Ora E-Book

Leonie Pihama

• Herausgeber: Huia Publishers
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2023

Seitenzahl: 664

Beschreibung

This collection brings together indigenous thinkers and practitioners from Aotearoa and internationally to discuss the effects of trauma on indigenous peoples across social, economic, political and cultural environments. The authors explore understandings and practices of indigenous people, grounded in the knowledge of ancestors and based on research, that facilitate healing and wellbeing. The first part of the book focuses on research findings from He Oranga Ngākau: Māori Approaches to Trauma Informed Care, which supports health providers working with whānau experiencing trauma. It discusses tikanga Māori concepts, decolonising approaches and navigating mauri ora. The subsequent chapters explore indigenous models of healing, focusing on connections to land and the environment, whakapapa connections and indigenous approaches such as walking, hunting, and growing and accessing traditional foods for wellbeing.

Leseprobe

First published in 2023 by Huia Publishers39 Pipitea Street, PO Box 12280Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealandwww.huia.co.nz

ISBN 978-1-77550-692-8 (print) ISBN 978-1-77550-743-7 (ebook)

Text copyright © the authors 2023Cover illustration © HUIA Publishers 2023

This book is copyright. Apart from fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without the prior permission of the publisher.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the National Library of New Zealand.

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MIHI

Ue waerea ā uta, waerea ā tai, waerea i te one tapuKa hura tangata a uta, me turaki atu ki te tangata a taiKa hura tangata a tai, me turaki atu ki te tangata a uta

E ngā mana, e nga reo, e ngā paringātai tangataPīkautia mai ō koutou mate kia mihia, kia tangihiaKia kotahi atu te poroporoaki, haere koutou, oti atu Āpiti hono, tātai honoTe hunga mate ki te hunga mate Āpiti hono, tātai honoTe hunga ora ki te hunga ora

Tātou te hunga ora ki a tātou, tēnā rā tātou katoa. He mihi mutunga kore tēnei ki ngā ringa rehe i whai wā ki te whakaputa whakaaro, kōrero, tuhituhi mō tēnei kaupapa whakahirahira. Ki ngā kaiāwhina, kaitautoko i te kaupapa nei mō tō koutou manawanui kia tutuki pai ai tēnei pukapuka, tēnei te mihi matakuikui ki a koutou. Nō reira, he kokonga whare e kitea, he kokonga ngākau e kore e kitea. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We would like to acknowledge the many people who participated in our research projects He Oranga Ngākau and He Waka Eke Noa, especially those who came to our hui, who were interviewed or who took part in our many community-based hui and wānanga that were hosted around Aotearoa. We have enjoyed and benefitted from the unwavering support of our community partners, Tū Tama Wahine o Taranaki, Te Puna Oranga in Christchurch and Te Atawhai o Te Ao in Whanganui. During the course of our research, one of our group, Mrs Tania Mataki from He Puna Oranga, passed away and we remain greatly saddened by her loss. This publication is dedicated to the unwavering commitment that Tania showed throughout her life to the prevention of family violence across Aotearoa.

We wish to acknowledge our international Indigenous advisors Professors Tessa Evans, Karina Walters, Bonnie Duran and Michelle Johnson Jennings and the Indigenous Wellness Research Institute in the School of Social Work at the University of Washington for hosting us as part of an exchange of ideas. We also acknowledge Hinewirangi Kohu who has provided her ongoing support and advice across many of the projects that are included in this publication alongside our national advisory group Dr Cherryl Smith, Dr Nalani Wilson-Hokowhitu and Dr Waikaremoana Waitoki.

The research projects that provided the motivation for this publication have been funded by the Health Research Council (He Oranga Ngākau) and the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (He Waka Eke Noa). We acknowledge the support of the University of Waikato, in particular those who were a part of these projects during our time at Te Kotahi Research Institute: Herearoha Skipper, Papahuia Dickson and Tammy Tauroa.

Our appreciation to all of our whānau who have provided ongoing support and encouragement throughout the work that has been done to not only bring this publication together but also to accomplish many of the transformative outcomes that are associated with each of the studies that are documented here.

To all of the authors, who have given time and knowledge to support this publication, we extend our thanks and appreciation for your contribution and for all of the work that you have undertaken alongside your respective Māori and Indigenous communities and nations to uplift and affirm the wider aspiration of wellbeing for our peoples. We hope that this publication, Ora: Healing Ourselves – Indigenous Knowledge, Healing and Wellbeing, will provide an opportunity to share more broadly some of the mātauranga Māori and Indigenous knowledges and practices that support our overall assertion of tino rangatiratanga (sovereignty) and mana motuhake (self-determination) in regard to healing within the context of our whānau, hapū, iwi, and Māori and Indigenous communities.

Finally, our acknowledgement of Eboni Waitere and the team at HUIA who have made the publication process so stress-free in a stressful time!

This work was written during New Zealand’s lockdown in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. While the pandemic has occupied the forefront of the world’s attention, the chapters in this book talk to He Oranga Ngākau, the healing and wellbeing strategies that have come down to us from our ancestors. We are thankful for their guidance through time.

FOREWORD

Graham Hingangaroa Smith

Ora: Healing Ourselves – Indigenous Knowledge, Healing and Wellbeing

Tui, tui, tuia

Tuia i runga, tuia i raro

Tuia te herenga waka! Tuia te herenga wānanga! Tuia te here tangata!

This vital and timely work assembles the authoritative insights of highly regarded Indigenous thinkers and practitioners working with Indigenous health and wellbeing. These writings aim to overcome persisting high and disproportionate levels of trauma that affect Indigenous individuals and their communities. A significant and intentional focus within many of these articles is placed on the challenge to begin healing ourselves through transforming our mindsets. This is the message inferred in the often-quoted First Nations declaration that ‘the answers are within our-selves’. This self-determining focus is also a key lesson of the educational revolution undertaken by Māori in Aotearoa in the 1980s, which saw the rise of Te Kōhanga Reo (the pre-school, total immersion, language nests movement). A key learning of this struggle was that we should cease waiting for someone else to come and transform us and that we need to become more proactive and enact change for ourselves! This is the powerful, underlying message implicit throughout this volume. This task of assuming greater responsibility for healing ourselves is not just about our attitudinal disposition; it is also about healing the detrimental social, cultural, political and economic conditions that can also impact one’s wellbeing. Most Indigenous communities cannot afford to wait for the goodwill of the ‘others’ to transform our health and wellbeing – the need for change is urgent. The capitalist model of the promise of the ‘trickle down’ benefits from the wealthy few is false. It’s not working. The message implied in several articles is that there is need to get on with the critical task of beginning this wellbeing journey for ourselves.

The articles in this publication address both causation issues of trauma as well as strategies for its alleviation. A common theme with respect to causal issues are factors derived from the disruption of Indigenous culture, knowledge, healing practices and wellbeing outcomes. An important positioning within these essays is that, rather than seeing these causal factors as individual, independent elements, these writings (some individually and all collectively) show the cumulative, detrimental effect of the inter-connectedness of these factors.

The contributing authors also bring multiple disciplinary backgrounds, research skills, cultural attributes and community-based experience to their work. This has created an innovative perspective to engaging the issues of ‘trauma’. For example, some of the contributors are equally skilled in quantitative and qualitative research methodologies; some have excellent critical skills that enable them to traverse both culturalist and structuralist analyses; many work across both theoretical and practical domains; overlaying this are different cultural positionalities, inter alia their Indigenous and minority positioning. The point here is that ‘trauma’, like the term ‘colonisation’, should not be simply understood as a ‘one dimensional’ concept. Rather, ‘trauma’ as is exemplified in the variety of the papers submitted to this publication, is to be understood as a complex matter. In this sense ‘trauma’ may take on different shapes, sizes, contexts and issues reflecting the current social, economic, political and cultural climate. This is similar to the notion of colonisation. Despite our growing awareness of it, colonisation has not gone away – it still impacts Indigenous communities today. More often it has simply changed shape and is being perpetrated through different modalities. If our resistances to new formations of colonisation are to be effective, then we need to accurately understand how these new formations of colonisation are being performed. This same argument holds for the notion of ‘trauma’ – its new formations need to be more accurately understood in order to produce more effective interventions. There are many forms of trauma; equally there are many intervention possibilities we are finding and learning about. With respect to the multiple contributions made to this volume – there are potentially many answers and this knowledge needs to be shared in order to be collectively built upon.

The international and national authors contributing to this volume enable a sharing of thinking and experiences across different community settings in Aotearoa as well as across different Indigenous contexts. In our Polynesian/Pacific cultures when things are held to be ‘pono’, one’s world is in ‘balance’. When trauma is experienced, one’s balance or equilibrium is often disturbed. Ngamaru Raerino (1999) of Ngāti Awa and Te Arawa also noted in his master’s thesis on karakia that most often he conducts traditional karakia to restore a person’s or group’s physical, mental, spiritual and emotional ‘balance’ – through the re-balancing of ‘wairua’. Dr Lee Brown (Cherokee) (2004) argues in his PhD that the schooling of First Nations’ children in Canada has tended to focus on mental and physical competencies and, subsequently, has profoundly neglected the spiritual and emotional components of an individual’s learning cycle. He argues that this neglect, particularly by Western forms of public schooling, leads to problems for Native youth. This is because in their formative, adolescent years, many Native youth do not have the spiritual and emotional ‘scaffolding’ to make good ‘life’ decisions during the most important years of their social development. Brown argues that the downstream effects of this neglect of Native youth in Canada has contributed to the high levels of overuse of alcohol, drugs, violence and cultural disorientation. Dr Pamela Toulouse (Sagamok, Ojibwe) (2001) along with numbers of other First Nations’ scholars have written about the ‘Good Way’ – what counts as a ‘good’ cultural life. Similar writings have reinforced this need for Indigenous Peoples to get back to their cultural ways, for example, Dr Mary Young (Anishinabe Kwe) (2005) whose thesis was entitled ‘Walking in a good way’. Native Americans as well often use pejorative terminology to refer to the phenomenon of leading a good cultural life as ‘walking the Red Road’, ‘taking the Red Path’, ‘abiding by the original instructions’, and so on. Yet other Indigenous communities have ceremonial practices that are intended to restore one’s spiritual, emotional, intellectual and physical ‘balance’, for example the ‘sweat lodge’, bathing in river waters, fasting, dancing, drumming, restorative justice practices and so on.

In this sense, our cultural knowledges and practices are important. Our cultural backgrounds need to inform some of the answers in respect of Indigenous health and wellbeing. This is why the transforming interventions related to trauma need to also come from ourselves rather than only from outside experts.

The issue of transforming underpins most of the work that is being undertaken in regard to trauma and wellbeing. That is, Indigenous communities have come to the realisation that, while things need to change, we cannot continue to apply the same old strategies and processes that have failed to make a transforming impact in the past. In fact, for many communities, Indigenous wellbeing is worsening. The social, economic, cultural and political divide between Indigenous communities and settler groups is deepening – this is certainly the case in Aotearoa. An important contribution made by this collection of articles is the focus brought to bear on the notion of ‘transforming’ and the need to be more intentional about producing transforming outcomes. In sum, the important contribution made by this collection of authors is that they have engaged with new ways of thinking about ‘transforming’ Indigenous health and wellbeing.

While the narratives contained in these contributions speak for themselves, my encouragement to the reader is to ‘read the words and the world’ – that is, to not overlook the social, cultural, economic and political context in which the ‘words’ are situated. Put another way, our personal healing is often linked to the politics of our everyday, lived existence. The implicit message of this volume is that we cannot continue to do the same old things that are not working. On the other hand, more proactive suggestions in support of transformative outcomes – self-development rather than dependency; balance as opposed to excess; enactment of solutions (ringa raupā) rather than discursive, descriptive accounts focused on problems; mediating the tensions between ‘individual’ and ‘collective’ rights – are important to allow collective cultural values, practices and rights to be effective and finally the need to recognise and unpack the ongoing struggle against colonisation.

To conclude, this is an important volume of culturally aligned, transforming insights that will substantially add to our critical understandings, our transforming practices and, most significantly, to improving Indigenous lives.

References

Brown, L.F. (2004).Making the classroom a healthy place: The development of affective competency in aboriginal pedagogy (PhD Thesis). University of British Columbia, Canada.

Raerino, N. (1999).“Pure” and “karakia” as a window to Māori epistemology (MA Thesis). University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand.

Toulouse, P.R. (2001).Bimaadziwin (the good life): Sharing the living teachings of the people of Sagamok Anishnawbek: Implications (PhD Thesis). University of British Columbia, Canada.

Young, M.I. (2005).Pimatisiwin, walking in a good way: A narrative inquiry into language as identity (PhD Thesis). University of Alberta, Canada.

01

He Oranga Ngākau

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Leonie Pihama and Linda Tuhiwai Smith (Editors)

This book is titled Ora: Healing Ourselves – Indigenous Knowledge, Healing and Wellbeing. It is focused upon the fundamental belief that we as Indigenous Peoples have many ways of both understanding and practising wellbeing that is grounded upon the knowledge of our ancestors. ‘Ora’ is both a noun, a naming of our wellbeing, and a verb, meaning ‘to be well’. It is an aspiration that pervades the work and life intent of all who have been instrumental in the framing and undertaking of this publication. To aspire to live in ora is to aspire to live in wellbeing in all parts and dimensions of our lives and our world. To live in relationships that are grounded upon ora is to live in relationships that seek balance between all parts of te ao Māori, the Māori world. That requires balance within and across physical, spiritual, emotional, psychological and environmental contexts.

The impetus for this book has come from the research project, He Oranga Ngākau: Māori Approaches to Trauma Informed Care, which was undertaken to support Māori providers, and Māori and non-Māori counsellors, clinicians and healers, in exploring the notion of Trauma Informed Care. The aim of He Oranga Ngākau was to provide research-informed knowledge for the development of frameworks that support both Māori and non-Māori practitioners working with whānau experiencing trauma. The investigation of Kaupapa Māori principles in the area of healing trauma has been at the centre of this project. It is our view that it is essential that whānau, hapū, iwi and other Māori communities have such approaches made available and accessible across Aotearoa (known in colonial terms as New Zealand). This aspiration is not new; rather, it is part of the wider reclamation of tikanga, mātauranga and te reo Māori that is being actively sought by our people. For many who read the project report and this publication there will be an affirmation of what is already known and practised in Māori communities. For some, both publications will reaffirm what many of our people consistently state: that we have the solutions within us and within our own ways of being as Māori. For others, the information presented will be ‘new’. However, we stress that what we have included in this publication is the result of thinking and practices that are grounded in the knowledge of our tūpuna and as such are informed by mātauranga Māori. It is also important to recognise and acknowledge that many Kaupapa Māori practitioners and providers are already implementing innovative practices based on knowledge and understandings passed down through generations.

The name of the project, He Oranga Ngākau, highlights the healing priority of the Māori health providers who have been central to the development of the project and pertains to concepts such as comfort, solace and being reassuring. Pere (n.d.) highlights that the essence of ‘rā’ is the connection to the sun, noting “Rā means that we begin and end with the Central Sun, the Divine Spark” (p.1). The term ‘oranga’ refers to wellbeing, health and living, and encapsulates the essence of ‘ora’: to be well, to be healthy, to be alive, to have vitality. That has been the focus of this work since its inception. To focus on ora is to privilege Māori notions of wellbeing as articulated through broader understandings such as ‘hauora’, which may be conceptualised in a range of ways. Hauora in its component parts can be interpreted as ‘hā’, breath, and ‘ū’ is to hold. Other understandings relate to ‘hau’ or winds. Together with ‘ora’, the fundamental meaning of hauora is to have wellbeing. Similarly, ‘waiora’ can refer to ‘wā’, the place, with ‘wā i ora’ indicating a place of wellbeing; alternatively, ‘wai’ is the waters of wellbeing and refers to being of sound health. ‘Taiora’, where ‘tai’ refers to the tides, indicates the tides of wellbeing and refers also to nutrition. ‘Manawa ora’ brings forward the notions of ‘mana’ and ‘wā’ that indicate a place where our mana resides; it is often understood as having a good heart or having hope. ‘Mauri ora’ is discussed in more depth later in a number of chapters in this book. In general terms, mauri ora is the essence of life and wellbeing.

The term ‘ngākau’ refers to our whole inner being; our mind, heart, soul and all the physical parts of our puku, our stomach area. Smith (2019) refers to ngākau as the “internal system, which includes the gut, stomach, central regions and organs of the human body” (p.4). There are many Māori concepts that connect to the ngākau and that express feelings, emotions, senses, behaviours and ways of conducting ourselves, such as:

ngākau pono

loyal, faithful, sincere

ngākau māhaki

pleasant, mild-mannered, caring person

ngākau hihiko

lively, spirited, cheerful

ngākau pāpaku

shallow, puerile

ngākau kore

indifferent, reluctant, lacking interest, disinclined

ngākau pōuri

sad, heavy-hearted, distressed, depressed

ngākau kōnatunatu

be in a dilemma, uneasy with conflicting emotions

ngākau whiwhita

eager, passionate, keen, zealous

ngākau tapatahi

impartial, integrity, neutral fairness

ngākau titikaha

confident, resolute, committed, dedicated, unswerving

ngākaunui

eager, keen, committed, enthusiastic

ngākau reka

positive attitude

ngākau whakapuke

enthusiastic, interested, keen, zealous

ngākau kaitoa

resentful, vengeful

ngākau rorotu

to be optimistic

ngākau aroha

empathy, sympathy, compassion, kind-hearted, considerate, caring

ngākau whakaute

respect, appreciation, deference

ngākau kawa

bad attitude, sour

ngākaurua

uncertain, wavering, vacillating

whakangākau

fret for, show affection

He Oranga Ngākau brings forward healing as a priority for Māori who experience trauma in all forms – historical, colonial and contemporary – and which is imposed upon our people on multiple levels, including through the violence of colonisation and its structures and systems. While we began with a need to engage with the recent imposition of Western ‘Trauma Informed Care’ approaches, we very quickly came to an understanding that the focus cannot be solely on the trauma; rather, it must be first and foremost on a remembering of the many ways that ora is expressed through the traditional tikanga (practices and protocols) and mātauranga (knowledge and ways of knowing) of our tūpuna.

He Oranga Ngākau offered the opportunity for Māori researchers to work alongside the Māori workforce at the ‘coal face’ in terms of supporting Māori who experience trauma. It has been clearly noted that there is an urgent need to further build capacity and capability in Trauma Informed Care, particularly in relation to ensuring Māori approaches are at the centre of wellbeing and ‘care’ models for whānau. Tapsell (2018) speaks of the need to ensure there are pathways to Māori knowledge and practices for those who access mainstream services. Specialising in the area of forensic psychology, Tapsell (2018) notes that “in the case of Māori, an approach that also includes a cultural dimension offers additional opportunities for long-term success and rehabilitation” (p.110).

This publication has evolved from the project He Oranga Ngākau as a way to share some of the findings of the project alongside a range of Māori and Indigenous Peoples working in areas of healing and wellbeing. A number of Māori and Indigenous practitioners have noted that there is a need for more Indigenous and Kaupapa Māori-based information that documents the key principles needed to ensure effective healing practices when engaging with issues of healing from trauma, both historical and collective. Hill, Lau and Wing Sue (2010) state that, while culturally effective approaches to healing are important, often local Indigenous knowledge that addresses illness, whether physical, spiritual, or otherwise, is largely ignored, delegitimised and denied. Importantly, in order to foster self-determination and respect sovereignty, processes that support the indigenisation of therapeutic spaces must originate within Indigenous communities, which are the source of transformational knowledge systems (Battiste, 2007).

While there is a growing focus on Trauma Informed Care in Aotearoa, Māori providers have noted that approaches have been based predominantly on Western views of trauma, particularly those that derive from Britain and the USA, which speak largely to individualised personal trauma as a context for mental illness without including an understanding of the wider societal context of the experience of trauma. While the definitions address the importance of contextualising the ‘behaviour’ of the individual by understanding personal (individual) trauma, the frame of reference is located solely within an individual ‘patient’ context (Giller, 1999; Terr, 1991). In this model of Trauma Informed Care, the shift in clinical practice is one where the analysis moves from determining a deficit in a person’s behaviour to exploring the impact of traumatic experiences in order to understand what has happened to them. More recent training information produced in Aotearoa indicates a need to move away from ‘patient-blaming’, and toward addressing the training needs of staff in order to improve knowledge and sensitivity (Fallot & Harris, 2002; Jennings, 2004). Given the dominance of ‘deficit’ thinking with regard to Māori and Indigenous health and wellbeing, this is an important shift. However, what remains clear is that the central focus remains firmly on the individual and their personal context and experience. Such models maintain, and reproduce within the sector, the dominant Western construction of the individualised self as separate from their whānau, hapū, iwi and community, and continues to ignore the historical and inter-generational influences and impacts of Indigenous Peoples’ initial and ongoing experience of colonisation (Pihama, 2017). Duran and Firehammer (2017) describe this individualistic view as a way of separating people from the natural world, which allows disciplines such as psychology to objectify people. The individualistic view of trauma includes a focus on aspects such as the high prevalence of trauma among those who receive mental health services, the profound neurological, biological, psychological and social effects (Jennings, 2004) and the relationship of traumatic experiences in childhood to poor adult health, including increased rates of disease and drug abuse (Felitti, et al., 1998; Steele & Malchiodi, 2012). Wider societal contexts, on the other hand, include those forms of analysis that acknowledge and recognise the effect of historical and current trauma on both individual and collective levels, which impact directly upon social, political, economic, spiritual and cultural ways of being for individuals and groups (Atkinson, 2002; Duran, 2012; Duran & Duran, 1995; Waitoki & Levy, 2016).

Duran and Firehammer (2015) point out that, while there is work being done that aims to enhance cultural competency, barriers to progressing this work exist in the Western science frame of efficacy that insists on validating cultural approaches. Subsequently, Western approaches that easily meet their own validation criteria continue to be implemented and perpetuated ahead of more holistic processes. Knowledge hierarchies that place Western knowledge at the top and non-Western knowledges at the bottom also produce a measure of normalisation in terms of accepted explanations of human behaviour, which can lead to the pathologising of non-Western ideologies and practices (Waldron, 2010). For example, Indigenous views on emotional states point to a spiritual understanding of trauma. However, as Duran and Firehammer (2015) explain, Western clinical practice tends to dismiss Indigenous spiritual understandings, and in doing so alienate those seeking help by failing to bring in important cultural metaphors that provide the essential sense-making element of healing. It is important to understand the impact such monocultural approaches and modalities can have on Indigenous groups and individuals seeking care. The connection between inequalities and monocultural health service provision has been well established (Bacal, Jansen & Smith, 2006; Kirmayer, 2012). Within Mental Health and Addiction Services, cultural incongruence in the care provided to Māori has been linked to lower access rates (Durie, 1994; Murchie, 1984) and worsening attitudes towards health services after contact (Diala, Munatenar, Walrath, Nickerson, LaVeist & Leaf, 2000).

Western clinical practices are described by Akomolafe (2006) as being “laden with values, locally constructed and spoken to power by interested (as opposed to disinterested and unbiased) groups, historically embedded, and storied” (p.5). He also warns about the danger of assuming universality in the understanding of ‘human-being’, mental health and treatment. These assumptions of universality lead to deficit views of Indigenous cultures, categorising Indigenous knowledge on experiences such as mental ill health as simply being a point of difference in the expression of a universal understanding of humanity. The Mental Health Commission (1998) highlighted that the origins of mental illness and recovery must be viewed as being located in the world around the person, including the person’s social context, experiences of social injustice and unresponsive services. Recognising the need for this approach in service development and service delivery settings is an initial step in creating a space for culturally specific healing. The next steps in filling that space are seen in projects that aim to identify what actions can be taken within a culturally specific healing programme that will not only raise the efficacy of service provision, but will also enhance outcomes. The assertion of Māori and Indigenous approaches to Trauma Informed Care aligns with the understanding that there is a need for healing pathways and frameworks in mental health that are firmly rooted in cultural contexts (Duran & Duran, 1995; Shotter, 1981).

Trauma Informed Care work carried out in international Indigenous communities provides an important contribution to developing an Aotearoa-based, culturally congruent Māori approach to Trauma Informed Care as a key aspect of practice. Within Kaupapa Māori we have been arguing that there cannot be a singular approach to engaging with issues faced by whānau, hapū, iwi and Māori organisations or communities. This is also a position we take with regard to Kaupapa Māori understandings of trauma, historical and inter-generational trauma, and supportive healing for our people. This must be located within our whānau, hapū and iwi collective experiences and the complexities of our historical and collective experiences that affect and/or inform our contemporary lives. Our experiences of both historical (early colonisation) and current trauma (multiple forms of racism and continued dispossession) demonstrate the need to explore, identify and develop Trauma Informed Care principles that address how these experiences affect Māori. Doing so transcends monocultural approaches to working with trauma and contributes to providing recognition of specific cultural trauma experiences, which is a significant step in healing for Indigenous Peoples and other groups affected by collective trauma (Duran & Duran, 1995; Braveheart, 1999). Conversely, lack of recognition is said to be linked to unresolved grief that can lead to internalised oppression, acted out in ways that include violent behaviour, and drug and alcohol abuse (Balsam, Huang, Fieland, Simoni & Walters, 2004; Braveheart, 1999). Wesley-Esquimaux and Smolewski (2004) explain thatduring the past decade, Indigenous People on the inside of these anthropological, psychological and social welfare studies have identified a phenomenon termed “generational grief”, defined as “a continuous passing on of unresolved and deep-seated emotions, such as grief and chronic sadness, to successive descendants” (p.2). Their research examines the effects of psychogenic (of mental origin) trauma and unresolved grief, both historic and contemporary. The effects of unresolved psychogenic trauma on Aboriginal people, termed generational, inter-generational or multi-generational grief, have been described by Wesley-Esquimaux and Smolewski (2004), who note that: “[O]ur sense of personhood is not only shaped by our active or conscious memories, it is also shaped by our conception of ‘memory’ which means that it is not only direct traumatic experiences that can create negative effect, it is also present interpretations of events that can continue to impact our lives” (p.6).

There is no single way to provide trauma-specific care. Instead, practitioners and service providers need to identify the strategies and practices best suited to the needs and circumstances (including the geographic location) of the individuals, families and communities they seek to support (Duran, Firehammer & Gonzalez, 2008). A range of research has observed what can be achieved when Indigenous healing approaches are used in Indigenous contexts. For example, in the Australian Aboriginal context, trauma practitioners are experiencing promising results in the healing and recovery of victims/survivors of trauma through the use of therapeutic approaches informed by Indigenous culture that include art and yarning therapy (Atkinson, 2013). Duran and Firehammer (2015) describe the practice of ‘story science’ based on Indigenous sense-making through story-telling, which has been identified as a critical human neural process. Duran and Firehammer (2017) also describe using traumatic experiences as a signal for life lessons that are embedded in the suffering and the event itself. From this perspective, the provision of care is conceptualised as an act of seeking existential understanding rather than a relief of symptoms.

Identifying examples of successful approaches built on Indigenous understandings of therapeutic intervention is an important component of the work being undertaken by Māori and Indigenous communities. Research conducted with Indigenous service users has found that service providers working with all population groups who are affected by trauma need to adapt their programmes to account for the specific needs of their clients (Atkinson, 2013; Duran, Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008). It is important that programme structure and content reflect an understanding of historical trauma that operates across generations (Carter, 2007; Duran, 2012; Linklater, 2014; Waldram, 2012; Walters, Beltran, Huh & Evans-Campbell, 2011). This includes instances where communities have realised that problems faced within the community are not inherent to the community but instead link to wider socio-historical experiences that are directly connected to colonisation. These are some of the discussions within this publication.

Chapter Overview

Section One: He Oranga Ngākau

This publication is divided into two sections. Section One is dedicated to literature and research findings from the project He Oranga Ngākau: Māori Approaches to Trauma Informed Care and to a discussion of some of the key tikanga Māori concepts that have been highlighted within the research. In particular, these are notions of mauri, tuakiritanga, mana kaitiakitanga and Māori approaches that have been a part of the ongoing assertion of Māori healing models and Indigenous psychology in Aotearoa. Section Two provides a range of Māori and Indigenous models of healing that have been practised across Turtle Island and Aotearoa. This section focuses on connection to land and environment, which some refer to as land-based healing. However, it is more than solely being land-based – it is also about being connected through whakapapa or tribal connections to particular areas, spaces, trails, waterways or oceans, and how we draw upon practices related to those connections for healing, such as walking the trail of tears, hunting, regenerating traditional māra kai (gardens) and accessing traditional foods. The following provides an overview of each of the chapters.

Chapter 2, Māori and Indigenous Approaches to Trauma and Healing, is taken from the He Oranga Ngākau research report and discusses historical, colonial and inter-generational trauma and the impact of these trauma for Māori and Indigenous peoples. It is clear from that literature that Indigenous peoples globally have a deep understanding of collective violence and trauma, and have been advocating for some time that healing requires decolonising approaches that are grounded upon and informed by Indigenous ways of knowing and being. This chapter then shares some examples of Māori models of healing that can inform our approaches to trauma and that have wellbeing and balance at their centre.

Chapter 3, Prioritising Māori Approaches to Healing – Insights from He Oranga Ngākau, expands further on the focus of healing and shares key themes that emerged from the series of interviews and hui (traditional gatherings) conducted across Aotearoa. This chapter shares a broad range of quotes from those who were involved in the research process and highlights a clear knowledge of the context of trauma in Aotearoa and the aspiration of many Māori to shift from concepts of Trauma Informed Care to frameworks based upon Kaupapa Māori principles of healing and wellbeing that are defined by, controlled by and sustained by Māori ourselves.

Chapter 4, Kaupapa Māori and Trauma Informed Healing, presents the overarching findings from the project He Oranga Ngākau. It is framed through the words of those who participated in the study and discusses what needs to be done to advance a Kaupapa Māori model of healing that is focused upon wellbeing while always being cognisant of the multiple layers through which trauma is experienced and impacts on our lives.

Taina Pohatu explores Kai Aku Ringaringa te Oranga Mōkuin Chapter 5. He highlights that te ao Māori views everything as having mauri; it is a normal yet essential part of any kaupapa, relationship and activity Māori are involved in. It is noted that this understanding of mauri is not appreciated widely enough among Māori, hindering its potential to safely guide them. In this chapter Taina offers up specific kaitiaki/caring purposes and angles that take place in the context of mauri, as we heal ourselves.

Te Tuakiritanga – Navigating Our Inner Being Towards Mauri Ora is the focus of Chapter 6 by Marjorie Beverland, and discusses Te Tuakiritanga and its relationship to mauri ora. Te Tuakiritanga is described by a number of Māori authors as the inner being and as a way to navigate feelings, thoughts and life. It is highlighted that Māori thinking regarding notions of wellbeing is becoming increasingly fragile in today’s society, simply because there is no daily opportunity for conscious activation. Therefore, personal examples of where Te Tuakiritanga sites are present in everyday activities are provided, as well as the navigation of feelings, thoughts and emotions toward mauri ora.

Chapter 7, Mana Kaitiakitanga – Our Protective Power and Responsibility by Mera Penehira, focuses on a model of healing called ‘Mana Kaitiakitanga’, which is an Indigenous framework of health and wellbeing centred firmly in Māori conceptualisations and understandings of our relationships to each other and to our environment. Penehira argues that Mana Kaitiakitanga provides the context in which tā moko (Māori traditional skin carving) fits naturally as a healing intervention. She shares the stories of Māori women who have applied tā moko (and other forms of tattoo) in their journeys to wellness and discusses tā moko as an Indigenous narrative that enables us to return to ancient knowledge and ways of understanding ourselves and our world.

Ngaropi Cameron-Raumati provides a discussion of mōteatea (ancestral chants) in Chapter 8, Tākiri ko te Raukura. As a Māori practitioner, she has worked to draw upon mātauranga Māori in the development of localised practice tools and frameworks to address the impact of trauma and colonisation. She considers mōteatea as koha (gifts) bequeathed to us by our tūpuna (ancestors) as a means through which to retain key knowledge that will guide and support current and future generations. In this chapter, Ngaropi discusses two mōteatea – ‘Na Wai te Poi’ and ‘Tākiri ko te Raukura’ – that derive from the Taranaki region, as guidance for healing.

Chapter 9, He Kākano Ahau Programme – A Collaborative Healing Modality for Prisons by Rawiri Waretini-Karena, discusses a multi-layered approach that has transitioned from a whakataukī (proverb), to a waiata (song), to a facilitated process of engagement in an education curriculum, as well as a facilitated process of engagement in Kaupapa Māori restorative justice facilitation. The concept has also transitioned into a facilitation programme for prisons. The He Kākano Ahau concept was created to work alongside people in the care of New Zealand Corrections. It acknowledges that people are inherently born with mana. So, what happens when a person’s mana has been trampled on, or lost? The He Kākano Ahau programme takes a person on a journey of re-discovery back into their history to unpack narratives contributing to their current circumstances alongside the inter-generational ripple effects of external factors not commonly recognised.

In Chapter 10, Mauri Ora Toko – Remembering the Essence of Wellbeing for Māori, Hukarere Valentine, Waikaremoana Waitoki, Andre McLachlan and Maree Roche argue that psychology is typically taught worldwide within a Western knowledge system that marginalises Indigenous knowledge, identity and culture. Upon graduating from academic institutions, many Indigenous psychologists return to their ancestral teachings as sites of wellbeing and ways of reclaiming Indigenous sovereignty. Central to that reclamation is the necessity to ‘return to your roots’, ‘me hoki ki tōu ūkaipō’ as first principles of understanding Māori wellbeing and healing. This chapter describes the results of research with Indigenous Māori psychologists who use Māori knowledge as central pathways to wellbeing for Māori and their families.

Chapter 11, Tangihanga – Culture and Healing in Māori Psychology by Hukarere Valentine, Waikaremoana Waitoki, Andre McLachlan and Maree Roche, explores the application of traditional and contemporary understandings of the tangihanga process as a metaphor for working with Māori with chronic health conditions and cancer. Hukarere highlights that Māori knowledge of healing and psychology has been in existence since time immemorial. Colonisation aided the introduction of Western practices that effectively immobilised the established, traditional Māori healing pathways. In this chapter, she notes that the practice of tangihanga privileges a depth of ritualistic practice rooted in the ethos of Māori existence. Using a case study approach, the chapter explores the healing implicit through whakapapa, wairua and wellbeing for Māori.

Chapter 12, Narratives of Racism, Resistance and Wellbeing by Cherryl Smith, Donna Cormack, E. Fitzgerald, Helen Moewaka Barnes, Helena Rattray-Te Mana and Rawiri Tinirau, moves us to a discussion of the impact of racism for Māori. Drawing upon survey results from the Whakatika Research Project, a four-year project that investigates everyday experiences of racism faced by Māori, this chapter highlights that the assertion and practice of rangatiratanga (sovereignty/self-determination) and resistance to racism is critical to wellbeing.

Section Two: Healing with the Land

Chapter 13, Whenua Ora, Tangata Ora, presents the enduring and inherent practices and knowledge, including frameworks and kaupapa that highlight the connectedness of wellbeing for Māori to whenua and taiao, our lands and environment. It is the first of a series of chapters in Section Two that explore the connection of land, environment and healing in Aotearoa and Turtle Island. This chapter by Leonie Pihama, Marjorie Beverland and Ngaropi Cameron-Raumati engages with a number of key ways in which tikanga and mātauranga Māori guide our relationship to whenua and taiao and the ways in which those relationships inform and impact upon Māori health and wellbeing.

Chapter 14 takes us to Turtle Island with the contribution by Shanondora Billiot, Bonnie Duran and Andrew Jolivétte of Take Me to the Water – Wi hokišak kuš in Louisiana Kinship Models of Healing and Thrivance. The authors share their Louisiana Indigenous perspectives to extricate colonial embodiments of territorial and environmental violence perpetuated by the United States upon Indigenous nations. Beginning with an examination of historical degradation and dispossession of Louisiana Native communities and Indigenous peoples more broadly in the United States and modern acts of settler-colonial oppression, the chapter moves to a focus on contemporary acts of Indigenous community healing, revitalisation and thrivance. Thereby, it centres healing that is grounded within Indigenous knowledge systems.

Michelle Johnson-Jennings and Karina Walters discuss Re-storying and Relational Restoration – Yappalli Transformation of Trauma through Land-based Healing inChapter 15. With Western clinical interventions being less effective than hoped, Indigenous communities across the globe are addressing disproportionate rates of obesity, substance use, mental illness and related chronic diseases by conducting healing interventions upon their ancestral lands. These land-based interventions range from integrating Western medical approaches to being solely based on ancestral wisdom.

Chapter 16,Cu7 me7 q’wele’wu-kt (Come on, let’s go berry-picking) – Inter-generational Land-based Healing through Indigenous Girls’ Groups, is contributed by Natalie Clark, Rebecca Jules, Robline Davey, Lynn Kenoras, Minnie Kenoras and Brianna Kelly. The chapter is an offering of an inter-generational genealogy of Secwépemc and Indigenous feminist resistance to colonial violence and, more importantly, the resurgence of Secwépemc laws, practices and processes. This paper shares teachings from an Indigenous Girls’ Group and land-based girls’ camp that demonstrate the ways in which Secwépemc child wellbeing and healing praxis are reinstated through everyday acts of decolonial love and kinship.

Derek Jennings and Michelle Johnson-Jennings discuss the place of hunting as a healing practice for Indigenous peoples in Chapter 17, Hunting for Healing –A FoodMedicine Model for Wellbeing. They highlight that Indigenous traditional food and hunting practices have long guided health and wellbeing among Indigenous groups. This chapter will identify how hunting and traditional food-gathering practices can maintain and increase physical, emotional and spiritual health among Indigenous groups in the Americas. It also proposes a model for how hunting and traditional food gathering practices can be drawn upon for health interventions and in increasing tribal health sovereignty towards reducing obesity and its associated risks.

In Chapter 18, Māra Kai – Healing across Time, Place and Space, Kenneth Taiapa and Helen Moewaka Barnes discuss the significance of growing food to creating healing spaces and processes. Through human whenua relationships and interconnections grounded in Indigenous concepts and approaches, whenua initiatives can directly contribute to healing; they also contribute to human survival by uplifting the wellbeing of whenua (tangata whenua, tangata ora). This chapter focuses on a māra kai hapū-driven initiative at Kātere ki te Moana in the Taranaki region. Drawing on interviews with hapū and non-hapū participants, this chapter applies a wairua approach to research and explores multiple healing pathways that demonstrate connections across time, place and space.

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CHAPTER 2

MĀORI AND INDIGENOUS APPROACHES TO TRAUMA AND HEALING

Leonie Pihama and Linda Tuhiwai Smith

Introduction

For many years, Māori have been engaged in a project of regeneration and revitalisation of mātauranga and tikanga Māori. This has been central to essential Māori educational, health and justice movements. Over the past few months the Waitangi Tribunal (2019) has highlighted that there have been clear failures on the part of successive governments to provide for Māori health needs. The Tribunal highlights broad inequities across the health sector; failure in policy and legislation that underpin consistent breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Treaty of Waitangi) obligations; inadequate resourcing of Māori health services; significant evidence of Māori health disparities; institutional and systemic racism; and inadequate support for culturally appropriate services and service provision (Waitangi Tribunal 2019).

Mātauranga and tikanga Māori are critical foundations for healing from traumatic experiences for Māori in both personal (individual) and collective contexts. They ensure culturally congruent Māori approaches to Trauma Informed Care are maintained at the centre of our healing practices. This is not a new position; in fact, it is clear that our people have been saying for many years that reconnection, revitalisation and reassertion of Māori healing practices are critical for the wellbeing of current and future generations. Smith (1999) clearly identifies healing as a significant process that is as important to self-determination as decolonisation, mobilisation and transformation. Healing includes physical, spiritual, psychological, social, collective and restorative dimensions. In this framework, for example, gaining more political or economic power is insufficient if it does not also address the need for healing. Furthermore, healing is seen as involving a distinct set of processes. Māori trauma and healing approaches provide a dialogue that is contextualised within te ao Māori, examining and critiquing the impact of over two hundred years of colonial trauma. More importantly, it has opened up a wider conversation with Māori that helps to cultivate a deeper understanding of the impact of colonial trauma on our communities. This knowledge helps whānau to make sense of the challenges they are attempting to manage in their lives. This profound meaning making is one of the foundations of healing.

The impact of colonial historical and inter-generational trauma on whānau, hapū and iwi has been devastating for many Māori communities. The results of land wars, the theft and confiscation of Māori lands and the influence of imperial colonising practices have contributed to the excessive levels of trauma that affect whānau, hapū and iwi today. There has been a consistent critique of the failure of the current Western-based system in Aotearoa to provide for Māori equitably and in ways consistent with the needs of many of our whānau, hapū and iwi (Waitangi Tribunal, 2019). This has included the current inclusion of Trauma Informed Care approaches in the mental health sector. One of the criticisms of current Western trauma approaches is that definitions and associated therapeutic structures hold a dominant position, with little acknowledgement of the monocultural nature of the work (Wirihana & Smith, 2014). Diverse experiences of trauma are often silenced in this context and there are calls for trauma services to fully integrate the political conditions and wider contexts in which people live (Burstow, 2003). When mainstream mental health approaches focus solely on trauma without attempting to heal wairua (the spiritual element), to understand hinengaro (the intellect), or treat tinana (the physical body) as a holistic approach, then critical parts that make up a whole Māori person are overlooked or devalued (Milne, 2005). Wirihana and Smith (2014) highlight the limitations of Western definitions of trauma when engaging more deeply with Indigenous experiences, noting that these definitions “fail to account for long-term chronic and complex individual and collective trauma. In addition, they do not allow for experiences of historical trauma due to assimilative colonial practices, which have occurred for Indigenous populations worldwide” (p.198).

For many Indigenous peoples a compelling drive to better understand trauma, its impact and the importance of Trauma Informed Care is provided by the disparities in health and high levels of trauma among Indigenous peoples (Million, 2013; Walters, Evans-Campbell, Simoni, Ronquillo & Bhuyan, 2008). These disparities are also well known in Aotearoa for Māori (Harris, Tobias, Jeffreys, Waldegrave, Karlsen & Nazroo, 2006; Robson & Harris, 2007). This chapter provides some discussion of the work of Māori researchers and practitioners engaged in a range of health and wellbeing contexts and trauma research specific to Māori (Durie, 1998, 2001; Lawson-Te Aho, 2013; Pihama, Reynolds, Smith, Reid, Smith & Te Nana, 2014; Waretini-Karena, 2014).

Māori and Indigenous Views on Trauma

For Māori, trauma experienced across generations is connected to colonisation (Mead, 1994; Wirihana & Smith 2014; Pihama et al., 2014), and is perpetuated by systemic, institutional and interpersonal racism that has been linked to the incidence and prevalence of ill health (Harris et al., 2006). The impact colonisation has had on Māori identity has been highlighted and includes the inability to identify positively as Māori, which leads to what Durie (1998) calls ‘trapped lifestyles’ characterised by the absence of a feeling of belonging in either Māori or non-Māori contexts. In terms of what we currently know about positive identities in the Māori population, evidence suggests that less than a third of all Māori positively identify as Māori (Durie, 2001). A focus on what have been described as ‘cataclysmic events’ in historical trauma literature (Braveheart, 1999; Duran & Duran, 1995; Walters, 2007) and how these have impacted on Māori has also contributed to enhance our knowledge of the impact of trauma on Māori health and wellbeing outcomes (Pihama et al., 2014).

Braveheart (1999) argues that, from an Indigenous perspective, definitions of trauma must be inclusive of collective experiences, including cumulative emotional and psychological wounding that is inter-generational. Understanding of the collective, historical and cumulative nature of trauma in this sense is imperative to the provision of effective healing intervention and research into Trauma Informed Care. As Duran and Firehammer (2015) explain, “It does not suffice to study phenomena out of context because most of the people living in Native communities have a deep understanding of how history has impacted them” (p.96). Research that focuses on Māori experiences of historical and inter-generational trauma is increasingly being undertaken in Aotearoa and highlights issues that impact heavily on Māori, including suicide (Lawson-Te Aho, 2013), sexual violence, imprisonment and disconnection from land (Pihama et al., 2014; Walters, Mohammed, Evans-Campbell, Beltran, Chae & Duran, 2011). Researchers and health practitioners have documented the extremely high prevalence of trauma-induced illnesses and the ways in which trauma continues to influence the wellbeing of Indigenous Peoples on a daily basis (Bowie, 2013; Huckshorn & Lebel, 2013).

Studies related to the interface between culture, trauma and wellness show that Native/Indigenous Peoples experience higher rates of personal trauma than non-Native/Indigenous People (Balsam, Huang, Fieland, Simoni & Walters, 2004; Waldram, 2012). These traumatic assaults are referred to as historical trauma and can lead to wounding of the spirit or soul (Waldram, 2012; Walters et al., 2008). Indigenous studies on the interface between culture, trauma and wellness identify that Native/Indigenous Peoples experience higher rates of personal trauma. The concept of a “damaged communal self” presents a challenge to Western scientific constructs that reify the individual (Couture, 1994, p.15).

Indigenous Peoples understand trauma from a historical and inter-generational perspective that is built on an awareness of systemic assaults perpetrated through colonisation and oppression. These assaults carry many labels and include genocide, ethnocide (systemic destruction of life ways), forced removal and relocation of Indigenous communities, health-related experimentation, and the forced removal and placement of Indigenous children (Duran & Duran, 1995; Million, 2013; Pihama et al., 2014; Walters & Simoni, 2002). The ways in which historical events can impact across generations are well studied in research that aims to highlight the nature of collective experiences of peoples including Holocaust survivors (Braveheart, 2000; Evans-Campbell, 2008; Kellerman, 2001; Krieger, 2001). Inter-generational transmittance of trauma has been discussed in both an Indigenous and a science context (Linklater, 2014). Soul wounds are described as trauma that stems from historical events that continue to impact over time and across generations (Duran, 2006), along with oppression (including all forms of racism) that, left unrecognised, is internalised by populations (Braveheart, 1999).

Duran (2006) writes that within the Native community people talk of issues related to “spiritual injury, soul sickness, soul wounding and ancestral hurt” (p.15). Each of these concepts provides an understanding for why developing a Māori approach to Trauma Informed Care is important in order to engage in ways that provide healers, counsellors and providers of services with frameworks inclusive of both personal and collective trauma and their impact on a spiritual and soul level. Linklater (2014) states that trauma is “an emotional shock that may have long-lasting effects” (p.18). Discussions of ‘soul wounding’ in Native communities challenge some of the fundamental understandings or misunderstandings of Western psychology. As Duran (2006) writes, he was unable to find any reference to ‘soul wounding’ or even the ‘soul’ in psychological literature at the time. He describes the ‘soul wound’ as “a wound to the soul of Indian people that is felt in agonizing proportions … Once the core from which soul emerges is wounded then all emerging mythology and dreams of a people reflect the wound, spiritual injury, soul sickness, soul wounding, and ancestral hurt” (p.15).

Burstow (2003) states that “trauma is not a disorder but a reaction to a kind of wound. It is a reaction to profoundly injurious events and situations in the real world, and indeed a world in which people are routinely wounded” (p.1302). The impacts of group trauma experiences are often given recognition in prevalence data that represent a set of negative behaviours within a defined population, including, for example, violence, substance abuse and poverty (Duran & Firehammer, 2017; Walters et al., 2011; Yellow Horse Brave Heart, Chase, Elkins & Altschul, 2011). However, as the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (2010) points out, there are also disproportionately high rates of human rights abuses that sit alongside those, including poverty, violence, crime and ill health.

In a collective historical context this is described as “elevated chronic trauma exposure” (Yellow Horse Brave Heart et al. 2011, p.283). For Indigenous peoples, it is important to understand trauma in a collective, inter-generational frame, away from an individualistic view that tends to focus solely on negative behaviour (Duran & Firehammer, 2015, 2017). The collective, inter-generational frame explains prevalence rates and crisis statistics as outcomes of trauma, as opposed to being a deficit within the group (Duran & Firehammer, 2017). This frame also explains how racism and other forms of systemic discrimination create myths around particular ethnic groups (Carter, 2007). Moran and Fitzpatrick (2008) state that “trauma is a sudden harmful disruption impacting on all of the spirit, body, mind and heart that requires healing” (p.153). In his book, Trauma and its wake: The study and treatment of post-traumatic stress disorder, Figley (1985) affirms that psychological trauma has been defined as “an emotional state of discomfort and stress resulting from memories of an extraordinary catastrophic experience which shattered the survivor’s sense of invulnerability to harm” (p.xviii). On the other hand, Phillips (2008) talks about three areas of trauma experienced by Indigenous Peoples: