New Perspectives on the Irish in Scotland E-Book

• Herausgeber: John Donald
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 599

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2008

Beschreibung

Irish immigrants and their descendants have made a vital contribution to the creation of modern Scotland. This book is the first collection of essays on the Irish in Scotland for almost twenty years, and brings together for the first time all the leading authorities on the subject. It provides a major reassessment of the Irish immigrant experience and offers social, cultural and religious development of Scotland over the past 200 years.

Leseprobe

New Perspectives on the Irish in Scotland

New Perspectiveson the Irish in Scotland

Edited byMartin J. Mitchell

This eBook was published in Great Britain in 2021 by John Donald,

an imprint of Birlinn Ltd

Birlinn Ltd

West Newington House

10 Newington Road

Edinburgh

EH9 1QS

First published in Great Britain in 2008 by John Donald

Copyright © The editor and contributors severally, 2008

eBook ISBN 978 1 78885 400 9

The right of the editor and contributors to be identified as the authors of this book has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Design and Patent Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, or transmitted in any form, or by any means electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the express written permission of the publisher.

The publishers gratefully acknowledge the support of the Strathmartine Trust towards the publication of this book

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available on request from the British Library

Contents

Preface

List of Contributors

1 Irish Catholics in the West of Scotland in the Nineteenth Century: Despised by Scottish workers and controlled by the Church?

MARTIN J. MITCHELL

2 The Great Irish Famine and Scottish History

T. M. DEVINE

3 Catholic Devotion in Victorian Scotland

BERNARD ASPINWALL

4 Irish Migrants in the Scottish Episcopal Church in the Nineteenth Century

IAN MEREDITH

5 Sectarianism, Segregation and Politics in Clydeside in the Later Nineteenth Century

JOHN FOSTER, MUIR HOUSTON AND CHRIS MADIGAN

6 Shaping the Scottish Past: Irish migrants and local politics in the Monklands in the second half of the nineteenth century

GERALDINE VAUGHAN

7 A Winnowing Spirit: Sinn Féin in Scotland, 1905–38

MÁIRTÍN Ó CATHÁIN

8 ‘Our Country’s Heroes’: Irish Catholics in Scotland and the Great War

ELAINE W. MCFARLAND

9 Protestant Action and the Edinburgh Irish

MICHAEL ROSIE

10 The Orange Order in Scotland since 1860: A social analysis

ERIC KAUFMANN

11 The End of Disadvantage? The descendants of Irish-Catholic immigrants in modern Scotland since 1945

T. M. DEVINE

Notes

Index

Preface

Irish emigration to Scotland is one of the most important events in the modern history of the nation. Other immigrant groups have arrived over the past two hundred years, and have made major contributions to Scottish society. But arguably none has had the same impact as the Irish on the social, economic, political, religious and cultural life of the country. Irish immigrants were vital to the success of the Scottish economy during the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century, and they played an important role in the creation of the trade union and labour movement.

The impact of Irish immigration is still apparent in twenty-first-century Scotland. Today there are over a million Scots who are descendants of those who crossed the North Channel from the 1790s onwards. Between two-thirds and three-quarters of the new arrivals were Roman Catholic, and their presence led to the re-emergence on a large scale of sectarianism and religious bigotry. These problems continued into the twentieth century, and indeed to the present day, although there is some considerable debate as to the current extent of anti-Catholicism in Scottish society.

Some of Scotland’s major institutions would either not exist or would be insignificant if there had been little or no Irish immigration. The Roman Catholic Church in Scotland is a prime example. In the 1780s, prior to the arrival of the Irish, there were only around 30,000 Catholics in Scotland out of a total population of around 1.5 million, or 2 per cent of the total. Today there are over 800,000 Catholics in the country – the bulk of whom are of Irish descent – who make up around 16 per cent of Scots. In the 1780s most Catholics in Scotland lived either in the western highlands and islands or in the north-east. In the western lowland counties Catholicism was all but extinct. Irish immigration changed this geographical pattern. By the 1830s the west of Scotland had become the centre of Catholicism and the Catholic Church, and remains so to this day: around 70 per cent of Scotland’s Roman Catholic population live in the region.

Other contemporary institutions are the creations of Irish immigration. Between one-quarter and one-third of the Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland were Protestant, and these immigrants brought over their own culture and heritage, part of which for some was Orangeism. Orange lodges were established in areas of Protestant Irish settlement, and throughout the nineteenth century their membership was drawn overwhelmingly from that community. Today the order and Orangeism are important features of the lives of tens of thousands of Scots. Finally, one of Europe’s most famous sporting institutions, Glasgow Celtic Football Club, was founded in 1887 by and for members of the city’s Catholic Irish community.

Despite the Irish having made a vital contribution to the creation of modern Scotland, the immigrants were for a long time neglected by academic historians. In the 1940s James Handley published two histories of the Irish in Scotland; but it was 40 years before another monograph appeared on the subject, namely Tom Gallagher’s study of the Irish in Glasgow. In the intervening period the subject was kept alive through articles and essays by historians such as John McCaffrey, Bernard Aspinwall, William Walker and Ian Wood.

The past two decades have seen a resurgence of scholarly interest in the Irish in Scotland. Monographs, theses, articles, essays, conferences and symposia on the subject have all contributed to a better understanding of the immigrant experience. This volume brings together most of the leading scholars of the Irish in Scotland. New perspectives are offered on some of the major themes of Irish immigration, such as communal relations and sectarianism, the relationship between the Catholic Irish and their clergy, Catholic devotional life, the Famine Irish, immigrant political activities, the impact which the Protestant Irish had on the Scottish Episcopal Church, Orangeism, Catholic Irish involvement in the First World War, and the experience of the Catholic community in Scotland since the end of the Second World War.

More research is needed on the Irish in Scotland. The approaches and methodologies adopted by the contributors demonstrate the ways in which the subject can be advanced. Some areas need more research than others. For example, little is known of the experience of Irish women, or of the Irish middle class in Scotland. The study of Irish involvement in local politics is in its infancy. Detailed local studies of Irish communities are essential for a fuller understanding of immigrant life, as comparisons can then be made to determine if the Irish experience was uniform throughout Scotland, or differed according to the social and economic context of individual towns and villages. Finally, comparisons need to be made with Irish immigrant communities throughout the world, in order to place the Irish in Scotland firmly in the context of the study of the Irish Diaspora.

Most of the essays in this volume were first given at a symposium held in the AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies, University of Aberdeen, as part of its major research programme on the Scottish and Irish diasporas. I am grateful to the late Janet Hendry, the then administrator of the centre, and to the founding director, Professor Tom Devine, for their support. I also wish to thank Jean Fraser who helped to prepare the text for publication with her usual efficiency and enthusiasm.

Martin Mitchell,

University of Strathclyde

Contributors

Bernard Aspinwall, Honorary Research Fellow, Department of Adult and Continuing Education, University of Glasgow.

Thomas M. Devine, Sir William Fraser Chair of Scottish History and Palaeography, University of Edinburgh.

John Foster, Emeritus Professor, Social Sciences, University of the West of Scotland.

Muir Houston, Research Fellow, Institute of Education and Centre for Lifelong Learning, University of Stirling.

Eric Kaufmann, Reader in Politics and Sociology, Birkbeck College, University of London.

Elaine W. McFarland, Professor of History, Glasgow Caledonian University.

Chris Madigan, Former Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of the West of Scotland.

Ian Meredith, Team Rector of the Scottish Episcopal Churches at Ayr, Maybole and Girvan.

Martin J. Mitchell, Lecturer in History, University of Strathclyde.

Máirtín Ó Catháin, Lecturer in Modern History, University of Central Lancashire.

Michael Rosie, Lecturer in Sociology, University of Edinburgh.

Geraldine Vaughan, Lecturer, Department of English, University of Rouen.

1 Irish Catholics in the West of Scotland in the Nineteenth Century: Despised by Scottish workers and controlled by the Church?

Martin J. Mitchell

The prevailing view among historians about the Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland is that the Protestant Irish immigrants were, in the main, welcomed and accepted – because they shared the same religious beliefs and culture as most of the Scots; whereas the Catholic Irish were despised by the bulk of the native population on account of their race and religion, and because they were employed mainly as strike-breakers or as low-wage labour. As a result of this hostility the Catholic Irish, it has been argued, were unwilling or unable to participate in strikes, trade unions and political movements with Scottish workers; instead, they formed isolated and self-contained communities, centred on their Church, in the towns in which they settled in significant numbers, and politically were interested almost exclusively in issues affecting Ireland, Catholics and the Catholic Church.1 For example, Tom Gallagher, in his major study of the Catholic Irish in Glasgow, argued that prejudice towards them was ‘endemic throughout society’2 and as a result they constituted a separate and isolated community.3 He added: ‘Finding religious intolerance and sectarian hate in many areas of nineteenth Century Scottish life, the immigrants preferred to remain expatriate Irish rather than strive to make common cause with the Scots in their midst.’4 Michael Fry claimed that in the late nineteenth century:

There was hatred in all classes for Irish immigrants. Scots workers were infuriated when they allowed themselves to be used as strike-breakers, keeping down wages and crippling trade unions. The higher orders deplored the squalid social habits to which they saw them irretrievably given up. The Irish, in the face of such bitter hostility were unassimilated, maintaining their own identity and institutions.5

A contributor to a popular academic history of modern Scotland argued that:

Irish Catholics … found themselves strangers in a strange land. Forced to take whatever jobs they could get, they remained firmly on the bottom rung of the Scottish social ladder. Herded into ghettos, and facing hostility from the local community, their identity focused on their church. Catholicism and Irishness mutually reinforced one another.6

Callum Brown maintained that ‘partly through the use of immigrants as strike-breakers and partly through sectarianism, Catholics were generally isolated from the trade unions and Labour movements before 1890’.7 Moreover, he concluded: ‘In the context of a hostile Presbyterian reception, the incoming Irish turned to the chapel and its activities for cultural and ethnic identity.’8

Other historians have argued or suggested that within the Catholic community the Church and its clergy exercised a considerable degree of power and authority over the Irish. In an influential article published over 30 years ago, William Walker detailed ‘the creation of an exclusive and intense Irish community life …’, in which the priest was the dominant figure, exercising almost total control. According to Walker: ‘Within their substitute society the immigrants were exhorted to the virtues of docility and resignation while, institutionally, the structure of parochial organizations compelled precisely this quiescence.’9 Tom Gallagher has described the creation of a ‘self-enclosed world’ by the Catholic Irish, which was presided over by ‘the parish priest, an undoubted figure of authority …’.10 Chris Harvie and Graham Walker argued that the Catholic Irish population in urban Scotland ‘was disciplined by its priests as well as the hostility of the native Scots into retaining an Irish identity which, until a very late date, resisted industrial and class pressures to assimilate’.11 Graham Walker later claimed that: ‘There is little doubt that the Catholic Church functioned as the fulcrum of this immigrant community and exerted great influence in the social, educational, and political spheres of life …’12

Indeed, some have claimed that the Church was so powerful and influential that it was able to control and direct the political activities of the Catholic Irish. William Walker contended that in the late nineteenth century the Church was able to prevent the Irish from joining the ranks of the emerging labour movement.13 He suggested that one way in which the Church was able to do this was through the clergy’s deliberate – and perhaps ‘devious’ – promotion of Irish nationalism and Home Rule among the immigrant community, which co-existed alongside their continual attacks on Socialism and the cause of labour: ‘It is distinctly possible that priests fostered the politics of nationalism as a distraction from the politics of class.’14 In his recent history of the Scottish working class, Bill Knox is more forthright in his interpretation of the role of the clergy. He maintains that hostility and prejudice throughout society ‘saw the Irish Catholics retreat from the embrace of the Scottish labour movement and into the arms of a reactionary priesthood, which channelled Irish political energies into the struggle for Home Rule’.15

This chapter will critically assess these views of the Catholic Irish in the nineteenth century. The first section will determine whether the immigrant community was as isolated and despised as some have claimed. It will not deal with the attitudes of the Protestant churches and the middle classes, as these have been well documented.16 Instead, it will focus on the Catholic Irish and their relationship with those beside whom they lived and laboured – the Scottish working class. The second section will establish whether the Catholic Church and its clergy were able totally to dominate and control the lives of the Irish. The chapter will deal exclusively with the west of Scotland, as this is the region in which the majority of the immigrants settled.17 Moreover, the bulk of the research on the Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland relates to the west of the country.

I

It is undeniable that Irish workers – Catholic and Protestant – were used to break strikes, and, as a result, incurred the wrath of Scottish workers. However, most of the evidence of this relates to the coal and iron industries of Lanarkshire and Ayrshire from the mid-1820s to the mid-1850s.18 The vast majority of Irish workers in the nineteenth century were not employed in the mining industry and were not used as blackleg labour.19 Furthermore, even in the mining districts of the west of Scotland the Irish experience was more complex than some historians have suggested. In many instances Irishmen who were used as strike-breakers were not new to the industry but were already employed in and around the pits as labourers, and had apparently lived and worked alongside the Scottish colliers without incident.20 Alan Campbell has argued that, once part of the mining workforce, most Irish workers during the middle decades of the nineteenth century were unwilling to join their district unions, for social, economic and cultural reasons.21 Yet there is, as he acknowledged, evidence that some Irish workers participated in strikes to protect or improve their wages and conditions during the 1840s and 1850s.22 Campbell and others have also shown that from the 1870s onwards Irish miners – Catholic and Protestant – were prominent both in the rank-and-file and in the leadership of miners’ trade unions in Lanarkshire. For example, it has been estimated that by 1900 the Irish made up almost three-quarters of the total membership of the Lanarkshire Miners’ Union. At this time at least one-third of the executive of the Airdrie branch of the county union were of Irish Catholic extraction, including its secretary, P. J. Agnew. By 1911 the Catholic Irish constituted the majority of the membership of the Lanarkshire branch of the National Iron and Steelworkers Union.23 Catholic Irish miners also participated fully in industrial disputes during this period, including the major stoppages of 1874 and 1912.24

Irish workers in other occupations also played a prominent role in strikes, in trade unions, and in the labour movement in the west of Scotland throughout the nineteenth century.25 For example, Irish handloom weavers were involved in industrial action from the 1800s to the 1840s. In 1834 a Glasgow Cotton Manufacturer stated that:

With regard to combination among the weavers, the Irish are rather urged on by the more acute and thinking among the Scotch; but when the emergency comes the Irish are the more daring spirits; and as they are in themselves less reflective, and worse educated they are more prone to use violence, without regard to consequences.26

By the late 1830s around 40 per cent of the membership of Glasgow’s weavers’ associations were born in Ireland. If weavers born in Scotland of Irish parents are taken into account, it is probable that the majority of the membership were Irish.27

The majority of cotton spinners in Glasgow and Paisley during the first four decades of the nineteenth century were Irish or of Irish descent. These workers were the driving-force behind the Glasgow Cotton Spinners Association, which in the 1820s and 1830s was the most powerful and active workers’ organisation in Scotland.28 Indeed, in the aftermath of the disastrous spinners’ general strike of 1837 a member of the association informed the authorities that ‘… almost all the jobs done in the union … were done or originated by Catholics and Irishmen’.29 Two Irish Catholics, Patrick McGowan and Peter Hacket, were particularly active in the affairs of the union at this time. The association, which throughout its existence had a large Irish membership – Catholic and Protestant – was also an integral part of the labour movement in the west of Scotland in these years. It was represented on Glasgow’s Trades’ Committees during the 1820s and 1830s and was prominent in the various working-class agitations of those decades. The association was the driving force behind the campaign in the west of Scotland for a reform of working conditions for all workers in all factories, and appears to have been the principal backer of the Liberator, the newspaper for the Glasgow working class.30

There is not much evidence, apart from that which relates to the Lanarkshire coalfields, of significant Irish involvement in trade unions and strike action in the west of Scotland from the mid-1840s to the late 1880s. As most of the successful unions in non-mining areas in this period were organisations of skilled workers, and most Irish men and women in these localities were unskilled or semi-skilled, this is not surprising. However, in Glasgow in the 1850s Irish labourers managed to form their own association, which was affiliated to the city’s Trades Council. This organisation, known as the United Labourers, did not survive the depression of the late 1870s. It was re-established in 1890 as the National Labourers Union, and by 1892 was the largest subscriber to the Glasgow Trades Council.31

Irish workers were heavily involved in the New Unionism of the late nineteenth century. In 1889 the National Union of Dock Labourers was established in Glasgow by two Irishmen, Richard McGhee and Edward McHugh. According to Kenefick, the dockers in the city were ‘overwhelmingly Catholic Irish in composition’, and formed the backbone of the organisation. Moreover, the union played a full part in the labour movement of the time; for example, during the 1890s it was a leading subscriber to the Glasgow Trades Council.32 Elsewhere in the city, Irish workers were prominent or dominant in the Corporation Workers Union, the Municipal Employees Association, and in the Gas Workers and General Labourers Union. Catholic Irish workers were likewise involved in the Glasgow Trades Council in this period. For example, in 1888 Owen Kiernan was the tailors’ representative and in 1892 Hugh Murphy was the delegate of the Cabinet Makers Union.33 In Airdrie and Coatbridge the Catholic Irish were present in significant numbers by the 1890s in the Gas Workers and General Labourers Union, the National Society of Smiths and Hammermen and in the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.34

Throughout the nineteenth century the Catholic Irish in the west of Scotland were deeply concerned about issues affecting Ireland. In the 1840s they were heavily involved in the campaign for repeal of the British-Irish Act of Union of 1800, and from the early 1870s onwards they were enthusiastic supporters of the movement for Irish Home Rule.35 However, the Catholic Irish in the region were not interested solely in Irish political affairs: during the nineteenth century there was also a significant Catholic Irish presence in most of the working-class agitations for political reform. Members of the immigrant community were neither isolated from the social and economic pressures of urban Scotland, nor indifferent to the demand for the franchise and the benefits which political reform was expected to bring to the working class, of which they, of course, formed a significant part. Concern for Irish or Catholic issues and support for political change in Great Britain were not mutually exclusive. For example, in the autumn of 1819 Andrew Scott, who was the sole Catholic priest in Glasgow, informed the Home Secretary that the secret revolutionary organisation in the city was attempting to recruit into its ranks members of his congregation. He later revealed that, despite his efforts to dissuade them, a number of Irish Catholics had joined the insurrectionary movement. There is also evidence which suggests that the bulk of the Catholic Irish supported the aims of the revolutionaries, and participated in the general strike which took place during the ‘Radical War’ of April 1820.36

Members of the Catholic Irish community participated in the great processions and demonstrations in Glasgow in 1831 and 1832 for the Reform Bills, and in similar events held to honour the visits to the city of the Earl of Durham and Daniel O’Connell – both noted advocates of political reform – in 1834 and 1835 respectively. Moreover, Catholic Irish involvement in these and in other reform activities during this period was not insignificant, but was on such a scale as to be noted and welcomed by Scottish participants.37

A number of Irish Catholics were prominent in the Chartist movement in the west of Scotland, and there was also a Catholic Irish presence in its rank-and-file in Glasgow between 1838 and 1842; for example, Irish workers participated in processions and demonstrations for the Charter. However, the bulk of the Catholic Irish community in the city, and probably elsewhere in the region, did not participate in the agitation during this period. The majority of the Glasgow Catholic Irish community remained loyal to Daniel O’Connell, the political leader of Catholic Ireland and the idol of the immigrant community, who urged his followers to eschew involvement in a movement dominated by his bitter rival Feargus O’Connor. Instead, the Catholic Irish in the city supported the Complete Suffrage movement, a branch of which was established in the city in 1842. This organisation also advocated the Six Points of the Charter, but sought to unite middle-class and moderate working-class reformers, and most important of all as far as Irish Catholics were concerned, received the blessing of O’Connell. Leading figures in the Catholic Irish community in Glasgow became prominent members of the city’s Complete Suffrage Association. However, like Chartism, Complete Suffragism went into rapid decline after 1842.38

There is not much evidence of Scottish and Catholic Irish workers participating in joint political activities in the mid-Victorian period. Furthermore, from the early 1870s onwards the Catholic Irish in Scotland were involved in the campaign for Irish Home Rule, a subject not high on the list of priorities of Scottish working-class reformers and radicals. The Catholic Irish, however, were not interested solely in the movement for an Irish legislature; they were also concerned about the same issues as their fellow Scottish workers, and were active in agitations and organisations alongside them, particularly from the mid-1880s onwards, and mainly at the level of local politics, as historians such as Ian Wood and James Smyth have demonstrated. For example, in the 1893 Glasgow municipal election three of the candidates endorsed by the city’s Trades Council were Irish Home Rulers, two of whom were Roman Catholic. In 1896, the Workers Municipal Elections Committee was established in Glasgow to run candidates at the local election. Four groups were involved in this body – the trade unions, the co-operative societies, the Independent Labour Party and the Irish National League, the organisation for Glasgow’s Irish Home Rulers. Six of the eleven candidates put forward by the committee at the 1896 municipal election were Irish. By the late 1890s, the Glasgow Trades Council and the city’s Irish National League branches were co-operating to get jointly-approved candidates elected to parish councils in the city. Similar developments occurred in Paisley during this period.39 Some historians have argued that the Catholic Irish did not move over to the labour movement until after the First World War. The work of the aforementioned scholars demonstrates that, at the local level at least, the shift had occurred as early as the 1890s.

Another example of considerable co-operation between Irish Catholics and Scottish Protestants in nineteenth-century Scotland can be found in the temperance ‘craze’ of the 1830s and 1840s. The temperance movement expanded rapidly in these decades and many members of the Catholic Irish community became enthusiastic advocates of total abstinence. Although they established their own temperance societies, the Catholic Irish teetotallers worked closely with their Scottish counterparts. For example, in July 1841 between 5,000 and 7,000 Catholic and Protestant Total Abstainers marched through Glasgow before holding an open-air meeting. In August 1842 members of the Catholic and Protestant temperance societies in and around Glasgow walked in procession and held a demonstration to honour the visit to the city of the renowned Irish temperance advocate, Father Theobald Matthew. The procession was led by Father Matthew and James Enraght, an Irish priest serving in Glasgow. On their return to Glasgow Green the marchers were welcomed by a crowd which numbered around 50,000. During his three days in the city Matthew administered the teetotal pledge to upwards of 40,000 people.40

At the beginning of this chapter it was shown that the prevailing view about the Catholic Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland is that they were despised by the bulk of the native population, and as a result formed separate and isolated communities in the towns in which they settled in significant numbers. Yet, the evidence surveyed thus far has demonstrated that during the nineteenth century members of the Catholic Irish communities were involved – often in significant numbers – in strikes, trade unions, trade union campaigns, political agitations and in the temperance movement alongside Scottish workers. Moreover, this involvement was both welcomed and sought by native participants. However, not all Scottish workers were strikers, trade unionists, political reformers or total abstainers. Perhaps those who participated with the Catholic Irish in collective action were more enlightened and less bigoted than those who did not. What now needs to be examined is the relationship which existed between the Catholic Irish and the Protestant working class in general.

Some historians have highlighted sectarian riots and disturbances in Scotland in the nineteenth century as proof that there was considerable Protestant working-class hostility towards the Catholic Irish community. Many such incidents indeed occurred: Alan Campbell has compiled a list of over 50 of them involving Irishmen in Lanarkshire alone, during the period from the early 1830s to the mid-1880s.41 Callum Brown looked at the evidence of sectarian violence as set out by Campbell and others and concluded that: ‘the frequency of recorded confrontations … suggests that the unrecorded cases represented an artery of hate operating throughout Scottish urban society’.42

However, if these events are looked at more closely, it is apparent that the situation is not as straightforward as some have suggested. For example, most of the incidents which Campbell notes or discusses did not involve Scottish workers, but instead were ‘Orange and Green’ disturbances involving Protestant Irish and Catholic Irish immigrants. The available evidence either states or suggests that most Scottish workers were not participants – they remained aloof and let the two immigrant groups continue their old battles.

Of course Scottish workers were, as Campbell and others have shown, involved in some rioting against Irish workers, but this was confined almost exclusively to certain industrial disputes in the coal and iron industries of Lanarkshire and Ayrshire from the mid-1820s to the mid-1850s. These incidents were not of the sectarian character as those already discussed: they were disturbances against the Irish – Catholic and Protestant – as strikebreakers, and were not primarily attacks on the Catholic Irish on account of their religious persuasion or ethnic background.43

Indeed, if the attacks on Irish strikebreakers are put to one side, what is noticeable – given what has been written about Scottish working-class attitudes towards the Catholic Irish – is that there was comparatively little open popular hostility towards the immigrant presence. There were in fact only a few anti-Catholic riots in the whole of the west of Scotland throughout the nineteenth century: in Airdrie (1835), Greenock and Gourock (1851) and in Greenock (1855).44 There is, however, evidence of small scale anti-Catholic activity, such as the breaking of the windows of Roman Catholic churches, and the shouting of abuse at priests,45 and there were also a number of drunken brawls between Catholics and Protestants.46 It is not clear, however, how representative such actions were of the Scottish Protestant workforce as a whole. Yet overall, as John McCaffrey pointed out over 20 years ago, the extent of ‘communal friction’ in Scotland was far less than in the north of England and Wales in the second half of the nineteenth century.47

Of course the absence of widespread native rioting against the Catholic Irish does not necessarily mean that the bulk of the Scottish workforce was not hostile to the presence of the immigrant community. Scottish workers could have expressed their displeasure in other ways. Yet there is little evidence that they did. For example, they did not give significant support to organisations or activities which were anti-Catholic, or anti-Catholic Irish. Membership of the Orange Order in Scotland in the nineteenth century was drawn overwhelmingly from the Protestant Irish community.48 There was little or no support at local or national level for Scottish politicians (or others) who played the sectarian card, unlike in the 1930s when the anti-Catholic demagogue Andrew Ratcliffe achieved success in Glasgow municipal elections.49

In the 1850s there was an upsurge in ‘No Popery’ sentiment in Scotland, caused mainly by the restoration of the Catholic hierarchy in England. Numerous anti-Catholic meetings were held and pamphlets published. Yet apart from the riots in Greenock and Gourock in 1851, there were no major outbreaks of violence against the Catholic Irish community, nor was there much popular support for those who sought to exploit the situation for their own ends.50 By the mid-1850s the furore was over, and when, in 1878, the Catholic hierarchy in Scotland was restored, there was no return to the ‘No Popery’ of the 1850s, nor was there any sectarian uproar or backlash against the Catholic Irish community.

The absence of significant open popular hostility towards the Catholic Irish, and the lack of support for anti-Catholic organisations and activities, does not necessarily mean that the bulk of the native workforce were happy with the Catholic Irish in their midst. For example, Helen Crawfurd (1877–1954), a suffragette and member of the Independent Labour Party, recalled that during her upbringing in Glasgow she looked ‘upon the Fenian and Catholic Irish as sub-human’.51 In the 1930s a Glaswegian recalled that in the Calton district in the late nineteenth century:

The Irish were looked upon as an inferior race, hewers of wood and drawers of water, who should be treated with consideration but kept in their place. The less we had to do with them the better. Their religion was not our religion, which was the best; and their customs were different from ours, as was their speech. Doubtless there were good folk among them, but the unruly and turbulent ones showed us what we might become if we did not keep to our own people.52

Rather than engage in public acts of hostility, Scottish workers who shared such views of the Catholic Irish may simply have chosen to ignore members of the immigrant community; for example, the skilled working class – the ‘aristocracy of labour’ – may have distanced themselves socially, culturally and physically, in the same manner in which they removed themselves from the unskilled and semi-skilled native workforce.53

However, there is evidence which suggests that members of the Catholic Irish community enjoyed good relations with some Scottish workers and in fact associated with them to a considerable extent.54 For example, one reason why sections of the Scottish middle class were hostile towards the Catholic Irish was that they recognised that the immigrants were mixing with Scottish workers, and believed that this was a cause – for some the principal cause – of the perceived decline in the moral condition of the native population.55 Evidence submitted to the 1834 inquiry into the Irish Poor in Great Britain clearly demonstrates this. For example, one Glasgow businessman maintained that the Irish were

more addicted to drink, to lying, and to swearing, than the natives; by mixing so much with them, they have lowered the tone of morals among the Scotch, whilst they, the Irish, have been in a greater proportion improved.56

Moses Steven Buchanan, the senior surgeon of the Glasgow Royal Infirmary and an elder and deacon of St John’s Parish, stated that there were no streets or districts in the city exclusively inhabited by the immigrants, who appeared to him ‘to be quite amalgamated and mixed up with the poor population …’. He added:

In consequence of the large numbers of Irish who come here, and their great ignorance, both intellectual and religious, their morality is inferior, and this has a tendency to lower the Scotch. You may educate and raise the native population as you will, still there is a constant influx of ignorant and uneducated Irish, who, by their example and association, deteriorate the condition of the natives.57

James Wright, a cotton manufacturer, argued that the Irish were

extremely ignorant, those who come here being generally the lowest of the population, and their mixing with the natives produces a bad moral effect on them, from their want of religious education. Generally I think that the Irish have contributed considerably to demoralize the working classes of Glasgow by their example, arising from the want of religious and moral training, and by evil communication.58

In the late nineteenth century such views were still widespread. For example, the author of the introduction to the Census of Scotland for 1871 described the Catholic Irish community in the following terms:

The immigration of such a body of labourers of the lowest class, with scarcely any education, cannot but have most prejudicial effects on the population. As yet the great body of these Irish do not seem to have been improved by their residence among us; and it is quite certain that the native Scot who has associated with them has most certainly deteriorated. It is painful to contemplate what may be the ultimate effect of this Irish immigration on the morals and habits of the people, and on the future prospects of the country.59

Not only did many Irish Catholics mix and associate with Scottish Protestants – a considerable number also married them. For example, in 1850 an Irish priest was upset to find during his visit to Glasgow that too many spouses of Catholics were Protestant. In Saltcoats in 1858 one in six marriages was mixed.60 In 1871 the priest at Ayr informed Archbishop Eyre of Glasgow that the moral condition of his congregation was ‘truly frightful’, and that he had many mixed couples in his Mission.61 In 1878 the priest at Helensburgh lamented that almost one-half of his marriages were mixed;62 that same year the priest at Airdrie informed Eyre that the chief abuse prevailing in his charge was ‘… company keeping with protestants ending in marriages often at the Kirk’. He added that they were ‘the curse of the place’.63 In the early 1880s the Bishop of Galloway told Rome that mixed marriages were common in his diocese, which included most of Ayrshire.64 Bernard Aspinwall’s analysis of baptismal registers of the Catholic Church at Kinning Park, Glasgow, between 1875 and 1896 shows that 18 per cent of baptisms were of children of mixed religious parentage.65 Moreover, Aspinwall’s figure relates only to mixed marriages sanctioned by the Catholic Church; there may have been other mixed marriages which occurred outwith the Church, such as those complained of in 1878 by the mission priest at Airdrie. It has been suggested that intermarriage between Protestants and Catholics decreased markedly as the nineteenth century progressed, as the Catholic Church developed institutions and organisations which locked its adherents into an isolated, self-contained ‘cradle-to-the-grave’ community.66 It is now apparent that by the late nineteenth century the issue of mixed marriages was one which still greatly vexed the Catholic Church.

II

The Catholic Church, its clergy and its institutions played a vital role in the lives of Catholic Irish immigrants in the nineteenth century.67 The local priest in particular ‘was the pivotal point in parish life. He assumed the leadership in the mission, and encouraged the various spiritual and parochial activities of his congregation.’68 However, although the clergy were important and influential figures within their missions and parishes, it does not necessarily follow that they were able to exercise their authority to the extent that some have argued. In fact, one of the major themes in the history of the Catholic community for much of the first seven decades of the nineteenth century is the conflict between the Scottish clergy who ran the Church and sections of the Irish laity: conflict over politics, and over the governance and identity of the Church in the region.

In October 1823 a number of Irishmen in Glasgow established a Catholic Association, which soon became involved in Daniel O’Connell’s campaign for Catholic emancipation.69 A year later, Andrew Scott, priest in charge of the Glasgow Mission, resolved to crush the organisation. He believed that its mere existence not only damaged the image of Catholicism in the city, but also posed a serious threat to the security and well-being of the Church. Several leading Protestants had complained to Scott about the association; there was a concern that it was a radical organisation similar to those which had engaged in insurrectionary activities from 1816 to 1820, and no doubt there was hostility among some against the very aim of emancipation – to allow Catholics to enter Parliament and to hold public office.70 Monetary considerations were vital to Scott’s decision. Leading members of the Glasgow Catholic Schools Committee had suggested to him that many Protestants would withdraw their financial support from the schools if the association continued, particularly since the leading figures in it – the brothers William and James McGowan – were teachers in the Catholic schools. Also, the Catholic Rent – funds raised in the city and sent to Dublin to assist O’Connell’s campaign – deprived the impoverished Glasgow Mission of vital funds. When the Glasgow Catholic Association refused Scott’s orders to disband the issue of control became prominent. In February 1825 Scott wrote to his superior, Bishop Cameron:

I am fully convinced from experience that if such rebellions be not quelled in the bud, it will very soon become impossible to manage such congregations as we have here. This is the most numerous and consequently the most difficult to manage …71

The association could not be allowed to defy the orders of the clergy. Its members were denied the sacraments, and in late 1825 Scott engineered the dismissal of the McGowan brothers from their teaching posts. Yet despite such measures, the Glasgow Catholic Association continued to campaign publicly for emancipation, and disbanded only when the measure was achieved in 1829.72

Events in the subsequent two decades further demonstrate that the Catholic clergy in the west of Scotland were not able to impose their will on large sections of the immigrant community, and dictate to them on political matters. In December 1832, during the first general election campaign under the terms of the Reform Act, Andrew Scott – now bishop in charge of the Church in the west of Scotland – tried to persuade a meeting of Catholic electors in Glasgow to vote for the Tory candidate. Only 12 out of a Catholic electorate of around 300 took Scott’s advice, and this attempt by the bishop to get the Irish to vote against the reform candidates aroused much comment and controversy in the Glasgow press.73

Catholic Irish involvement in the campaign for the Reform Bills, and in subsequent movements in the 1830s for an extension of the franchise, greatly alarmed Bishop Scott, who, as has been shown, was a social and political conservative. He not only opposed such agitations, but also believed that the Catholic Irish should keep their heads down and not become involved in any political activities – such as campaigns to give some or all of the adult male working class the vote – which were opposed by the bulk of the Protestant middle class. Such participation would draw attention to the Catholic Irish community and its Church, and Scott feared that – as with the involvement of some in the movement for Catholic emancipation – this could result in increased Protestant hostility. However, despite Scott’s opposition to reform, there was little he could do about it. Catholic Irish support for political change was simply so great that Scott, and his coadjutor Bishop John Murdoch, did not even attempt to prevent the involvement of their flock.74

The same is true of the movement for the Repeal of the British-Irish Act of Union, which gained tremendous support from the Catholic Irish in the west of Scotland during the 1840s. Both Scott and Murdoch were opposed to the measure but such was the popularity of repeal among the Irish that – as with the situation with reform – the bishops decided not to interfere.75 Furthermore, despite the bishops’ ban on clerical involvement in the agitation, some of the Irish clergy – who first arrived in the region in the late 1830s as a result of the shortage of Scottish priests – privately promoted the cause, much to Scott’s chagrin.76

Until the late nineteenth century there was a significant section of the Catholic Irish community which was opposed to the dominance of the Scottish clergy within the Catholic Church in the west of Scotland. These Irish Catholics maintained that since the bulk of the Catholic population in the region, and indeed in Scotland as a whole, were Irish or of Irish descent, they should be served by Irish priests and be governed by Irish bishops. These demands were first raised in the late 1820s;77 however, it was not until the 1860s that matters came to a head with the assault of the Glasgow Free Press, the newspaper of the Catholic Irish community, against the Scottish bishops and clergy. It also supported the campaign by a section of the Irish-born clergy against the way in which the Church was run and dominated by their Scottish colleagues. This bitter civil war ended only when Rome intervened and, in late 1868, appointed an Englishman, Charles Eyre, to take charge of the Church in the west of Scotland.78

In comparison with the era of the Scottish bishops, Eyre’s period in charge of the Catholic Church in the west of Scotland (1869–1902) did not witness any major conflicts between him and the Catholic Irish over politics, the running of the Church or over what identity it should have.79 Furthermore, Eyre’s reign saw the Church expand rapidly, with a marked increase in the number of priests, chapels and schools, as well as the creation of a number of welfare, charitable, social, devotional and recreational organisations.80 Some have suggested that one consequence of this was that the Church was able to tighten its grip over the Catholic Irish.81 However, in the late nineteenth century, as with the previous period, the Church’s control and influence was not as great as some have argued. This can be demonstrated with reference to four major themes: politics, secret societies, temperance and mixed marriages.

As shown in the introduction, William Walker suggested that the Catholic Church in Scotland promoted Home Rule and Irish nationalism as a means of directing Catholic Irish political activities away from the labour movement and socialism. This may well have been the case in Dundee, the focus of Walker’s study, but it was not so in the west of Scotland during the episcopate of Charles Eyre. Eyre did not advocate Home Rule, and indeed did not get involved in national politics in general, except, of course, when the interests of Catholicism or the Church were at stake.82 The Church in the west of Scotland concentrated almost exclusively on local politics in order to protect or promote Catholic interests. Indeed, in order to avoid conflict or confusion, an understanding was reached between the Church and the Irish nationalist organisations (such as the Irish National League and later the United Irish League) whereby the former would contest school board and parochial board elections, while the latter would organise the Irish vote in municipal and national elections.83

Despite the Church’s willingness to co-exist peacefully with the Home Rule movement, and indeed to co-operate at times with nationalist bodies over issues concerning religion, Eyre occasionally distanced his Church and clergy from the politics of Irish nationalism. For example, in February 1886 he expressed concern that Irish National League meetings were still being held in the school at Carfin, and 16 years later he refused a branch of the United Irish League at Motherwell the use of the Catholic schools in the town.84 In December 1885 a priest at Airdrie, following Eyre’s ‘advice’, severed all links with the Irish National League.85 Six years earlier, Henry Murphy, the parish priest at Irvine in Ayrshire (in the neighbouring diocese of Galloway) spoke at a major Home Rule meeting in Glasgow, and at other nationalist gatherings in the city. This infuriated Eyre, presumably because he feared it could encourage some of his own clergy to participate in such events. Eyre insisted to Bishop McLachlan of Galloway that Murphy should be prevented from attending nationalist meetings, and, under episcopal pressure, Murphy quickly apologised for his actions. The following year, after a lengthy and bitter dispute over money with his bishop, Murphy was dismissed from his diocese.86

Other Irish priests, however, were heavily involved in Irish nationalist politics, seemingly without being censured or disciplined by Eyre.87 Indeed, Michael Condon and James Danaher, two senior clergymen in the archdiocese of Glasgow, were prominent advocates of Home Rule.88 It is not known why some priests were allowed to participate in Irish nationalist politics, while others were not. Yet the role of Irish clergymen in the Home Rule movement should not be exaggerated. As Ian Wood pointed out in the 1970s, ‘clerical influence was not tantamount to clerical control’.89 During the 1885 general election, Charles Stewart Parnell, the leader of the Home Rule movement, instructed Irish voters in Great Britain to vote for Tory candidates. The Wishaw branch of the Irish National League expelled a member who had refused to obey this directive; as a result, the local priest attacked the branch for its decision, and withdrew the use of his school rooms for its meetings. The Wishaw INL upheld the expulsion, stating that ‘they would be pleased to sit under Father McCoy in religion, but in politics we will be guided by the leaders of the Irish people.’90 Those priests who actively supported the cause of Home Rule were not, as the Wishaw case illustrates, the dominant figures in the local branches. Leadership in the west of Scotland came mainly from the Catholic Irish laity; moreover, the towering figure in the Home Rule movement in the region was in fact an Ulster Protestant, John Ferguson.91

There is other evidence which shows sections of the Catholic Irish community rejecting the ‘advice’, or more accurately the orders, of some of the clergy on political matters. In August 1875 the Irish in the west of Scotland planned to celebrate the centenary of the birth of Daniel O’Connell by holding a large demonstration in Glasgow. However, some Irish nationalists wanted to turn the celebration into a political event and pass resolutions in favour of Irish Home Rule and amnesty for Irish political prisoners. Some of the senior Catholic clergy in Glasgow, such as Alexander Munro, a Scot, and Bernard Tracey, an Irishman, opposed this, and called on the Irish to support a non-political celebration, which would be led and controlled by them. Two rival demonstrations were then held on the same day; according to Handley twice as many attended the clergy event.92 Nevertheless, the fact that thousands attended the political gathering, whose speakers included Michael Condon, demonstrates that ‘clerics were not always able to control their parishioners’ political movements as easily as popular opinion imagined they were.’93

Eight years later clerical advice over another demonstration was likewise ignored. In August 1883, the priest at Motherwell, the Irishman James Glancy, was opposed to a planned Home Rule meeting. He even went as far as issuing posters which read:

Dr. Glancy wishes it to be distinctly understood that the so-called Irish demonstration announced to take place here on Saturday has been organized against his express order by a secret society formerly condemned by the Holy See, and that it is in no sense an Irish Catholic demonstration. He wishes the public of the burgh to consider all those taking any part whatever therein as acting in direct opposition to ecclesiastical authority, and he hopes that the peaceful Catholic population of the town will not be held responsible for the disreputable conduct of a few self-willed adherents of secret societies.94

Despite such public hostility from Glancy, around 400 Home Rulers from in and around the town assembled and then left to attend a demonstration in Coatbridge. On their return to Motherwell they were attacked by Orangemen and fighting continued over the next two days.95

Some Irish Catholics were even willing to defy the Church during local elections in which Catholic interests were at stake. For example, in March 1882 Henry Murphy, who since his dismissal from the diocese of Galloway had been publicly campaigning for the Irish nationalist cause, stood in the Glasgow School Board election as a Home Rule candidate. Despite incurring the wrath of the hierarchy and the senior clergy, and indeed being a sacked priest, he was elected ahead of the three Catholic Church candidates, one of whom was the Rev. Alexander Munro. Murphy’s success also meant that one of the three Church candidates was not elected.96

Another area in which many Irish Catholics refused to obey the clergy’s instructions was involvement in organisations which were proscribed by the Church. Catholics were forbidden to join societies such as the Ribbonmen and the Fenian Brotherhood. The Church in Scotland, as in Ireland where Ribbonism and Fenianism originated, opposed these secret oath-bound bodies on account of their violent activities and their revolutionary political aims and ideals, and because they were considered to be anti-clerical. Known members of these societies were denied the sacraments of the Church.97 Yet despite this, some Irish Catholics seem to have been active in Ribbonism and Fenianism, and throughout Eyre’s period in charge of the Catholic Church in the west of Scotland he received letters from his clergy seeking advice on how to deal with those who were involved in these activities.98 Indeed, such was the concern that in 1882 Eyre established a ‘Commission on the Subject of Secret Societies’. It concluded that societies such as the Ribbonmen did exist and were ‘pernicious’. In order to disguise their activities and escape ecclesiastical sanction, the societies sometimes took the form of benefit societies. The commission recommended that all the organisations it named should be banned,99 and as a result Eyre issued a circular on the St Patrick’s Hibernian Society and the St Patrick’s Fraternal Society. The clergy of the archdiocese were directed to prevent members of their flock from joining these proscribed organisations, and to do everything they could to persuade those who were members to leave.100 In 1889, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, which according to Handley ‘had a strong representation among the immigrants’, was banned by the Catholic hierarchy in Scotland. The order insisted that it was simply a friendly society but the Church was convinced that it was mainly a front for Ribbonism.101

Despite the ecclesiastical ban and the exhortations of the clergy, members of the proscribed societies carried on regardless. The priest at Shieldmuir in Motherwell informed the archdiocese in 1897 that there seemed ‘to be a very strong branch of the “Fenians” in this district’, and gave an account of its activities.102 The following year, Eyre was informed that ‘the “Ribbonmen”, or as they call themselves “St Patrick’s Fraternal Society”’, were holding meetings in Greenock.103 The Ancient Order of Hibernians continued to operate openly, and eventually in 1909, ‘in view of recent statements, and in view of the reformation of the rules’, the ban on it in Scotland was lifted.104 Indeed such was the concern in the archdiocese about the continuing activities of the secret societies, that Eyre’s circular of 1882 was reprinted in 1888 and 1889, and was reissued in 1899 with the addition that ‘all other similar societies (the “Ancient Order of Hibernians” being included)’ were to be condemned.105

It was not only in the political or radical sphere that Irish Catholics rejected the wishes or instructions of their Church and clergy in the late nineteenth century. Temperance is a case in point. By the 1880s, if not before, drunkenness was regarded as a major problem within the Catholic community.106 In October 1888, after a wide consultation with his clergy, Charles Eyre decided to establish a branch of the temperance organisation The League of the Cross in every parish in Glasgow and its suburbs.107 The following May, encouraged by the success of the new venture, Eyre decided that the society was to have branches in all the parishes throughout his archdiocese.108 This was soon achieved; indeed, at a great League of the Cross meeting in Glasgow City Hall on St Andrew’s Day 1890, Eyre proudly informed his audience that the archdiocese of Glasgow was the first diocese in all of the United Kingdom to have a branch of the organisation in every parish. The secretary of the league reported that there were 68 branches in total, with a ‘practical’ membership of between 16,000 and 17,000.109 Within a year and a half the society had expanded further. In March 1892 Eyre informed the laity that the number of branches had now risen to 128 – 64 for men, 40 for women and 24 for children – and announced that over 30,000 Catholics had taken the total abstinence pledge.110 Moreover, the Church usually provided the organisation with the use of its halls and premises, and the parish priest was normally the leading figure in the local branch.111

Eyre’s establishment of the League of the Cross throughout his archdiocese is seen by some historians as one of the main achievements of his episcopate.112 However, a closer examination of the organisation reveals that in some parts of the west of Scotland in the 1890s it struggled either to attract or to keep members. For example, in March 1890 the priest at Larkhall informed the archdiocese that, in spite of all his efforts, there was no branch of the League of the Cross in his parish for men.113 In October 1891 the priest in charge of St Mary’s Hamilton, Peter Donnelly, told a parish meeting that the local League of the Cross ‘did not come up to his expectations. It had not gathered into the ranks all those who were drinking to such an extent that they were unworthy of the name Christian. It was true that the League had accomplished a great deal, but it still had a large field before it.’114 The following March the president of the branch stated in his annual report that although progress had been steady, ‘the falling off at times was distressing …’115 In 1899 the parish priest at Longriggend stated that, ‘The evil of drunkenness is ruining the large majority of the people and I find it very hard to keep up the league of the cross.’116 Indeed, it would appear that the League of the Cross was not the success that some have suggested, and that the bulk of the Catholic Irish in the west of Scotland in fact rejected Eyre and the Church’s entreaties to embrace the cause of total abstinence. The League of the Cross Annual Report of 1901 revealed that there were 65 branches in the archdiocese, with a total membership of 33,327 (23,943 men, 7,500 women and 1,884 children); the number of Catholics under Eyre’s charge at this time was around 330,000. Mary McHugh’s analysis of the report concludes that ‘barely ten percent of the estimated Catholic community had even a nominally active involvement, and even within this group, very few followed the League programme with unswerving devotion’. According to McHugh, the League of the Cross went into decline thereafter and quickly ‘lost … any importance it may have possessed’.117

Finally, as was revealed earlier, even as late as the 1880s the issue of mixed marriages was still of great concern to the clergy. Throughout the nineteenth century the aim of the Catholic Church in the west of Scotland was to create and maintain a self-contained Catholic community in which the Irish remained true to the Catholic faith, and married within that community. From the 1860s onwards in particular, the Church established a wide range of social and recreational groups and activities, in part to negate the need of its adherents to look outwith the parish for them. The great fear was that if the Catholic Irish mixed socially with wider Scottish society, intermarriage would result: this could lead to Catholics being lost to the Church, and the children of such unions being raised as Protestants.118 That many Irish Catholics did in fact choose to marry outwith their faith demonstrates once again that the grip of the Church was not as firm as some have claimed.

III

In the introduction to this chapter it was shown that the dominant view among historians about the Catholic Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland is that they were despised by the native population, and as a result constituted a separate and isolated community which was controlled by the clergy. Such a view, however, is not compatible with much of the evidence surveyed in this chapter. Many members of the Catholic Irish community in the west of Scotland participated in strikes and trade unions, and in political and other movements with Scottish workers. While most Scots might have disliked Catholicism as a religion and the Catholic Church as an institution, it is clear that many did not let their personal religious beliefs prevent them from participating in joint activities or associating with – or even marrying – members of the Catholic Irish community in the region.

It is evident, therefore, that the extent of popular opposition to the Catholic Irish in the west of Scotland in the nineteenth century has been greatly exaggerated. Some historians appear to have noted the hostility towards Irish strike-breakers in some of the mining districts in Lanarkshire and Ayrshire from the 1820s to the 1850s, and assumed that Scottish workers elsewhere in the region were equally opposed to the Catholic Irish presence, and for