Next Steps to a Free Cuba E-Book

• Herausgeber: Books on Demand
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Deutsch

Seitenzahl: 165

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017

Beschreibung

The Global Panel Foundation and The Prague Society for International Cooperation are committed to bringing people together to discuss and broaden our knowledge. We will use our experience to apply new concepts and frameworks for sustainable development in Cuba. During a series of public policy sessions in Berlin, Germany, diverse groups of Cuban human rights activists and dissidents, politicians, businessmen and academics were brought together. They discussed concepts, frameworks, cases, tools, and the best practices to cope with the emerging challenges to Cuba. Building on the foregoing, this work collects contributions by authors covering Cuban as well as Central European perspectives. The articles have been grouped into six parts according to the schedule of public policy sessions: Cubans meet Bundestag; Leadership in Cuba; Lessons learnt from 1989/90; The Cuba Strategy from a German perspective, and Cuba from a Czech and Latvian perspective. Initiatives for Change in Cuba close the publication. This work gives an outlook for further activities relating to democratize Cuba.

Leseprobe

Preface

After the Cold War many communist countries transferred to democratic rule. One of the few exceptions is Cuba. Cuba was at the center of the worst military crisis during the Cold War. In 1962 the USA faced down the Soviet Union. The two world powers came to the brink of war over the deployment of nuclear weapons on the island. Since then the USA has boycotted Cuba politically and economically. In December 2014 the US and Cuban government surprisingly announced the resumption of US-Cuban-relations. Because technology is moving so quickly – faster than political institutions react – the USA and Europe have been forced to adapt. Their cooperation is a necessary part for the political and economic transformation of Cuba. Considerable attention is being paid to determine what democratization in Cuba would include. Human rights, the rule of law and elections are small pieces of the puzzle. The Global Panel Foundation and The Prague Society for International Cooperation are committed to bringing people together to discuss and broaden our knowledge. We will use our experience to apply new concepts and frameworks for sustainable development in Cuba. During a series of public policy sessions in Berlin, Germany, diverse groups of Cuban human rights activists and dissidents, politicians, businessmen and academics were brought together. They discussed concepts, frameworks, cases, tools, and the best practices to cope with the emerging challenges to Cuba.

Building on the foregoing, this work collects contributions by authors covering Cuban as well as Central European perspectives. As the development in Cuba is relatively new, a range of articles was received. These cover a wide variety of subjects. After the public policy sessions, the keynote speakers were asked to provide their manuscripts for the publication. These manuscripts and articles are arranged in order to provide some structure to guide readers. The articles have been grouped into six parts according to the schedule of public policy sessions: Cubans meet Bundestag; Leadership in Cuba; Lessons learnt from 1989/90; The Cuba Strategy from a German perspective, and Cuba from a Czech and Latvian perspective. Initiatives for Change in Cuba close the publication. This work gives an outlook for further activities relating to democratize Cuba. Undoubtedly there are other ways that the articles could have been grouped. We think this grouping made the most sense.

Cubans meet Bundestag

Katharina A., Research Associate of a German MP, summarizes the talks with members of different human rights groups from inside and outside Cuba. These groups formulate the hope for sustainable transformation and change in communist Cuba. On the other hand, they ask for participation of civil society in the transformational processes with the Cuban government.

Leadership in Cuba

As the title of this part implies, leadership is essential for Marxist-Leninist regimes. They live on centralized authority and autocratic leadership. Santa Coloma, a journalist and former personal translator to Fidel Castro, identifies in “The Castro Clan – An obstacle for a Cuban reform process” the logic of the Cuban leadership circle since the Cuban Revolution – and its willingness to protect its benefits in the future despite progress in reforms.

Lessons learnt from 1989/90

In the following chapter historical developments and experiences from an East German dissident’s perspective are in the focus. Reinhard Weißhuhn, Robert-Havemann-Society, presents “Human rights in the German Democratic Republic and Hungary”, an analysis about the birth of the Helsinki agreement in 1975 and the effects on the dissident movement in Central Europe. It exemplifies the situation in Eastern Germany and Hungary until the fall of the Iron Curtain.

The Cuba Strategy from a German perspective

In this chapter, the question arises, which strategy and means are necessary to start a transformation of the Cuban political and economic system. Markus Meckel, the first and last democratic Foreign Minister of the GDR, discusses the German point of view in “Cuba strategy: Design for a social democratic position determination”. It decribes important elements of a strategy and of essential means to achieve progress in the Cuban system.

Cuba from a Czech and Latvian perspective

Dr. Martin Palouš, Deputy Foreign Minister (Ret.), starts his lecture with a dialogue between two icons of the Czech and Cuban freedom movement: Vaclav Havel and Oswaldo Payá. In his chapter “The unfinished dialogue between Vaclav Havel and Oswaldo Payá. Cuba in 2016” he describes the developments since the Prague Spring, the Helsinki Conference and the Velvet Revolution. He builds a bridge to the Cuban developments in 2016 finalizing with a positive outlook for the coming years.

Oskars Kastens, former Latvian Minister for Social Integration, presents “Eastern European lessons for ‘Freedom Island’”, an overview about the democratization 25 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain. He summarizes three recommendations for Cuban democratization: supporting disenchanted Cuban society groups and engaging Cuban elites in international organisations; accessing development assistance programs by EU and USA, and a more proactive role by the Catholic Church as an independent player.

Initiatives for Change in Cuba

This part focusses on important and sustainable initiatives, which influence the transformation and change in Cuba. Dr. Martin Palouš introduces “The Role of Vaclav Havel Legacy Institutions in the Current Cuban Debate and The Proposed Cuba-Related Activities in 2016”. These initiatives and activities underline the relevance of the transformational processes in Cuba.

Boris Luis Santa Coloma proposes in his “Radio Cuba Dialoga” a dialogue and information platform. Hana Jakrlova presents her initiative “Cuba: Before the Dawn”, which is an art project reflecting on Cuban reality through works of independent Cuban and international artists. The project covers several exhibitions presenting photography, multimedia and conceptual works, as well as performance and book publications.

The book “Next Step to a Free Cuba” is of use to policy makers, NGOs, academics, and practionners who are starting to project what Cuba will need for democratization, modernization and international cooperation.

Remarks:

Some of the chapters in this volume are also published in German and Spanish language. The chapters exclusively reflect the views of the authors.

Table of Content

Preface

Part I: The Series of Public Policy Sessions

Part 1: Cubans meet Bundestag

Katharina A.

Part 2: Leadership in Cuba

Boris Luis

Santa Coloma

Part 3: Lessons learnt from 1989/90

Reinhard Weißhuhn

Part 4: The Cuba Strategy from a German perspective

Markus Meckel

Part 5: Cuba from a Czech and Latvian perspective

Martin Palouš

Oskars Kastens

Part 6: Initiatives for Change in Cuba

Martin Palouš: Vaclav Havel Legacy Institutions

Boris Luis Santa Coloma: Radio Cuba Dialoga

Hana Jakrlova: Cuba: Before the Dawn

Part II: About the Authors

Part III: Organisation

Part IV: Remarks for the Cuban National Reunion

Table of Captions

Havana, 2015

Revolutionary slogan 'Great causes require great sacrifices', Santiago province, Cuba

Living room in a house in Havana

First of May demonstration, Havana

Hand of a dissident

Malecon, Havana

Man looking into a house where Easter holy service takes place, Trinidad

Cuban 'Disneyland' (Parque de la Fantasia), Santiago province, Cuba

Old Havana

Public beach near international hotels, Havana

Young man at Malecon, Havana

Woman carrying a cake, Havana

View from a house, Trinidad

Woman in the bedroom of her house in Santiago de Cuba

Last page of Reinaldo Arenas' novel ‘Before Night Falls’

Part I: The Series of Public Policy Sessions

Part 1: Cubans meet Bundestag

What Cubans do report about!

By Katharina A.

The representatives of several Cuban dissident and human rights groups have unanimously reported that since the “opening”, the regime celebrates a revival and feels more recognized internationally.

The number of short-termed arrests of opposition members and human rights activists has rapidly increased since December 2014. The reasons for this development are on the one side that the regime wants to show force and on the other side that more people are ready to talk openly. They all have reported about threats, humiliations or even about discrimination of their kids concerning their school and university education. Some of them have suffered violent attacks, too.

They have positively assessed the opening and the international talks. But they have asked for Germany’s influence in a way that

the human rights are playing a leading role on the agenda during the talks with the Cuban government and

the “inofficial” civil society is actively involved and heared.

Additionally, they have requested to set a focus on the situation inside the Cuban jails. The conditions there were described as catastrophic, not only for political prisoners.

The courageous and sometimes risky commitment of the present representatives of civil society to human rights in Cuba is impressive. One representative from Miami concluded what would be most important regarding the negotiations with the Cuban government:

“Empowering the people, not the government!”

Worüber Kubaner berichten!

By Katharina A.

Die Vertreter von verschiedenen Dissidenten- und Menschenrechtsgruppen berichteten einhellig, dass seit der „Öffnung” das Regime gleichsam auflebe und sich international wieder mehr anerkannt fühle.

Die Zahl der kurzzeitigen Festnahmen von Oppositionellen und Menschenrechtsaktivisten habe seit dem Dezember 2014 stark zugenommen. Dies liege zum einen darin begründet, dass das Regime Härte zeigen wolle, und zum anderen daran, dass mehr Leute den Mund aufmachten. Sie alle berichteten von Drohungen, Demütigungen, z.T. Benachteiligung der eigenen Kinder bei der schulischen Weiterbildung bzw. Studium. Teilweise erlebten sie auch gewalttätige Attacken.

Sie bewerten die Öffnung und die internationalen Gespräche prinzipiell positiv. Sie baten aber, dass gerade Deutschland darauf hinwirke, dass

die Menschenrechte einen sehr prominenten Platz in den Verhandlungen mit Kuba einnehmen und

auch die „inoffizielle“ Zivilgesellschaft mit eingebunden und angehört wird.

Außerdem lautet eine Bitte, auch die Situation in kubanischen Gefängnissen zu betrachten, da die Zustände nicht nur für die politischen Gefangenen wohl katastrophal sind.

Es war beeindruckend, mit welchem Mut und mit welch hohem persönlichem Risiko diese Menschen in Kuba für die Menschenrechte eintreten. Ein Vertreter aus Miami zog das Fazit, was angesichts der laufenden Verhandlungen mit Kuba wichtig wäre:

„Das Volk stärken, nicht die Regierung!“

Part 2: Leadership in Cuba

Boris Luis Santa Coloma:

The Castro Clan – An obstacle for a Cuban reform process

I remember the first time I met Fidel Castro Junior. It was in 1962. An old friend of my father – a former guerrillero – brought him to us. I found his manner interesting, typical of people accustomed to be the center of everything. I tried to impress him and showed him my comics – Superman, Tarzan, etc. Instead of praising me, the eldest son of Fidel Castro told me to throw away this “American garbage”. In 1962 nobody could imagine that this young anti-imperialist could one day become a defender of a Cuban opening for American capital. Fidelito – little Fidel – or José Raúl – his alias for people closest to him – inherited his father smartness. Fidel junior grew up under the tutelage of his uncle Raúl Castro and the personal care of José Abrahantes, the head of Fidel Castro´s bodyguards. It seems he was predestined to a higher position in the Cuban nomenclature, but one day Fidel Castro condemned his mentor Abrahantes to prison. Fidelito – in a gesture of loyalty - defended his protector – the only one person who cared for him all of the years when his father was busy creating guerrillas all over the world. Castro punished his own son and Fidelito lost his privileges. Since then, the eldest son of Fidel has gravitated in the orbit of his uncle Raúl Castro. At the moment, he is his adviser for European issues.

Using a network of ghost companies, the Castro Clan acquires a fortune. But his real power doesn’t emanate from their financial or economic resources, but rather from their strategical position in the Cuban society. The Castros are the main link for a continuity of the Castrismus – Fidel´s own interpretation of socialism. The Castros – like modern-day Borgias – have taken key positions under their control. The eldest son of Raúl Castro is a high-ranking officer of the intelligence. Raúl´s son-in-law decides which enterprise receives permission to invest on the Island. Traditionally, the Castros attach great importance to their own security. The chief of Raúl Castro´s bodyguards is his grandson. Raúl´s daughter – MARIELA – runs a center for sexuality. Apparently it is an irrelevant position. In reality – MARIELA – acts as the main spokesperson of the Cuban government towards the West. In America and Europe, she transmits a friendly image of the Cuban system, presenting it as a bulwark against sexual discrimination. Experts on Cuban affairs consider her as a potential member of a future collective in the Cuban government aimed towards reforming the Castrismus. When this moment arrives, MARIELA will have the support from another prominent member of the Castro Clan: MARCOS PORTAL LEÓN. He is a former Minister and member of the Politburo of the Communist party. MARCOS PORTAL is the husband of one of Fidel’s and Raúl´s nieces. He was a pioneer in introducing reforms in the Cuban economy. PORTAL convinced Fidel to open the Island to foreign enterprises. MARCOS PORTAL fell in disgrace – not because of his idea to introduce market-economy mechanisms in Cuba – but rather his bold step to designate my old friend – FIDELITO – as his personal adviser. In the 1980s, a handful of Cuban intelligence officers were punished by Fidel because they advocated reforms for the Cuban system. Castro interpreted this as an attempt to overthrow him from power. PORTAL recruited several of these officers to work with him. This also infuriated Fidel.

MARCOS PORTAL is smart and competent. Many Cuban experts target HIM as a possible key person in a future reform process. Aside having no more an official position, PORTAL maintains contacts with high-ranking members of the government.

The Castro Clan has been weakened after the illness of their leading figure. When FIDEL CASTRO was in full-health, the Clan was in harmony. In those days the Castros were a great family, similar to the Corleones of Mario Puzzo’s novel. The absence of Fidel deepens the divisions between the two branches of the Clan: FIDEL´s family and RAUL´s family. The main person in Fidel´s family is his second wife DELIA SOTO. She and Fidel have four children together. The other branch of the Clan is Raúl Castro and his children with Vilma Espin, a former member of Castro´s guerrilla of the 1950s. For several decades, ESPIN was the First Lady of Cuba, not DELIA SOTO, the wife of Fidel Castro. This insignificant fact secretly disturbs relations between both branches of the Castro Clan, especially in the last few years. Raúl’s children are more prominent than Fidel´s children. The most remarkable of Fidel´s children is his son ANTONIO, a doctor, who advises the Cuban government in medicine and sport. Alone – without their mother’s support – they will not be able to have a major role in a future reform process. In the case of his mother DELIA SOTO, things could be different, because she is the real queen. The first time Cubans saw DELIA was alongside FIDEL CASTRO as his companion, when he handed over his power to his brother. Since then, in every public appearance, FIDEL CASTRO has DELIA by his side. Why does somebody who was quite unknown before, appear suddenly on the front pages of Cuban newspapers? Is this an attempt to position DELIA as the head of a movement of hardline communists defending the heritage of the Castrismus? As we know in the case of communist China, MAO´s wife Jiang Qing was a failure in the 1970s when she tried to seize power. If we want to talk about possible scenarios in Cuba, we should consider the possible role of DELIA.

Another interesting point is the controversial role of the Castro Clan in the Cuban public opinion. Recently, the Cuban newspaper Havana Tribune wrote a piece criticizing the luxurious lifestyle of FIDEL´s and DELIA´s youngest son. The most remarkable aspect was not the piece itself, but the fact that neither the journalist, nor the director of the newspaper was punished. In Cuba, nobody dares to offend a member of the tropical “royal family”. That means there is somebody powerful enough to challenge the Clan, whose members are considered untouchable in Cuba. For me, two things are clear:

First: In the highest level of power, not everybody agrees with the idea of the Castro Clan remaining in power. Second: If criticism of the Castro family is suddenly allowed, this could mean the pyramid of power in Cuba is splitting and the future role of the Castro Clan is uncertain.

What is the recommended attitude, Europe and the United States should take towards the Castro Clan?

It would be a mistake to underestimate their role in the future, but it would also be naïve to deal with them as friends. The reforms that they are willing to accept do not contemplate changes of the magnitude that we have seen in China or other totalitarian regimes. They are not interested in improving the lives of the population. Their objective is to reach the point in that gathering riches ceases to be a political and legal crime. They wish to change this key point of the Castro doctrine in order to freely enjoy the millions they have illegally amassed in Cuba the last few years. They want economic freedom but only enough that allows them – under the current status quo—to maintain their perks. Human and political rights are not part of the Castro agenda.

MARIELA CASTRO travels to Western countries every year. I suggest paying more attention to her public appearances in order to know more about the trends and secret intentions of the Castro Clan.

Moving on to other issues, I invite you to evaluate my project RADIO CUBA DIALOGA. My idea is to broadcast a radio program to Cuba, inviting the audience to a sober analysis of their problems. RADIO CUBA DIALOGA encourages diversity of viewpoints and the building of bridges between juxtaposed positions.

The Castros belong to the past;

Radio Cuba Dialoga is a window to the future.

Boris Luis Santa Coloma:

El Clan de los Castro: Un obstáculo para un proceso de reformas cubano

Recuerdo el día en que conocí al hijo mayor de Fidel Castro. Fue en el año 1962. Lo trajo a mi casa un compañero de lucha de mi padre. Me llamó la atención por su manera desenvuelta, propia de quien está habituado a ser centro de atención. Le mostré unos comics americanos y muy serio me recomendó botar esa basura del imperialismo. Por aquel entonces nadie podía imaginar, que con el paso de los años, aquel joven antimperialista acabaría convirtiéndose en uno de los principales defensores de una apertura cubana a los grandes consorcios estadounidenses. El mayor de los hijos de Fidel heredó la inteligencia de su padre, no así su desconfianza hacia todos quienes le rodeaban, incluyendo su propia familia. Fidelito creció bajo la tutela de su tío Raúl y la atención personal de José Abrahantes, el jefe de los guardaespaldas del jefe de estado cubano. Todo parecía indicar que ocuparía un puesto relevante en las estructuras de poder, hasta que Fidel condenó a prisión al jefe de sus guardaespaldas, a quien acusó de simpatizar con la