Revolution and War in Contemporary Ukraine E-Book

• Herausgeber: ibidem
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Serie: Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 721

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017

Beschreibung

What are the reasons behind, and trajectories of, the rapid cultural changes in Ukraine since 2013? This volume highlights: the role of the Revolution of Dignity and the Russian-Ukrainian war in the formation of Ukrainian civil society; the forms of warfare waged by Moscow against Kyiv, including information and religious wars; Ukrainian and Russian identities and cultural realignment; sources of destabilization in Ukraine and beyond; memory politics and Russian foreign policies; the Kremlin’s geopolitical goals in its 'near abroad'; and factors determining Ukraine’s future and survival in a state of war. The studies included in this collection illuminate the growing gap between the political and social systems of Ukraine and Russia. The anthology illustrates how the Ukrainian revolution of 2013–2014, Russia’s annexation of the Crimean peninsula, and its invasion of eastern Ukraine have altered the post-Cold War political landscape and, with it, the regional and global power and security dynamics.

Leseprobe

ibidemPress, Stuttgart

Contents

Acknowledgements

Note on Spelling and Transliteration

About the Editor and Contributors

Introduction by Olga Bertelsen

IUkraine: Sources of Destabilization

1 The Ukrainian Revolution of 2013–2014 and the Sources of Russia’s Response by George O. Liber

2 Ukraine is the Epicenter of the “World Hurricane” by Yurii Scherbak

IIWar of Narratives

3 Ukraine and Russia: Entangled Histories, Contested Identities, and a War of Narratives by Igor Torbakov

4 Living with Ambiguities: Meanings of Nationalism in the Russian-Ukrainian War by Myroslav Shkandrij

IIIThe Euromaidan, War, and Cultural Change in Ukraine

5 Ideologies of Language in Wartime by Laada Bilaniuk

6 Ukrainian Euromaidan as Social and Cultural Performance by Tamara Hundorova

IVCrimea, the Black Sea, and the Straits

7 The Annexation of Crimea: Russia’s Response to Ukraine’s Revolution by Nedim Useinov

8 Russian Hegemony in the Black Sea Basin: The “Third Rome” in Contemporary Geopolitics by Dale A. Bertelsen and Olga Bertelsen

VInformation and Religious Wars

9 The Invisible Front: Russia, Trolls, and the Information War against Ukraine by Peter N. Tanchak

10 The Impact of Russia’s Intervention in Ukraine on Muslim, Jewish and Baptist Communities by Andrii Krawchuk

VIReforming Ukraine

11 The Perpetual Cycle of Political Corruption in Ukraine and Post-Revolutionary Attempts to Break Through It  by Oksana Huss

12 Police Reform: Challenges and Prospects by Bohdan Harasymiw

Epilogue by Olga Bertelsen

Dictionary of Abbreviations

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank all the contributors for their insightful analyses about contemporary Ukraine’s realities, a colorful mosaic of perspectives that help us better understand a new Ukraine that emerged as a result of the 2013–2014 revolution and Russia’s invasion of Ukrainian territories in 2014. Considering the contemporary nature of the topic, some information included in various chapters had to be updated several times in the process of editing the manuscript. I appreciate the patience of the authors who kept up with my pace and the pace of Ukrainian history, going through several drafts of their manuscripts.

I am grateful to the Petro Jacyk Program for the Study of Ukraine, the Munk School of Global Affairs, and the Centre of European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies at the University of Toronto for their support. Special thanks to Peter H. Solomon, Jr., Olga Kesarchuk, and Romana M. Bahry who contributed greatly to the idea of this publication. The Harriman Institute and the Ukrainian Studies Program at Columbia University that hosted many talks and discussions on Ukrainian and Russian politics served as an inspiration and enthusiastic supporter for this project.

I am indebted to George O. Liber, Lynne Viola,Alexander J. Motyl,Serhy Yekelchyk,Sergei I.Zhuk,Michael C. Hickey, Myroslav Shkandrij, Andrii Krawchuk, Bohdan Harasymiw, Mark von Hagen,Igor Torbakov,and Dale A. Bertelsen who read various chapters and the entire manuscript for their thoughtful and enlightening suggestions. I owe a great deal to my students at Columbia University and the University of Toronto whose diligence and interest in Russian–Ukrainian relations made our intellectual exchange lively and vigorous, and made me explore several ideas that would not otherwise find their way into this volume.

Note on Spelling and Transliteration

In this volume we employed a slightly modified Library of Congress version for Ukrainian or Russian languages. Ukrainian personal and place names have been transliterated from Ukrainian: for example, Hrushevskyi instead of Grushevskii, Kyiv instead of Kiev, Odesa instead of Odessa, Donbas instead of Donbass. To make it easier for English-speaking readers, we avoided diacritical marks in names and other words: for instance,Glazievinstead ofGlaz’iev,Silantiev instead of Silant’iev,Korchynskainstead ofKorchyns’ka,Kyivan Rus or Kyiv Rus instead of Kyivan Rus’. We preserved them only in quotations. Russian personal names and places were transliterated from Russian: for example, Danilevskii instead of Danylevskyi, Aleksandr instead of Oleksandr, Tsargrad instead of Tsarhrad, Vladivostok instead of Vladyvostok. The occupied territories of Crimea and the Donbas are treated as Ukrainian, and thus names of places have been transliterated from Ukrainian: for example, Simferopil instead of Simferopol. The “English” spelling is preserved in names that gained international fame, such as Alexander Solzhenitsyn. For letters “й” and “я” we used “i” and “ia” respectively: for example, Iegor instead of Egor, Ianukovych instead of Yanukovych, Iatseniuk instead of Yatseniuk, Ieltsyn instead of Yeltsin, Iuliia instead of Yuliya. Yalta constitutes an exception. For the ending “ii” or “ei” in Russian or “yi” or “ii” in Ukrainian in first or last names, we preserved “y” only for names that have been consistently used with “y” in the West, or in cases when we mention a certain publication in English written by a person with this type of name: for instance, Andrey Makarychev instead of Andrei Makarychev, Dostoevsky insteadofDostoevskii, Brudny instead of Brudnyi, Kuchabsky instead of Kuchabskyi, Rudnytsky instead of Rudnytskyi.

About the Editor and Contributors

Dale A. Bertelsen(Ph.D., Pennsylvania State University) is Professor of Communication Studies at Bloomsburg University, Bloomsburg, Pennsylvania served as President of the Eastern Communication Association (1995–1996), President of the Speech Communication Association of Pennsylvania (1991–1992), Editor of Publications for the Kenneth Burke Society (1991–1993), Book Review Editor forCritical Studies in Media Communication(1999–2001), Editor ofCommunication Quarterly(2001–2003). He is co-author ofAnalyzingMedia: Communication Technologies as Symbolic and Cognitive Systems(Guilford, 1996) andIntroduction to Communication Criticism: Methods, Systems, Analysis and Societal Transformations(Kendall-Hunt, forthcoming),and has published in journals such asCommunication Education,Philosophy and Rhetoric,Communication Quarterly,Qualitative Research Reports in Communication,Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, Russian Journal of CommunicationandTheSpeech Communication Teacher.He was a Fulbright scholar to Ukraine in 2004.His current researchfocuses on leadership and public advocacy, strategic communication, the rhetoric of genocide, and the intrusion and implications of violence in cross-generational cultural transmission.

Olga Bertelsen(Ph.D., University of Nottingham) is a writer in residence at New York University and research fellow of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. She held fellowships at the Harriman Institute (Columbia University) and the Munk School of Global Affairs (University of Toronto), and has publishedmonographs on the Ukrainian theatre “Berezil” (Smoloskyp, 2016) and Ukraine’s House of Writers in the 1930s (Pittsburgh, 2013), as well as translated documents in two volumes on the persecution of Zionists in Ukraine (On the Jewish Street, 2011). She is currently preparing books for publication onStalin’s terror in Ukraine,post-Soviet imperial consciousness among Russian writers, andthe social history of Ukraine’s 1932–1933 famine.

Laada Bilaniukis Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Washington. She completed her PhD in anthropology at the University of Michigan. Her main fields of research are language ideology, identity politics, popular culture, and nation building in Ukraine.She is author of the book,Contested Tongues: Language Politics and Cultural Correction in Ukraine(Cornell University Press 2005), and she is currently working on a book on popular culture in Ukraine. She has also published articles on changing language ideologies in Ukraine, language and gender, education, and the politics of language on Ukrainian television.

Bohdan Harasymiwis Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Calgary, Canada, and in 2013–16 was Acting Coordinator of the Contemporary Ukraine Studies Program at the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton. Born in Saskatchewan, he studied at the Royal Military College and at Queen’s University (both in Kingston, Ontario) as well as at the University of Alberta, before completing his doctorate at the University of Toronto. He joined the University of Calgary in 1969, where he continued teaching until his retirement in 2005. He is the author ofPost-Communist Ukrainepublished by the CIUS Press (2002). His most recently published article “Alberta’s Premier Ed Stelmach: The Anomalous Case of Leadership Selection and Removal in a Canadian Province” appeared in theAmerican Review of Canadian Studies. Since retirement, he has participated as an election observer with the Canadian mission in Ukraine in 2006, 2007, and 2010. In 1989–91, he was seconded to the federal government in Ottawa as a Strategic Analyst with the Canadian Security Intelligence Service. A lifelong member and former President of the Canadian Association of Slavists, he served as Program Chair for its 2016 conference in Calgary.

Tamara Hundorova(Ph.D. in Philology) is a Corresponding member of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (NAN Ukrainy), professor and chair of the Department of Literary Theory and Comparative Studies in the Shevchenko Institute of Literature (NAN Ukrainy), the Executive Director of the Institute of Krytyka, professor and dean of the Ukrainian Free University (Munich), and an Associate of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. She has published extensively on Ukrainian literature, modernism, postmodernism, postcolonial criticism, kitsch, feminism and Chornobyl. She is the author of booksTransit Culture. The Symptoms of Postcolonial Trauma(2013),Post-Chornobyl Library. Ukrainian Literary Postmodernism(2005, 2013),The Emerging Word.The Discourse of Early Ukrainian Modernism(1997, 2009),Kitsch and Literature. Travesty(2008),Franko and/not Kameniar(2006),Fеmina melancholica. Sex and Culture in Gender Utopia of Olha Kobylianska(2002) and others. She is a recipient of various fellowships at Columbia University (USA), Harvard University (USA), University of Hokkaido (Japan), and Monash University (Australia). She is a Fulbright scholar, the editor of several journals, and she taught at American, Canadian, European and Ukrainian universities.

Oksana Hussis aPh.D. candidate of Political Science at the Institute for Development and Peace, University of Duisburg-Essen (Germany), and is working for the Ukrainian Think Tanks Liaison Office in Brussels. She graduated from Ludwig-Maximilians-University, where she has been awarded a scholarship from the Hanns-Seidel-Foundation. She was a Petro Jacyk visiting fellow at the University of Toronto (Munk School of Global Affairs), and gave numerous talks on the mechanisms of corruption in Ukraine. She is co-founder of the Interdisciplinary Corruption Research Network and project supervisor of the young researcher’s network “Ukraine in Transition,” supported by the Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities (Essen). Her main area of expertise is corruption and corruptive schemes in hybrid regimes.

Andrii Krawchukis Professor of Religious Studies and past President (2004–2009) of the University of Sudbury, Canada. He is the author ofChristian Social Ethics in Ukraine: the Legacy of Andrei Sheptytsky(Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1997), and a co-editor, with Thomas Bremer, ofEastern Orthodox Encounters of Identity and Otherness: Values, Self-Reflection, Dialogue(Palgrave Macmillan, 2014) and of the forthcomingChurches in the Ukrainian Crisis(Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). He has also edited numerous documentary collections on religion, society and ethics in Eastern Europe. Vice-President of the International Council for Central and East European Studies, he is also a member of the Religion in Europe Group (American Academy of Religion), and of the Executive of the Canadian Association of Slavists. His current research is on interreligious dialogue and intercultural ethics in the wake of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

George O. Liberis Professor of History at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. He is the author of:Soviet Nationality Policy, Urban Growth, and Identity Change in the Ukrainian SSR, 1923–1934(Cambridge University Press, 1992);Alexander Dovzhenko: A Life in Soviet Film(British Film Institute, 2002); andTotal Wars and the Making of Modern Ukraine, 1914–1954(University of Toronto Press, 2016). With Anna Mostovych, he compiled and editedNonconformity and Dissent in the Ukrainian SSR, 1955–1975: An Annotated Bibliography(Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1978). He also served as a Short-Term Observer to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) for the 2010 Presidential Elections in Ukraine, the 2011 Presidential Elections in Kazakhstan, and the 2012 parliamentary elections in Ukraine.

Yurii Scherbakis a Ukrainian writer, doctor of medicine, politician, diplomat, and environmental activist. He is a laureate of prestigious literary awards, and currently chairs the Committee of the Shevchenko Literary Award in Ukraine. Heis a co-founder and Chairman of the Ukrainian Environmental Association "Green World", and the first leader of the Green Party of Ukraine. First environment Minister of independent Ukraine and Member of the National Security Council of Ukraine in (1991–1992), he served as the Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of Ukraine to Israel (1992–1994), to the USA (1994–1998, also to Mexico since 1997), and to Canada (2000–2003).Scherbakwas an Advisor to the President of Ukraine(1998–2000) and Advisor to the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (2004–2006). In 2006 he became President of the Vernadsky Institute for Sustainable Development in Ukraine, and in 2009—a co-founder and a member of the Council on Foreign and Security Policy. In 2013 he was elected a member of the World Academy of Art and Science. He isa recipient of many national and international awards and honors, andthe author of numerous books which became international bestsellers and prominent studies on geopolitics and environmental issues, including Chornobyl.

Myroslav Shkandrijis Professor of Slavic Studies at the University of Manitoba, and has published on modern Ukrainian and Russian literature, art and cultural politics, the avant-garde, and nationalism. He is the author ofUkrainian Nationalism: Politics, Ideology and Literature, 1929–1956(Yale University Press, 2015),Jews in Ukrainian Literature: Representation and Identity(Yale University Press, 2009),Russia and Ukraine: Literature and the Discourse of Empire from Napoleonic to Postcolonial Times(McGill-Queens University Press, 2001), andModernists, Marxists and the Nation: The Ukrainian Literary Discussion of the 1920s(Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 1992). Exhibitions curated by him include:Futurism and After: David Burliuk, 1882–1967(Winnipeg Art Gallery, 2008) andThe Phenomenon of the Ukrainian Avant-Garde, 1910–35(Winnipeg Art Gallery, 2001). He is also the translator of Serhiy Zhadan’sDepeche Mode(Glagoslav Publications, 2013) and Mykola Khvylovy’sCultural Renaissance in Ukraine. Polemical Pamphlets, 1925–26(Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, 1986).

Peter N. Tanchakis a Research Fellow at the Citizen Lab, the University of Toronto’s preeminent cyber security research institution, studying cyber operations involving Russia and Ukraine. He holds his Master’sfrom the Centre for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (CERES) at the Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto. Hehas previously held positionswith the Canadian public service, and interned as ananalystwith the Polish Institute of International Affairs (Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych), where he conducted policyworkand was a contributing author with the European Union Evolving Concepts of Security Project (EvoCS, 2015). He also co-authoredNie tylko dla orłów. Czy terroryści sięgają po hybrydowość?(PISM, 2015).

Igor Torbakovis a Senior Fellow at the Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Uppsala University, Sweden. He holds an MA in History from Moscow State University and a PhD from the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, and specializes in Russian and Eurasian history and politics. He was a Research Scholar at the Institute of Russian History (Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow); a Visiting Scholar at the Kennan Institute (Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC); a Fulbright Scholar at Columbia University; a Visiting Fellow at Harvard University; a Fellow at the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study; a Senior Fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs in Helsinki; and a Visiting Fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin. His recent publications discuss the history of Russian nationalism, the links between Russia’s domestic politics and foreign policy, Russian-Ukrainian relations, and the politics of history and memory wars in Eastern Europe.

Nedim Useinovis a Ph.D. candidate of Political Science at the University of Gdansk, Poland, and also works for the Solidarity Fund PL in Warsaw, contributing to the program aimed at supporting political reforms in post-Maidan Ukraine. He is the author of a number of publications on the Crimean Tatars political movement in the 20th century. His most recent publication is a chapter on Crimea inThe Maidan Uprising, Separatism and Foreign Intervention, edited by Klaus Bachmann and Igor Lyubashenko (Peter Lang, 2014).

Introduction

Olga Bertelsen

In late March of 2015, a Kyiv pensioner, a volunteer who makes camouflage nets, socks, and underwear for the Ukrainian army, asked a soldier who had just returned to Kyiv from the war in eastern Ukraine, whether the army needed more white camouflage nets to cover their equipment. “We’ve made plenty of them,” she said. The young man replied: “It is warmer now. There is no snow there. We now need green nets. But no worries… We’ll need the white ones next winter…” Fighting in Donetsk and Luhansk for nearly a year, the soldier perceived the Russian-Ukrainian war as a long-term conflict which was not going to end any time soon. His certainty and casual fatalism appeared striking and disturbing to the woman. This conversation exacerbated her uncertainties about the future of her country.[1]There are innumerable stories like this one about Ukraine, illuminating a popular feeling of instability and collective insecurity.

Observers have argued that Ukraine’s transitional period has been “one of the most difficult and prolonged” because the country was hesitant to break from the Soviet traditions of corruption and political passivity.[2]By late 2013, governed by the Ianukovych regime, the Ukrainians felt that their country no longer belonged to them. The revolution of 2013–2014, known as the Euromaidan, was an attempt to discontinue the vicious cycle of the state’s failures and its inability to function within the rule of law, especially after Viktor Ianukovych’s election to the presidency in February 2010.[3]Indeed, the Euromaidan Revolution broke the monotony of Ukraine’s transition and slow progress. The loss of more than one hundred human lives, people who were shot by snipers in broad daylight in the center of Kyiv in February 2014, triggered a far-reaching national awakening and accelerated the tempo of change in Ukraine. The victory of the revolution and people’s subsequent optimism, however, were marred by the separatist movement in eastern Ukraine, backed by the Russian Federation. Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its hybrid war in the Donbas fundamentally changed Ukraine’s priorities in modernizing its economic sector, legal and political system, and jeopardized the implementation of social reforms, so desperately needed in Ukraine.[4]

Despite the fact that Ukraine has been a center of world attention on several occasions over the course of the last century and new millennium, many in the West are still uncertain about where Ukraine is located. The closest approximation they often offer is “somewhere in Europe.” Over the years, Ukrainian news that made the cover pages of the international press was uplifting, most was tragic. For example, in the late twenties the West was shocked by scattered reports about the scale of Soviet terror. The cultural renaissance of the mid-1920s made many Ukrainian poets, writers, and theatre directors internationally recognized celebrities who contributed to European and world culture. For the first time, speaking Ukrainian became stylish and fashionable, and the Ukrainian diaspora began to return to Soviet Ukraine to help build a new Ukrainian culture. Yet, in the late twenties newspaper accounts about Soviet show trials against Ukrainian intellectuals proliferated in the United States, Canada, and Great Britain. Unprecedented state violence in Ukraine in the early thirties claimed the lives of millions of Ukrainian peasants during the man-made famine (the Holodomor) and thousands among the intelligentsia, which provoked deep concerns around the world.[5]

During the Second World War Ukraine, together with other states, became the bloodlands where mass killings occurred that resulted in tremendous losses of human life. Millions of Jews, Ukrainians, Russians, Belorussians, and Poles were exterminated by Hitler and Stalin in the territories of Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Soviet Ukraine, Soviet Belarus, and RSFSR. The world observed in trepidation the unmatched mass violence that transformed the war into “the most lethal conflict” in human history.[6]

The period of late socialism in the 1970s and 1980s made human rights activists in the West anxious. They alerted the international community about Moscow’s prosecution of Ukrainian dissidents and the use of punitive psychiatry against them. After prolonged pharmaceutical torture by administering haloperidol and sulphazine in psychiatric clinics, the Ukrainian intellectual Leonid Pliushch and the Ukrainian student Viktor Borovskii made their way to Europe and the United States. Their revelations about the psychiatric abuse of dissidents resulted in heated public discussions about human rights violations in Ukraine and in the Soviet Union.[7]

The devastating news about the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in 1986 once again made Ukraine the epicenter of concerns that were overwhelmed by more striking news—the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.[8]Even then, Ukraine was on the pages of all leading international newspapers that considered the newly created independent state of Ukraine a key player in the politics of destruction of the “evil empire.”[9]

Since its independence in 1991, Ukraine did not follow in the political and economic footsteps of Poland, Estonia, Latvia, or Lithuania. The post-Soviet political order resembled in many ways the Soviet one. Despite the Orange Revolution, which astounded the world with its innovative techniques, the bravery, and sacrifice of the demonstrators, little changed in post-Soviet Ukraine.[10]Only the Euromaidan fundamentally restructured Ukrainian political life,[11]awakened patriotic feelings and sharpened national consciousness among the majority of Ukraine’s citizens. A deep re-evaluation of identities and cultural realignment occurred on individual and collective levels, a dramatic cultural change that propelled the state’s nearly dormant transition toward a more unified nation and civil society.

Our hope is thatthis book will help our readers understand what important changes occurred after the revolution of 2013–2014 in Ukraine, and why they took place. We believe that our analyses will facilitate their discovery or rediscovery of Ukraine, a state whose historical flow has been at times dynamic, at times stagnant but whose future means a great deal to global security.

We also hope that this book will help more people to see Ukraine as an important counterbalance to Russia’s aggression and militant ideology, rather than a region fated to remain in Russia’s shadow or as a permanent borderland between East and West. The manifesto of the Russian youth organization “Rossiia-3,” founded by Aleksandr Dugin, a Russian ideologue whose ideas inspire Putin, reads:

We are imperial builders of the newest kind and will not agree to less than governing the world, because we are the masters of the Earth, we are the children and grandchildren of the masters of the Earth. Peoples and countries worshiped us and were subservient to us, we governed half of the world, and our feet trampled the mountains and valleys of all continents of the Earth. We will recover everything.[12]

This manifesto suggests an ideological imperative for new generations of Russian citizens, an immediate tenuous future for Ukraine and other former Soviet republics, as well as a possible long-term threat to global peace and security. Importantly, the events in Ukraine, the focus of this anthology, seem to align with the dynamics in other parts of eastern Europe, which reveal the uneven relations between Russia and its neighboring states.

This volume invites readers to revisit conceptions about the immense power of human agency, the ethics of politics, and the morality of human choice. As events of the last two years in Ukraine and Russia have demonstrated, the activities and behavior of a single individual driven by his or her identities, values, and beliefs, have a broader impact, going beyond this individual’s village, city, or state: these activities ultimately change patterns and procedures of global security and political behavior.

The discussion of cultural change in Ukraine, provoked by the Euromaidan, and Russia’s cultural realignment and motivation for invading the Ukrainian territories allows us to contextualize newly occurring events and, most importantly, to introduce historical, moral, and aesthetic analyses of individuals’ actions which shape others people’s behaviors, perceptions, and lives. These analyses help us employ history, facts, imagination, intellect, and common sense to establish patterns of politics and human behavior, which have always been “the ultimate criterion of reality as against illusion, incoherence, fiction,” and fabrication.[13]

Some scholars argue that Ukraine’s history runs in certain temporal rhythms or cycles.[14]Others identify it as “repeated patterns inimical to the consolidation of democratic norms and the creation of a vibrant civil society.”[15]No matter how Ukrainian history is defined, the Euromaidan created a paradigm shift in Ukraine’s development, a shift which suggests rapid change, and illustrates the contingent nature of history, affirming the paramount role of human agency in history.

Although all authors traverse their topics in their own unique ways, there are several common themes that explicitly shape the leitmotif and the thesis of this collection.

Contemporary Ukrainian history and culture serves as a starting point for our inquiryand as the conceptual thread of this book, which helps us grasp, among other things, the deep connection between culture and the degree of coherence in Ukrainian society. Language, art, literature, and religion are the integral assets of a people with a common identity. In Ukraine, cultural construction, destruction, and reconstruction are associated with Stalinism, mass killings, and an enormous loss of cultural artifacts, and this legacy of a disrupted and distorted nationalnarrative and identity haunts the Ukrainians in their struggle to rejuvenate their traditions, the core of social cohesiveness and civilized political culture. The analyses of cultural trends in contemporary Ukraine help us better understand Ukraine’s self-destructive paroxysms and, most importantly, the evolution of national sensibilities provoked by the Euromaidan and Russia’s invasion.

The Euromaidan and its grounding in dignity, humanity, and resilienceare the recurrent themes that informthis discussion.[16]Therevolution is viewed as a historical event, a tradition, and a philosophical metaphor of freedom that cemented a common, multi-national narrative in Ukraine. The events ofJanuary–February 2014 appeared to many insiders and outsiders no more than a surrealistic staged spectacle,[17]a splash of human emotions, and a revolution without any prospect of political victory. As the essays in this collection demonstrate, the Euromaidan instead seems to have been a historical turning point, “the beginning of a new history,”[18]yet with dramatic consequences. The revolution that became known asthe Revolution of Dignitywas saved through the sheer critical mass of people who stayed and visited Independence Square in Kyiv during several critical months in 2013 and 2014 and through human sacrifice. The studies included in this collection implicitly divide Ukraine’s history into pre-, mid-, and post-Maidan, a phenomenon that led to global changes, rearranging political alliances in the world. In anthropological terms, this division is of course relative. History constitutes itself through human communication and individual and collective experiences,[19]and changes in such day-to-day exchanges are often gradual and even blurred.Yet in political terms, as the Euromaidan hasdemonstrated, this conceptual framework is justifiable and even necessary. Tectonic shifts in Ukraine’s political culture, social arrangements, and people’s mentality have occurred, which revived the ferment of resistancethat for centuries has kept Ukraine from disappearing into the vortex of imperial abuse.[20]

But what reignited world interest in Ukraine in 2013 was not this prolonged struggle for its independence and nationhood but rather people’s willingness to sacrifice their lives for freedom and moral values in the digital age, where relative comfort, consumerism, and pragmatism prevail. Many felt that the Ukrainian revolution emerged from a parallel world, an anti-world, as the Russian poet Andrei Voznesenskii would characterize it,[21]where human gallantry and the pursuit of the ideal exist, but not in our world. The Euromaidan has demonstrated that human sacrifice for the common good and the desire to create a better world—free, happy, just—is not an anachronism or a utopian romantic concept.[22]These Enlightenment ideas and beliefs are vivid and quite modern. Commentators on Ukraine around the world found this particular phenomenon astounding when the imagined ideal and the reality had collided, reestablishing and reaffirming people’s beliefs in the possibility of human altruism and resourcefulness. Once again, the world was inspired to rethink the nature of state violence and the danger of total liberty which are not simply dangerous—they are fraught with mass death and destruction. “Total liberty for wolves is death to the lambs,” Isaiah Berlin reminded us.[23]Are people able to remain human during violent revolutions, and is there a compromise when moral and cultural values clash? Should people resist an atrocious tyranny at all costs, even at the expense of their own lives or the lives of their loved ones?These torturous and at the same time vital questions became an underlying motif of this book.

By March of 2015, when this book was conceived, the separatists backed by the Russian army had occupied a significant portion of Ukrainian territories and war had become a frightening reality.[24]For the first time during its years of independence, military issues, such as weapons, ammunition, and conscription, became the primary concern for a post-Maidan Ukraine. According toUkraine’s Defense Minister Stepan Poltorak, by late March 2015, 230,000 people were serving in the Ukrainian armed forces, fighting against an army of “rebels” that employed the most modern Russian guns, rockets, and heavy equipment.[25]In many Ukrainian cities, towns, and villages people have been mourning over the dead and missing soldiers. Commemorative events to honor the dead have become common place. Mutilated combatants fill Ukrainian hospitals and rehabilitation centers. In contrast, Moscow conceals its war casualties, and dead Russian soldiers are buried secretly or cremated in the Donbas by mobile crematoriums.[26]

This volume offers a discussion of external and internal factors that contribute to the fragility and instability of the situation in Ukraine, and its general difficulties in reforming the country. Although Ukraine’s domestic problems, such as massive corruption, account for this, the major destabilizing factors are Russia’s annexation of Crimea, its war in the Donbas, and Russian propaganda. Putin’s “geopolitical project” has been discussed in several essays of this anthology, and his efforts at destabilizing Russia’s “near abroad” seem to be quite successful despite the western sanctions imposed on Russia. It has become quite apparent that they do not constrain Russia’s aggression in Ukraine or elsewhere. Explanations for that lay beyond the scope of this volume. However, one view seems particularly relevant here to contextualize Russia’s protracted war in Ukraine and the findings of some of the essays of this collection.

According to various sources, the range of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s wealth has been calculated between $79.2 and $200 billion. Some argue that he runs the country as his own household, financing it from his own pocket. The former Vice-Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Alfred Kokhpositsthat Putin controls an enormous machine of illegal businesses in Russia such as drug trafficking, shielding a network of brothels and casinos, and a lucrative arms trade, a claim that was also confirmed by other accounts, including one by Aleksandr Litvinenko, who was allegedly assassinated by Russian secret services in London in 2006. The annual income from these businesses has been estimated to be tens of billions of dollars. Kokh insists that these funds are controlled by Russian secret services and Putin personally, and that is how he finances their special operations in “near abroad” and runs his “Komintern” in Europe and the United States. Everyone who is significant is paid: the agents of influence, journalists, deputies, radical parties, and politicians.[27]

The analysts of the Polish business channel “TVN24 Biznes i Swiat” hold that over the last six months Russia’s currency reserves decreased by approximately $130 billion. They presume that if this tempo continues, by 2017 Russia should be bankrupt. However, according to Kokh, Putin’s private funds are non-exhaustible: low oil prices, the sanctions, and other cataclysms of mammoth proportions will not lead to the collapse of the Russian government. Kokh and other commentators believe that Putin’s financial power makes his shadow economy stable and indestructible, and thus, his short-term goals (individual power, personal enrichment, and support of his inner circle), and long-term-goals (destabilization of Europe and NATO) are potentially possible and even likely. Moreover, there are also grounds to suggest that Putin controls many politicians in Kyiv and elsewhere, who are positioned at the very top of the political hierarchy: Ukraine’s own sanctions against Russia have not been seriously considered even two years after Russia’s invasion, and the war in eastern Ukraine is still identified as an ATO (anti-terrorist operation).[28]

If this is true, analyses of Putin’s military doctrine, its geopolitical implications, and practical application make perfect sense at least from a financial standpoint: Russia manages to support considerable military maneuvers and maintain multiple theatres of war, which require huge financial investments. Its grandiose plans in the Middle East, the Caucasus, and in the Black Sea region seem to suggest the availability of routinely replenished, and thus unlimited, resources, a serious problem for the West in general, and Europe in particular. More immediately, the dilemma to be solved in Ukraine focuses on how the country should reform while being continuously destabilized economically and politically by its powerful neighbor. Putin has created a situation in which future relations between Russia and Ukraine will be difficult for generations to come, and where peace seems to be possible only when subversion is a key element of the political landscape in the region. Crucially, chronic political instability in eastern Europe and its vulnerable balance between war and peace may have disastrous global ramifications, as the history of this region has demonstrated.[29]

Russia’s propaganda efforts to portray the new Ukrainian government as fascist and the power of words are prominent themes in this anthology. Indeed, the information war became an inseparable part of Russia’s expansion in Crimea and its incursions in other parts of the region. On March 18, 2014 Putin recognized Crimea’s “independence” and signed the treaty of accession in Moscow. Almost immediately, the new authorities distributed guns to residents of the peninsula to protect them against “Ukrainian fascists,” and this narrative was firmly imbedded in the psyche of the Crimeans by its routine reiteration in the mass media. The Kremlin’s extraordinarily strong presence and dominance in the media’s narrative have been studied extensively.[30]Pro-Kremlin narratives are systematically reinforced through television channels such asSputnikandRT(Russia Today), which are generously supported by a variety of agencies favoring Putin’s regime. The idea of fascists in Kyiv was amplified and expanded by Putin who on March 18, 2015 at a concert in the center of Moscow, dedicated to the one-year anniversary of the takeover of Crimea, addressed thousands and praised the Russian people’s “amazing patriotism” by supporting the annexation of Crimea and its people who fought against fascist Kyiv.[31]

Defining democratic transformations in Ukraine as fascism was and still remains crucial for Russia, and was designed for domestic and foreign consumption. Truly, whoever defines the situationhas power over people and their perceptions. “The very concept of ‘fact’ becomes irrelevant because every meaningful political object and person is an interpretation that reflects and perpetuates an ideology,” as Murray Edelman has suggested.[32]Guns as a defensive tool and measures against the “fascists” in Kyiv became a powerful argument and “evidence” of “defenseless” Crimean citizens who needed help. Interestingly, in order to receive a Kalashnikov at the local military commissariat, it was sufficient to show a passport with localpropiska(registration) at one of the locations provided by the new authorities and to swear allegiance to Russia, expressing simultaneously hatred toward Kyiv.[33]

Students of KGB methods and practices, contemporary Russian propagandists employ repetition as a powerful tool capable of transforming people’s beliefs, views, and perceptions. The language and words matter, as several essays in this anthology demonstrate. Russia’s use of definitions, such as the “Ukrainian crisis” and the “conflict in Ukraine,” repeated over and over again, transcended the space of journalism, encouraging scholars and politicians to refer to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine in these terms and entitle their books, speeches, and articles using the same concepts. The examples are numerous: the “conflict in Ukraine,” the “crisis in Ukraine,” “the Ukraine crisis of 2014,” “the civil war and crisis in Ukraine,” and the like.[34]These concepts reinforce the idea of “locality” and an isolated conflict that is not contingent on external factors. Repeatedly employed, these terms shape a certain perception of reality in Ukraine, and have helped the Russians position themselves as outsiders and neutral observers of the “crisis” in Ukraine. The use of this term may have been accurate until late December 2013, when the first victims of protests began to die in the streets of Kyiv. But after many, potentially hundreds of protesters in various cities of Ukraine disappeared and were murdered, after the Ukrainian parliament stripped Ianukovych of his presidential powers, and after Russia’s invasion of Crimea and eastern Ukraine, this intellectual short-cut, a bastardized notion of Ukraine’s purely domestic affair, which has become a “convenient truth,” is a distraction from the larger political reality. “Language games…construct alternative realities.”[35]They truly do.

Interestingly, Reinhart Koselleck[36]has reminded us that the notion of “crisis” is associated with the pressure of time, uncertainty, a desperate need to prevent disaster and to find a solution and salvation.[37]However, he has also argued that crisis is a philosophical and historical term which can identify a “singular, accelerating process,” or an intersection of an “epochal threshold,” or can be understood as a permanent crisis in world history, or more broadly, as a “final crisis of all history”—self-destruction. Koselleck has theorized about the possible meanings of the term “crisis,” including the economic concept of crisis. All those meanings are theoretically demanding, and are grounded in certain historical and intellectual traditions. The term “crisis” was also applied to the American and French revolutions, and Karl Marx tended to believe that the final crisis of the capitalist system would lead to tectonic social changes, such as the disappearance of the state and class differences. Koselleck has disputed the teleology of this notion, suggesting that it has always been human nature to exaggerate a particular situation and identify it as an apocalyptic one. Moreover, the misuse of this term, he believed, obscures its initial theological meaning (apocalypse; the end of the world), a semantic model of crisis as final decision for human civilization.[38]In her essay, Tamara Hundorova has shown that the apocalyptic myth constitutes an important dimension in the rhetoric of the Maidan; it also embraces an eschatological meaning.Yet, when used habitually in political and historical contexts, the term “crisis” overdramatizes and often distorts reality—sometimes innocently, often deliberately.

Many commentators on the Russian-Ukrainian war fall into the same semantic trap, describing the Russians’ concealed aggression in Ukraine as Ukraine’s crisis. Our preference is to omit the term from our writings altogether, and to identify the realities in Ukraine for what they are. We follow the road paved by thesenior fellow at the Cato Institute’s Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity,economist and former advisor to the Putin administration,Andrei Illarionov, who on June 16, 2014 at the NATO Parliamentary Assembly session in Vilnius stated:

You may hear statements that this is ‘the Ukrainian crisis’ or that this is ‘the crisis in Ukraine’. It is incorrect. It is neither ‘the crisis in Ukraine’, nor ‘the Ukrainian crisis’. This is not an internal affair of Ukraine. This is a war. This is the Russian-Ukrainian war. To be correct, this is Mr Putin’s war against Ukraine. And this war is only an introductory chapter of a much larger event which can be called and actually has already been called ‘War’, ‘World War’, ‘the Fourth World War’.[39]

In our view,the conflict perpetuated by the Russian Federation in Ukraine should be defined as“Russia’s war in Ukraine” or “the Russian-Ukrainian war” that began, formally, with the occupation of Crimea in February 2014.

Significantly, this book illuminates how the meanings of words can be transformed and how words can lose their meaning during wars, how their “weaponization” occurs and how arguments shift to the contrary over the course of 24 hours. In turn, transformed meanings and words are employed for rewriting histories, which leads to information wars and the politicization of popular memory, realities that can be observed both in Russia and Ukraine today.[40]The theme of memory politics and competing national historical narratives consistently appears in several chapters, an issue that complicates the relations between Ukraine and Russia, thwarts their peaceful coexistence and undermines their potential rapprochement. This book avoids casting rosy scenarios and is restrained in terms of offering solutions. Instead, it interrogates the procedures and complex mechanisms of constructing national historical memories, institutionalizing their premises, and defending them through legal means. This discourse demonstrates an uneasy equilibrium of national narratives, which is vulnerable, routinely threatened and in constant need of restoration to prevent the escalation of information wars that are often transformed into serious collisions, such as terrorist activities and conventional warfare.

In this anthology, special attention is paid to a fascinating aspect of Russia’s propaganda machine—the work of social network“trolls,” whose goal is to discredit news stories critical of Russia while promoting those presenting pro-Russian narratives.[41]These trolls efficiently curtail reasonable online debate and contribute to the publics’ uncertainty about the realities in the region that are difficult to decipher even without their immense efforts to sow confusion.Ultimately, the discussionconcentrates on unofficial government tools that play a crucial role in Russia’s politics of ideological subversion designed to confuse the international community about the Kremlin’s real goals in Ukraine.The process ofideologicalsubversion and constant attempts to keep Ukraine in the orbit of Russia’s influence has a long history.[42]Over the last two decades Russia perfected its strategies and the mechanisms of undeclared hybrid wars, modernizing and swiftly adapting to changing political, social and cultural circumstances in Ukraine and elsewhere.[43]

The Russian presence in Crimea and Russia’s increasing control of the Black Sea basin serve as an example of such adaptations. Two essays in this anthology disentangle chronological and tactical complexities of Russia’s secret operation in the peninsula in January and February 2014,[44]provide an overview of the post-annexation situation in Crimea, and analyze Russia’s geopolitical project through the lens of the discursive myth of the “Third Rome,” a project that considers territories far beyond Ukraine—Turkey, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Middle East. This discussion explores the degree to which the “Third Rome” myth acts as a powerful discursive formation, infiltrating and informing Russian foreign and domestic policy. This myth is often offered directly and indirectly as a rationale for Russian incursions into a host of Black Sea basin states. In this context, this discussion provides an explanation of how the Third Rome myth facilitates political concealment at home and abroad for destabilizing Turkey as a means of acquiring control over the Turkish Straits, and considers the myth’s predictive value when examining future Russian actions in and around the Black Sea basin.

Furthermore, Russia’s military solutions in Ukraine and its war in the Donbas bring to light one of the most tragic aspects of war—its divisiveness. We now live in a world where such a notion as “occupied territories” has become a routine description of reality. Wars divide and destroy families, organizations, unions, alliances, and religious institutions. The religious dimension of the Russian-Ukrainian war, an undeservedly underrepresented topic in scholarship on Russian-Ukrainian relations, is discussed in this anthology through the prism of new policies introduced by occupation authorities in Crimea and the Donbas. Faith communities in these territories (the focus of scrutiny is Muslims, Jews, and Baptists) are polarized for a number of reasons, among which are political loyalties, refugee displacement, and the regimentation of religious practices and organizations. However, religious communities are viewed here not only as passive observers but also as pro-active agencies, actors who creatively adjust themselves to the conditions of war, developing new survival skills and remaining socially engaged and spiritually focused. A narrative that analyzes these men’s and women’s difficult personal (and collective) choice, whether to remain under Russian occupation or to become refugees, invites readers to revisit complex notions, such as self-identification, moral responsibility, and faith, that are inevitably threatened and re-shaped by war and violence.

We also believe that there is a pressing need to discuss the paramount issue of corruption, an intrinsic feature of most political and social operations in Ukraine. The book delivers a nuanced understanding of pervasive corruption and examines this phenomenon from theoretical and practical perspectives. In addition, it offers insight into the multifaceted interdependence of political traditions and practices, the loopholes in the legislature, and family and business connections among the political elites, factors that perpetuate the cycle of corruption which remains robust and resilient in Ukraine.[45]Perspectives and challenges of anti-corruption policies are examined through the lens of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau’s activities and other initiatives that emanate from civil society.

Another salient element of Ukraine’s challenges that has been discussed in this book is the reform of the police (militsia).This issue has been on the Ukrainian government’s agenda for so long that the current effort provoked pessimism and a storm of sarcastic comments and questions from the Ukrainian public and professionals. What is different this time? For one, it is part of an ambitious and wide-ranging program of reform of governance as a whole.For another, it is directed in part by outsiders (Georgians) who have some track record of success in reforming the police.Will this be adequate in making a wholesale transformation to democratic and European Union standards, or at least a reasonable facsimile thereof? Looking at past and present reform efforts in Ukraine, as well as comparing experiences in other post-communist states, a fairly confident assessment can be made as to the prospect of significant and fundamental change. Individual and collective identity and political will in Ukraine, as well as its sovereignty and stability, seem to endorse the effectiveness of democratic reforms.

In all, the contributors to this book engage in a shared effortto identify and analyze the challenges, problems, and difficulties that Ukraine faced in the past and continues to experience today, obstacles that impede democratic changes and the formation of mature civil society. We explore the reasons for why the difficulties of the transitional period culminated in the Euromaidan and consequent state violence, and examine the multifaceted roles of people, organizations, and governments in the dynamic Ukrainian political, social and cultural landscape from historical and legal perspectives. This endeavor helps us better understand not only the underlying currents of Ukrainian politics and change in Ukraine’s and Russia’s culture and society, but also provides insight into the future of the Ukrainian national project and its chances for survival in a state of war. Revolutions and wars destroy, create, and restructure states. In this context, this anthology invites readers to consider several scenarios, among which at least two deserve public attention and provoke crucial questions: should the world community yield to Russia’s military and ideological supremacy in the region, allowing further “restructuring” of geographic and political borders through erasing an independent state “at the edge of Europe,” or should it protect the “gates of Europe”[46]and the nascent democratic society in Ukraine?

Ukraine, a constrained and contested space and place, is a zone of death, displacement, and suffering today, but it is also a place of hopes and dreams that are nurtured by millions of its citizens, regardless of their nationality, ethnicity, or religious affiliation. Ukraine may be associated with the place Andrei Tarkovskii portrayed in his 1979 filmStalker, the Zone that had a special room where people’s dreams could be consummated.[47]The road leading to this room was hazardous and dangerous. The detours along the way brought people there faster than direct pathways. The film’s main character, the Stalker, led people through the Zone to this special room for a modest fee under one condition—they had to strictly follow the Zone’s rules and his instructions. Otherwise, the Zone would fail them. A member of the group, the Writer, violated the established rules. He refused to follow the Stalker and suggested that there was a shortcut which would allow them to reach the Zone’s room faster. In frustration, the Stalker yelled at him:

Don’t you understand? . . . this is the Zone. . . This is a complex system of traps . . . Everything is changing here every minute . . . safe traps become mortal and vice versa . . . The Zone is treacherous and vindictive. It cannot forgive. But it is such because we made it behave like this. Everything that is happening here depends not on the Zone but on us.[48]

In actu, we rarely find places and times as we imagined them, and the seemingly fastest routes only delay the day of achievement. Going back in time, so that we could better understand what is happening now, is necessary, even if this pathway appears to be long and challenging. We are stepping back and revisiting Ukraine’s past and the entangled histories of Ukraine and Russia to identify the pathway to the present, and to construct a more precise narrative of today’s events in Ukraine. Understanding the Euromaidan, people’sidentities in Russia and Ukraine, the Russian-Ukrainian war, and its geopolitical consequences without contextualizing them in the history of Russian-Ukrainian relations seems neither possible nor conceivable.

Some observers have suggested that Ukraine is a state born to struggle and lose, to struggle again and to lose once again.[49]Others have defined Ukraine’s transitional experiences along the road toward a modern European state as complex, difficult, and chaotic. We characterize it as persistent, suggesting the continuity of the process, in which events such as the revolution of 2013–2014 and Russia’s invasion, take Ukraine to another level, this time rather rapidly, further from corruption and chaos toward meaningful and honorable existence. We identify the hindrances that have been conditioned by internal and, most importantly, external pressures, and share our view about transnational dangers and the potential political ramifications of Russia’s expansion. The ritualization and institutionalization of oligarchs’ illegal activities when the Firtashs and the Akhmetovs[50]continue to drain the nation’s resources constitute only a part of the problem for Ukraine. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and Putin’s insatiable neo-imperial appetite that grows daily present the principal threat to international security and to Ukraine’s independence, dragging it into another cycle of tortuous struggle for its independence. A challenge of change and the restoration of stability in this region are indeed a global concern.

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1[1]Private conversation with Liudmyla Shalaieva, a resident of Kyiv, May 9, 2015.

2[2]Anders Aslund,Ukraine:What Went Wrong and How to Fix It(Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2015), xi.

3[3]Igor Lyubashenko, “Euromaidan: From the Students’ Protest to Mass Uprising,” inThe Maidan Uprising, Separatism and Foreign Intervention: Ukraine’s Complex Transition, eds.Klaus Bachmann and Igor Lyubashenko (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2014), 61–85.

4[4]