the exit is an intrusion of personal space. For a stranger to place one's hand on the small of a woman's back or more boldly on her hips without her permission may be seen as a violation of her body. The messages in sexual objectification microaggressions are many: (a) a woman's appearance is for the pleasure of a man; (b) women are weak, dependent, and need help; and (c) a woman's body is not her own. Some women are offended by these actions, as they appear demeaning. Yet the man who tried to help Kathleen probably acted with the best of intentions. In their expanded model of youth sexual violence, Gartner and Sterzing (2016) show overlaps between gender microaggressions and sexual harassment (unwelcome verbal or physical sexual conduct).
Third, referring to female employees by their first names and even calling Kathleen “Kathy” would not seem “disrespectful” if the interviewer did the same with male employees. Yet he consistently referred to men more formally by using “Mr.” and their last names. And by implying that Kathleen did not need a job but rather a “good man” to take care of her (even jokingly), the vice president sent a microaggressive message that women should be married, their place is in the home, they should be taken care of by a man, and Kathleen was potentially taking a job away from a man who has a family to support. This sequence of spontaneous and quick exchanges between the vice president and Kathleen trivializes her desire to find a job, treats her as a child, and does not take her seriously as a candidate.
Fourth, when the vice president is asked how candidates will be evaluated for the position, he responds by saying that the “most qualified person would be offered the job,” that everyone is treated the same, that he did not see gender differences, that all have an equal chance to be hired, and that “people are people.” Interestingly enough, from that interaction alone, Kathleen concluded she would not be offered the job. While it is entirely possible that it was an erroneous conclusion, we should inquire as to how Kathleen arrived at such a belief. As we discuss in Chapter 2, the vice president's response reflects a worldview regarding the place of women in our society. Many women who hear the phrase “I believe the most qualified person should get the job” in the context of a job interview recognize this as a gender microaggression that communicates “women are not as qualified as men, so when a male candidate is selected, it has nothing to do with bias but concerns his qualifications.” Implicit in the interviewer's statements is the notion that he is incapable of gender prejudice because he is gender‐blind. People of color report a similar phenomenon regarding experiences with racial color‐blindness. The vice president is unaware that denial of gender differences is a microaggression that ignores the experiential reality of women and allows men to deny their own privileged positions.
