The Gift in Antiquity E-Book

• Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Serie: Ancient World: Comparative Histories
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 623

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2013

Beschreibung

“The Gift in Antiquity is an exciting and learned dialogue with Marcel Mauss’s The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies, published ninety years ago. The essays engage Mauss’s model, offering critique and nuance, and sometimes push Mauss’s insights far beyond what he had imagined. While many anthologies are useful for the one or two essays they contain, this volume offers a tightly organized collection useful as a reader in classics, religion, or anthropology courses.”

John S. Kloppenborg, University of Toronto

“The Gift in Antiquity offers a rousing demonstration of the lessons to be learned from Marcel Mauss’s early insight that gift-giving offers a privileged way to understand social relations and social obligations. The book brims with the excitement of scholars from different disciplines building on a common theoretical tool to offer new perspectives on topics in their own fields as well as on the foundational concept of the gift itself. It is a book that all scholars of the ancient Mediterranean and Near East, as well as all scholars interested in the gift, will want to read.”

David I. Kertzer, Brown University

In his seminal essay The Gift (1922), French sociologist Marcel Mauss proposed an original theoretical framework for thinking about gift-giving practices. Emphasizing that all gifts were “total social facts” that created bonds of reciprocity between communities and individuals, Mauss’s framework has been fundamental in anthropological research. The Gift in Antiquity applies Mauss’s notion of gift-giving as a catalyst in strengthening group bonds to the study of antiquity. This thought-provoking collection of 14 original essays covers such wide-ranging topics as vows in the Hebrew Bible; ancient Greek wedding gifts; Hellenistic civic practices; Latin literature; Roman and Jewish burial practices; and Jewish and Christian religious gifts, along with wider theoretical and methodological reflections. Collectively, the essays open up a cross-cultural dialogue that generates new ways of thinking about both antiquity and theories of gift-giving and reciprocity. The Gift in Antiquity offers illuminating insights into the enduring value of Mauss’s work and the influential nature of reciprocity and exchange throughout the course of history.

Leseprobe

Contents

Notes on Contributors

Series Editor’s Preface

Preface

1 Introduction

2 Ceremonial Gift-Giving: The Lessons of Anthropology from Mauss and Beyond

Traditional Gift-giving: Mauss’s Lesson

Clarifying the Concept: The Three Categories of Gift-Giving

Ceremonial Gift-Exchange Is Neither Economic Nor Moral or Legal

Ceremonial Gift-Giving as a Pact of Recognition

Conclusion

3 Alms, Blessings, Offerings: The Repertoire of Christian Gifts in Early Byzantium

Origin and Ideals of the Christian “Blessing”

A Survey of Christian Gifts in Early Byzantine Greek Hagiography

Disinterested Gifts in an Interested Discourse

4 Gift-Giving and Power Relationships in Greek Social Praxis and Public Discourse

The Archaic Period

Classical Athens

The Hellenistic Period

Final Remarks

5 Fictive Giftship and Fictive Friendship in Greco-Roman Society

Mauss’s Gifting

Mauss in a Greco-Roman Setting

Searching for Clarity

Gifting versus Patronage

Friendship versus Fictive Friendship

Conclusion

6 Ovid Negotiates with His Mistress: Roman Reciprocity from Public to Private

The Household: Society without Gifts

Ovid’s Stingy Lover

Conclusions

7 “Can’t Buy Me Love”: The Economy of Gifts in Amorous Relations

8 Without Patronage: Fetishization, Representation, and the Circulation of Gift-Texts in the Late Roman Republic

Introduction

Fetishization: Hellenistic Libraries and Royal Theft

Representation: The Book and the Citizen

Without Patrons: Language, Display, and Dedication in Republican Gift-Books

9 Roses and Violets for the Ancestors: Gifts to the Dead and Ancient Roman Forms of Social Exchange

Roman Death and Gifts to the Dead

Funerary Gifts

Grave Goods

Food Offerings

Dedicated Objects

Rethinking the Grave Gift

The Dead as Rational Actors

Burial Rites and Afterlife Beliefs

Redefining the di manes

Leaving Mauss Behind

10 Graffiti as Gift: Mortuary and Devotional Graffiti in the Late Ancient Levant

Methodology and Limitations

Graffiti as Gifts of Comfort

Graffiti as Gifts of Protection

Graffiti as Gifts of Provision

Conclusion: Gifts “Real,” Metaphorical, and Imagined

11 Marriage Gifts in Ancient Greece

Introduction

The Solonian Regulation of the phernaí

An Anthropological Approach

The Meaning of the Solonian phernē: Some Theses

The Value of Cloth: Patterns and Colors

Female Wedding Gifts

Conclusion

12 Charity Wounds: Gifts to the Poor in Early Rabbinic Judaism

Introduction

The Gift in Early Rabbinic Literature

Problems with Giving a Gift as Charity

Rejecting the Gift

Conclusions

13 Barter Deal or Friend-Making Gift? A Reconsideration of the Conditional Vow in the Hebrew Bible

14 Neither Mauss, nor Veyne: Peter Brown’s Interpretative Path to the Gift

In Pursuit of the Holy, A Pursuit of the Gift

Neither Mauss nor Veyne?: Asymmetric Giving in Historical Perspective

From “Love of the City” to “Love of the Poor”: Untidy Mutations and Competitive Tension

Asymmetric Public Giving and the Symbolic Constitution of Elite Identities

An Expanding Repertoire of Religious Giving

Social Aesthetics and the Gift

Repertoires of Giving in Comparative Historical Perspective

15 Gifts for God, Gifts for Rabbis: From Sacrif ice to Donation in Rabbinic Tales of Late Antiquity and Their Dialogue with Early Christian Texts

Giving the Soul: The Historical Perspective of Sacrifice and After

The Treasure in the Field: The Sociopolitical Dialogue of Texts, Gifts, and Identities

Conclusion

Index of Subjects and Names

Index of Ancient Sources

The Ancient World: Comparative Histories

Series Editor: Kurt A. Raaf laub

Published

War and Peace in the Ancient WorldEdited by Kurt A. Raaf laubHousehold and Family Religion in AntiquityEdited by John Bodel and Saul OlyanEpic and HistoryEdited by David Konstan and Kurt A. Raaf laubGeography and Ethnography: Perceptions of the World in Pre-Modern SocietiesEdited by Kurt A. Raaf laub and Richard J. A. TalbertThe Roman Empire in Context: Historical and Comparative PerspectivesEdited by Johann P. Arnason and Kurt A. Raaf laubHighways, Byways, and Road Systems in the Pre-Modern WorldEdited by Susan E. Alcock, John Bodel, and Richard J. A. TalbertThe Gift in AntiquityEdited by Michael L. Satlow

This edition first published 2013© 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The gift in antiquity / edited by Michael L. Satlow. p. cm. – (The ancient world: comparative histories) Includes bibliographical references.

ISBN 978-1-4443-5024-1 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Gifts–History. 2. Civilization, Ancient.I. Satlow, Michael L. GT3050.G55 2013 394–dc23

2012036176

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Jacket image: Detail from Byzantine mosaic of kings bearing gifts, Sant’ Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, 6th century. © Neil Harrison / AlamyJacket design by cyandesign.co.uk

Notes on Contributors

Daniel F. Caner is Associate Professor of History and Classics at the University of Connecticut, Storrs. Author of Wandering, Begging Monks: Spiritual Authority and the Promotion of Monasticism in Late Antiquity (2002) and History and Hagiography from the Late Antique Sinai (2010). He is currently writing a book on religious wealth and society in the age of Justinian.Neil Coffee is Associate Professor of Classics at the State University of New York at Buffalo. His research focuses on Latin epic poetry, the social conditions of poetic production, and digital approaches to literary history and stylistics. He is the author of The Commerce of War: Exchange and Social Order in Latin Epic (2009). He also leads the Tesserae Project (http://tesserae.caset.buffalo.edu/), which uses computational methods to study allusion among classical and later authors, and offers a free online tool for intertextual research.Zeba Crook is an Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada). He is the author of Reconceptualising Conversion (2004); “Honor, Shame, and Social Status Revisited” ( JBL 2009); “Reflections on Culture and Social-Scientific Models” ( JBL 2005); and many other articles on social-­scientific approaches to biblical literature.Marc Domingo Gygax is Associate Professor of Classics at Princeton University and author of Untersuchungen zu den lykischen Gemeinwesen in klassischer und ­hellenistischer Zeit (2001). His main interests lie in ancient Greek history, historical anthropology, and modern historiography. He is currently working on a book on the origins of Greek euergetism, the phenomenon of voluntary donations to city-states, and the reciprocal recognition of these services as benefactions.Gregg E. Gardner is Assistant Professor and the Diamond Chair in Jewish Law and Ethics in the Department of Classical, Near Eastern, and Religious Studies at the University of British Columbia. His publications include “Jewish Leadership and Hellenistic Civic Benefaction in the Second Century B.C.E” (JBL 2007) and Antiquity in Antiquity: Jewish and Christian Pasts in the Greco-Roman World (coedited; 2008). His current project is a monograph on charity in ancient Judaism and rabbinic literature.Anne Katrine Gudme is Assistant Professor of Hebrew Bible Studies at the University of Copenhagen. She did her doctoral research on votive practices in the Hebrew Bible and the dedicatory inscriptions on Mount Gerizim, and she has published several articles on ritual, vows, and votive practices in the Hebrew Bible.Galit Hasan-Rokem is Max and Margarethe Grunwald Professor of Folklore and Professor of Hebrew Literature at the Mandel Institute of Jewish Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Among her books areWeb of Life: Folklore and Midrash in Rabbinic Literature (2000) andTales of the Neighborhood: Jewish Narrative Dialogues in Late Antiquity (2003). Galit Hasan-Rokem is a published poet in Hebrew and in translation in several languages and is literary editor ofPalestine-Israel Journal, as well as a founding member of its editorial board since 1993.Marcel Hénaff is a philosopher, anthropologist, and professor at the University of California, San Diego. His publications include Claude Lévi-Strauss and the Making of Structural Anthropology (1998; orig. 1991); Public Space and Democracy (coedited with Tracy Strong; 2001); The Price of Truth: Gift, Money, Philosophy (2010; orig. 2002: Grand Prize of the French Academy); La Ville qui vient (2008); and Le Don des philosophes: Repenser la réciprocité (2012). His main field of research is political philosophy and the anthropology of political institutions and symbolic practices.David Konstan is Professor of Classics at New York University and Professor Emeritus at Brown University. Among his books are The Emotions of the Ancient Greeks (2006) and Before Forgiveness: The Origins of a Moral Idea (2010). He is currently working on a book on ancient conceptions of beauty.Nicola Denzey Lewis is the author ofThe Bone Gatherers (2007). A specialist on Roman mortuary history, she is at work on a new book,Catacomb Religion: Ordinary Christianity in the Age of Constantine. She has taught at Bowdoin College, Harvard University, and currently teaches at Brown University.Michael L. Satlow is Professor of Religious Studies and Judaic Studies at Brown University. He is the author of Jewish Marriage in Antiquity (2001) and Creating Judaism: History, Tradition, Practice (2006), and is working on a study of Jewish popular piety in late antiquity.Ilana F. Silber is Professor of Sociology at Bar-Ilan University. One of her main interests is the sociology of gift-giving, to which she brings a comparative historical and interpretative cultural perspective. Related publications include “Bourdieu’s Gift to Gift Theory: An Unacknowledged Trajectory” (Sociological Theory 2009); and “Beyond Purity and Danger: Gift-Giving in the Monotheistic Religions,” in Toon Vandevelde, ed., Gifts and Interests (2000).Karen B. Stern is Assistant Professor of Jewish History at Brooklyn College of the City University of New York. She is the author of Inscribing Devotion and Death: Archaeological Evidence for Jewish Populations in North Africa (2008). She is ­currently working on a book about graffiti, vernacular art, and “low” culture of Jewish populations in the ancient Mediterranean.Sarah Culpepper Stroup is Associate Professor of Classics at the University of Washington, Seattle. She is the author of Catullus, Cicero, and the Society of Patrons: The Generation of the Text (2010), as well as articles on Cicero’s Brutus, Martial’s Xenia and Apophoreta, the interactions of Greek rhetoric and Roman culture, and the Roman triumph as a tool in the construction of Roman civic memory. Her research focuses on Cicero’s technica and the textual cultures of the late Republic and early Empire. She is currently working on a book on the afterlife of Cicero’s Roman voice in Varro’s De agri cultura.Beate Wagner-Hasel is Professor in Ancient History at the Leibniz University of Hannover. She is author of Der Stoff der Gaben: Kultur und Politik des Schenkens und Tauschens im archäischen Griechenland (2000) and of Die Arbeit des Gelehrten: Der Nationalökonom Karl Bücher (1847–1930) (2011), and is coeditor of the journal Historische Anthropologie (since 1998). She is currently working on a ­history of old age in antiquity.

Series Editor’s Preface

The Ancient World: Comparative Histories

The purpose of this series is to pursue important social, political, religious, economic, and intellectual issues through a wide range of ancient or early societies, while occasionally covering an even broader diachronic scope. By engaging in ­comparative studies of the ancient world on a truly global scale, this series hopes to throw light not only on common patterns and marked differences, but also to ­illustrate the remarkable variety of responses humankind developed to meet common challenges. Focusing as it does on periods that are far removed from our own time, and in which modern identities are less immediately engaged, the series contributes to enhancing our understanding and appreciation of differences among cultures of various traditions and backgrounds. Not least, it thus illuminates the continuing relevance of the study of the ancient world in helping us to cope with problems of our own multicultural world.

The origins of the present volume lie in a conference held at Brown University in May 2010. Thanks go to the Program in Ancient Studies (now Program in Early Cultures), the primary sponsor, to all others who offered financial and logistical support, and to Michael Satlow, who initiated the project, recruited a stellar cast of contributors, shaped the conference into an intellectually ­challenging and greatly stimulating event, and now presents the proceedings in a volume that will force many to adjust their thinking and is certain to prompt further debate.

Earlier volumes in the series are War and Peace in the Ancient World (ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub, 2007); Household and Family Religion in Antiquity (eds. John Bodel and Saul Olyan, 2008); Epic and History (eds. David Konstan and Kurt A. Raaflaub, 2010); Geography and Ethnography: Perceptions of the World in Pre-modern Societies (eds. Kurt A. Raaflaub and Richard J. A. Talbert, 2010); The Roman Empire in Context: Historical and Comparative Perspectives (eds. Johann P. Arnason and Kurt A. Raaflaub, 2011); Highways, Byways, and Road Systems in the Pre-modern World (eds. Susan E. Alcock, John Bodel, and Richard J. A. Talbert, 2012). Other ­volumes are in preparation: The Greek Polis and the Invention of Democracy: A Politico-cultural Transformation and Its Interpretations (eds. Johann P. Arnason, Kurt A. Raaflaub, and Peter Wagner); Thinking, Recording, and Writing History in the Ancient World (ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub); and Peace in the Ancient World: Concepts and Theories (ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub).

Kurt A. Raaflaub

Preface

This volume had its origin in a conference on “The Gift in Antiquity” held at Brown University on May 2–4, 2010. The conference was generously funded by the Program in Ancient Studies (now the Program in Early Cultures) and was ­co-sponsored by the Departments of Religious Studies and Classics, the Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology in the Ancient World, the Herbert Goldberger Lectureship Fund, and the Program in Judaic Studies. I am grateful to all of these units. A ­special word of thanks is due to Kurt Raaflaub for his truly exceptional support throughout the entire process of both the conference and the editing and ­publication of this subsequent volume.

Special thanks are also due to Jody Soares and Tracy Miller. Jody, in the Office of University Events and Conference Services, was invaluable in helping to make the conference such a collegial and productive experience. Tracy, in the Program for Judaic Studies, efficiently handled with a smile many of the financial and logistical issues associated with both the conference and the production of this volume.

Most of all, though, I thank the conference participants and contributors to this volume. They each reached beyond their own areas of specialization to help create a dynamic intellectual conversation, orally and in print. They made my job, as an editor, easy and enriching.

The abbreviations of classical sources in this volume follow Simon Hornblower and Anthony Spawforth, eds, The Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996). Abbreviations of Jewish and Christian sources, except where noted, follow P. H. Alexander, J. F. Kutsko, and J. D. Ernest, et al., eds, The SBL Handbook of Style: For Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Christian Studies (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1999). The authors have followed conventional schema for transliteration with occasional changes to enhance readability.

Michael L. SatlowNovember, 2012

1

Introduction

MICHAEL L. SATLOW

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a gift is “something, the possession of which is transferred to another without the expectation or receipt of an equivalent; a donation, present.” By definition, gifts are thus set apart from commercial exchange. An item or service can be sold, bartered, or gifted; the terms denote ­distinct forms of transactions (if the gift can even be called that). You cannot pay me to give you a gift.

I doubt that most people today, at least in the developed world, would contest this definition. Yet faced with just a few simple and practical questions, the very same people who would define a “gift” as an act of giving “without the expectation or receipt of an equivalent” would also immediately recognize the insufficiency of that answer. When I give a birthday “gift” to another adult, do I really not expect to receive a gift in return at some point? When I give a gift to a child, don’t I expect at least acknowledgment and gratitude? When I bring a bottle of wine or bouquet of flowers to a dinner to which I was invited, is it really a “gift,” or a token exchange that functions to reflect gratitude for the invitation? If I bring an unexpected gift to the same dinner – say, a package of lingerie – how would it be ­interpreted? Why do extravagant gifts between social unequals, particularly in the workplace, make us uncomfortable? When I donate money to a charity, must I receive no benefit, whether material or emotional, for it to count as a “gift”?

These very simple thought experiments highlight three complex characteristics of the gift. First, context matters. To understand the true nature of a gift, we must know the age, gender, status, and social class of both giver and receiver. The occasion matters as well: Is the gift given as part of a private family celebration, a more formal cocktail party, or a ceremonial state visit by dignitaries? Indeed, the United States Department of State maintains a Protocol Gift Unit, which tracks such official gifts. To call the transfer of property a “gift” can also have very concrete ramifications in a court of law. I cannot later demand goods or services in exchange for money that I designated as a gift.

Second, the gift itself is not random. With rare exceptions, the actual gift or ­service is very carefully calibrated to its context. Societies not only have expectations for when and where gifts are to be made but also for the very thing (or range or class of things) to be given. My gift-giving is embedded in a much wider web of relationships, contexts, and social expectations. It is hardly the free and spontaneous act implied by the definition in the Oxford English Dictionary.

Finally, though, this very gap between our understanding of the “ideal” gift and real gift-giving practices is socially productive, even necessary. It enables us, for example, to carve out separate domestic and commercial spheres. Gifts are not commercial transactions. At the same time, by deliberately “misrecognizing” ­transactions as gifts we can blur these very spheres in socially and psychologically useful ways. Few, for example, would want to characterize their gifts to significant others as transactional, no matter what our expectations.

Thinkers in antiquity already recognized this tension between the gift as it “ought” to be and as it really is. In the first century CE, the Roman philosopher Lucius Annaeus Seneca composed a long and detailed essay that for all intents and purposes theorizes the gift. In this essay, De beneficiis, Seneca astutely observes that “people must be taught to give benefits freely, receive them freely, and return them freely. … Donors must be taught not to keep accounts; recipients must be taught that they owe even more than they have received” (1.4.3; Seneca 2011: 22). The essay, which is putatively addressed to the appropriately named Aebutius Liberalis, provided a guide to navigating the social minefield of gift-giving and exchange in Roman society. His discussion includes all of the issues mentioned above: the importance of the relative social statuses of donor and recipient; the nature of the gift itself; the intention behind the gift and how that intention is conveyed. According to Seneca:

We have to take account of the recipient’s social role. For some gifts are too small to come from important men; others are too big for the recipient. So compare the role of each and assess in that context the gift you plan to give, to see if it is too great or too small for the giver or whether, on the other hand, the prospective recipient might either turn up his nose at it or not be able to handle it. (2.15.3; Seneca 2011: 42)

Much of Seneca’s advice could in fact easily be transferred to modern social relations.

Seneca’s tract is probably the most complete and sustained reflection from antiquity on gift-giving, but it is far from being the only one. A couple of centuries after Seneca we find Jewish rabbis, in Palestine and Babylonia, debating about the ­definition of a gift in a legal context: if a gift is really a loan, is it a gift? One of their fuller discussions of this issue occurs in the context of considering the requirement that on the Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot), each Jew must possess his own lulav (palm frond, with some branches from other vegetation). The rabbis illustrate the legal problem with a story:

Once, Rabban Gamaliel and Rabbi Joshua and Rabbi Eleazar ben Azariah and Rabbi Akiva were coming in a boat and only Rabban Gamaliel had a lulav that he had bought for 1,000 zuz [a zuz is equivalent to a Roman dinar or a Greek drachma]. Rabban Gamaliel waved it and thus fulfilled his obligation, and he gave it to Rabbi Joshua as a gift. Rabbi Joshua waved it and fulfilled his obligation and then gave it as a gift to Rabbi Eleazar ben Azariah. Rabbi Eleazar ben Azariah waved it and fulfilled his obligation and gave it as a gift to Rabbi Akiva. Rabbi Akiva waved it and fulfilled his obligation and returned it to Rabban Gamaliel. (Babylonian Talmud, Sukkah 41b; my translation)

The Talmud, though, immediately recognizes the problem: “Why would [the story] read ‘returned it’? It means to teach incidentally. Thus we learn: A gift given on condition that it be returned is still called a ‘gift.’” Gifts are not always what they seem to be.

Of far more legal consequence are the gifts given in contemplation of death. For the rabbis, gifts of property that are meant to circumvent the statutory laws of inheritance, which are based on explicit biblical commands, were deeply troubling, even as they recognized their utility. The result was a fairly complex and self-­conscious body of rabbinic law meant to balance “gifts” with “inheritance.” The problem was slightly different for Roman jurists, although they too self-consciously wrestled with this problem (Yaron 1960).

Even the theological appropriation of the notion of “gift” by early Christians grapples with the idealized “gift” in light of the implications of actual social practices. Hence Paul, in less uncertain terms than usual, appropriates the notion of the gift to describe Christ’s death:

But the free gift is not like the trespass [of Adam]. For if the many died through the one man’s trespass, much more surely have the grace of God and the free gift in the grace of the one man, Jesus Christ, abounded for the many. And the free gift is not like the effect of the one man’s sin. For the judgment following one trespass brought condemnation, but the free gift following many trespasses brings justification. If, because of one man’s trespass, death exercised dominion through that one, much more surely will those who receive the abundance of grace and the free gift of ­righteousness exercise dominion in life through the one man, Jesus Christ. (Romans 5:15–17; NRSV translation)

In this brief passage, Paul emphasizes no fewer than four times that Christ was a “gift” (dōrea). While he does not develop a full theology of the gift, Paul is here pointing toward the notion that God gave to humanity the gift of Christ and the grace or salvation that he brings. There is certainly an unresolved tension here: on the one hand, Paul asserts that God gave Christ freely and expects nothing in return. On the other hand, Paul certainly thinks that we owe God for this gift and that God too expects our appreciation and piety in return (Crook 2004: 139–48). Paul is struggling with the nature of this gift.

Yet as Daniel Caner argues in his essay in this volume, there was an entire gift economy in late antiquity that was marked precisely by Christians giving gifts to God – whether through donations to ecclesiastical authorities or to the poor. Were these gifts in payment to God for goods already rendered or were they meant to put the donor in God’s (i.e., the church’s) favor? The theological problem that this presented to ecclesiastical authorities became acute enough that they developed an extensive terminology for sorting out which gifts were really not gifts at all, and which were.

Paul was certainly not the first or the only person in antiquity to link gifts to the nonvisible realm. The Hebrew Bible at times understands “sacrifices” as gifts to God. As in the case of the late-antique church, in practice these gifts went through the hands of religious experts. Similarly, Greeks typically brought offerings or votives to established temples to repay the gods for some benefit that had been given (e.g., Rouse 1902). Grave goods too are often understood as gifts to the dead spirits, although this is a notion that both Nicola Denzey Lewis and Karen Stern will challenge in this volume. Are these true “gifts,” meant neither to repay a prior service nor confer future benefits?

In antiquity, as today, political entities as well as individuals and families both gave and received gifts. A Hellenistic city, for example, might “give” a gift to another city or inscribe an honor for a generous citizen (e.g., Domingo Gygax in this volume). Cities frequently presented gifts to rulers of hostile armies. Or are they bribes, and if so, why are they frequently called “gifts”?

The gift, whether as an idealized notion, a set of social practices, or a discourse or theorization that seeks to reconcile the two, is thus hardly self-evident. Indeed, given the wide diversity of meanings and practices encompassed by the concept of the gift, does it make sense for scholars even to use the category as an analytical one?

* * *

According to the French sociologist Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), the answer to that question is clearly affirmative.

Mauss, the nephew of Émile Durkheim, began his teaching career in 1900 at the École Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris, soon moving from a temporary position to the chair of “religions of uncivilized peoples” (Fournier 2006: 85–89). In 1930 he was also elected to a chair at the prestigious Collège de France. Both the breadth and the impact of Mauss’s intellectual contributions remain impressive. Mauss closely collaborated with his uncle, essentially establishing in France the new ­discipline of sociology. As indicated by the name of his chair, he developed an intense interest in “primitive” religion. While seeking (at times unsuccessfully) to steer clear of the common value judgment of his day that invidiously distinguished between the lesser “primitive” and the higher “civilized” Europe, Mauss became interested in the “elemental” forms of religious life and phenomena. This in turn led him to ethnology, and while he himself had very limited experience in the field, he helped to establish the methodological standards for this emerging discipline. Mauss played a foundational role in the modern study of sociology, ethnology, anthropology, and religion.

In 1898, with his friend and collaborator Henri Hubert, Mauss published “Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice” in the second volume of Année sociologique, the founding journal of French sociology he edited with Durkheim (Hubert and Mauss 1898). In this essay, Hubert and Mauss sought to define “sacrifice” and expose its fundamental (or elemental) “grammar.” “Sacrifice,” they wrote, is a procedure that “consists in establishing a means of communication between the sacred and profane worlds through the mediation of a victim, that is, of a thing that in the course of the ceremony is destroyed” (Hubert and Mauss 1964: 97). This definition gingerly straddles the line between the understanding current in his day that the purpose of sacrifice was a one-time exchange between humans and the divine and that it created an ongoing relationship. Moreover, Hubert and Mauss argued that sacrifice can be understood only within a social context: “The sacred things in ­relation to which sacrifice functions, are social things” (Hubert and Mauss 1964: 101). Sacrifice, like all religious phenomena, is embedded in the social; all are “social facts.”

Mauss was clearly preoccupied with these two interrelated issues of reciprocity and religion as a “social fact.” Having developed his ideas in a series of courses and lectures, Mauss published his “Essai sur le don” (later translated into English as The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies) in 1923–1924, again in the Année sociologique. This relatively thin essay grew out of and subsumed his work on sacrifice. According to Mauss, there is no “free” gift. All gifts are embedded in a set of social relationships and obligations. The obligations are “to give, to receive, to reciprocate” (Mauss 1990: 39). The purpose of the gift is thus to create group cohesion by establishing an ongoing cycle of gift-exchange. These practices constitute a “system of total services”:

First, it is not individuals but collectivities that impose obligations of exchange and contract upon each other. … Moreover, what they exchange is not solely property and wealth, movable and immovable goods, and things economically useful. In particular, such exchanges are acts of politeness: banquets, rituals, military services, women, children, dances, festivals, and fairs, in which economic transaction is only one element, and in which the passing on of wealth is only one feature of a much more general and enduring contract. Finally, these total services and counterservices are committed to in a somewhat voluntary form by presents and gifts, although in the final analysis they are strictly compulsory, on pain of private or public warfare. (Mauss 1990: 5)

Two other aspects of The Gift deserve note. First, much of Mauss’s theory was based on his reading of ethnographies of Polynesian and Melanesian societies and Northwest Native American tribes. From the former he developed the idea that originally objects were thought to possess an animate soul, or hau, that related the thing back to its original owner: “To accept something from somebody is to accept some part of his spiritual essence, of his soul” (Mauss 1990: 12). From the latter he was struck by the “potlatch,” in which material is extravagantly but ceremoniously transferred and even destroyed. The potlatch, Mauss argues, is a total social system in which gifts serve to create and reinforce social bonds, hierarchies, and identity.

Second, the essay suggestively contrasts “archaic” gift-exchange with the modern economy. The modern, monetized economy assumes a homo oeconomicus, a human whose calculations are always “constant, icy, utilitarian” (Mauss 1990: 76). Mauss’s socialist leanings come out in this section. The icy calculations of capitalism need to be tempered and reinserted back into the system of total services. Mauss strangely ends his essay with the story of King Arthur’s legendary Round Table. “Peoples, social classes, families, and individuals will be able to grow rich, and will only be happy when they have learnt to sit down, like the knights, around the common store of wealth” (Mauss 1990: 83).

Mauss’s essay has been the subject of intense study and criticism. Like most scholars of his time, he presupposes an evolutionary schema (from “archaic” to “civilized”) that has now long been outdated, even if he romantically valorizes the archaic. He was an astute reader of ethnographies, but he was still a reader; he had not actually seen the societies about which he writes. His lack of reference to Seneca is, at minimum, odd, considering the similarity of some of their formulations (Heim 2004: 33–35). More critically, his denial of the existence of a “free gift” has been extensively challenged (Parry 1986; Derrida 1992; Weiner 1992; Testart 1998; Laidlaw 2000).

But the value of his essay has largely endured, and many modern social theorists continue to build on his ideas (see the essays in Osteen 2002). Claude Lévi-Strauss, who attended some of Mauss’s courses, extended his ideas to demonstrate the importance of reciprocity to anthropological research. The notion that societies exchange (whether things or marriage partners) and create rules for individual exchange with the purpose of creating and reinforcing social bonds has become commonplace.

Classicists and other students of antiquity have also found Mauss’s ideas to be fruitful. Reciprocity is now seen as a major key to understanding Homer (Seaford 1994; Wagner-Hasel 2006). Scholars working on ancient social relations (MacMullen 1974; Peachin 2011), religion (e.g., Linders and Nordquist 1987; Parker 1998), and ­literature also regularly appeal to anthropological notions of reciprocity.

Today, Mauss’s essay The Gift is best appreciated less as a general theory than as providing a set of questions as well as a heuristic category through which we may observe antiquity from a distinctive perspective. Reconsidering Mauss’s essay requires that we step back from the general and broad notion of “reciprocity” to focus on the “gift.” Ancient cultures had words and concepts that we can rather unproblematically understand as gift. Mauss asks us to consider both how these cultures deployed these concepts in their wider social contexts and whether or how such a comparison of gift terminology and practices between ancient (and modern) societies might be enlightening.

* * *

A conference was convened at Brown University on May 2–4, 2010, to consider how Mauss’s notion of the gift might be useful for examining issues in ancient studies. Primarily supported by the Ancient Studies program (now the Program in Early Cultures) at Brown, the main goal of the conference was to foster a cross-cultural, multidisciplinary conversation under the rubric of “the gift.” This volume contains most of the papers presented at that conference plus two other solicited essays (by David Konstan and Sarah Stroup). It is the first publication to deal broadly with using Mauss’s understanding of the gift for the study of the ancient Mediterranean.

These essays use Mauss “to think with,” and when read in dialogue with each other and Mauss, they bring into relief several overarching dimensions of how the gift, as discourse and practice, functioned throughout the ancient Mediterranean and West Asia. Here I would like to highlight four of those dimensions, which serve also as the organizational schema of this volume.

First, not all gifts were the same. In his opening essay, Marcel Hénaff helpfully develops a tripartite typology of the gift, arguing that Mauss focused primarily on only one of these types, the “ceremonial” gift that facilitates the mutual recognition between human communities. If Mauss overemphasized this type of gift, scholars today, especially of antiquity, perhaps overemphasize a second type that characterizes personal reciprocal gifts. The term “Mediterranean society” is sometimes used to broadly signal that a strict, almost mechanical reciprocity – do ut des (“I give so that you may give”), the idea that there was no free gift – was foundational in the Greek and Roman worlds (cf. Veyne 1976; Silber, this volume). Yet these essays show that this is a gross oversimplification. Greeks, Romans, Christians, Jews, and ancient Israelites all had a notion of the “free gift,” an offering given without expectation of repayment. Caner, for example, shows that Christians in late antiquity developed a highly complex and nuanced vocabulary for gift-giving, in fact, much like Seneca, theorizing the gift (cf. Wagner-Hasel; Gardner).

Second, the different notional categories of the gift are less important for what they tell us about actual gift-giving practices in antiquity than for the uses to which these ancient societies deployed them as discourse. Hellenistic cities, Marc Domingo Gygax argues, developed a discourse of gift-giving that was critical to maintaining the precarious balance between the polis and its wealthier members, who were expected to give “freely” to support municipal needs. Yet such a deployment of discourse was not limited to the public sphere. Zeba Crook demonstrates how the language of “gift” was integrally connected to that of “friendship,” and how both were manipulated in order to achieve larger social goals. Asymmetrical exchanges between social unequals, Crook argues, often mask the work that they do in reinforcing social hierarchies. Fictive friends give “fictive” gifts. Just as discourse about the gift played an important role in ordering the social relations between elite men, so too was this discourse (or at least its use by poets and ­playwrights) deployed in the domain of love. Ovid, as Neil Coffee argues, plays with it in order to distinguish between a prostitute and a lover; only the former would insist on “gifts” for her sexual favors. A similarly playful deployment of this tension informed Terence’s play The Eunuch, and, as David Konstan argues, can be traced back to Aristotle.

Third, gift-giving is indeed best seen, as Mauss suggested, as a “total social fact” in antiquity. Gifts not only establish “recognition” between human groups (see Hénaff), they also play an important and highly calibrated role in creating and reinforcing social hierarchies within each community. Sarah Stroup demonstrates how elite Roman men chose to give books (among other things) to each other. The choice was hardly arbitrary; they conveyed cultural meanings that helped to reinforce class solidarity. Gifts to the dead, Nicola Denzey Lewis argues, served a similar function. Roman grave offerings were not “gifts” to the dead: they were meant to signal one’s social status to the living while reinforcing class identity and solidarity. A similar kind of signaling occurred in the Jewish cemeteries of Beth She’arim, according to Karen Stern. Here too, the “gifts” (used here to denote the apotropaic graffiti often found in these burial caves) were intended as signs for the living rather than the dead, in this case of filial devotion.

At the same time that gift-giving practices reinforced social classes, they also created potentially explosive tensions within and between them. In somewhat different ways, both the ancient Greeks and the rabbis recognized and attempted to address this issue. Solon, according to Beate Wagner-Hasel, legislated marriage gifts in order to dampen competition and to symbolically reinforce the idea that Athenians of all classes constituted a single community. Almost a millennium later, the rabbis wrestled with a similar problem: how can one reconcile a sense of a single community of “Israel” with their understanding that charity to the poor actually creates separate communities based on class? Gregg Gardner argues that to resolve this tension the rabbinic jurists sought at times to distinguish charity from gifts, classifying the former instead as a kind of fictive loan and thus preserving the illusion that the transaction was between equals.

Finally, gifts to the gods radically expanded the “total social fact” to include the realm of the divine. Anne Katrine Gudme argues that it is insufficient and too mechanistic to argue that biblical vows are simply attempts to gain favors from God. The true purpose of such vows to the biblical God was to help nurture a continuing and more mutually beneficial relationship between the parties. Gifts to the gods, though, frequently involve several parties. According to Ilana Silber, Peter Brown, building on Paul Veyne’s influential study of euergistic giving, argues that religious giving in late antiquity creates a new configuration, “with intricate relations of interpenetration, competition, and mutual distinction between charity to the poor, sacerdotal donations to religious elites and institutions, and solidary mutual help between members of the same religious communities.” While Caner’s essay explores this nexus for Christians, Galit Hasan-Rokem shows that a series of late-antique rabbinic tales transforms the gift of sacrifice to sacerdotal gifts, thus helping to create a new rabbinic communal identity based on the study and ­interpretation of Scripture.

The essays in this volume, of course, can certainly be read profitably individually or in traditional disciplinary clusters (e.g., Coffee, Konstan, and Stroup on the Roman world; Gardner and Hasan-Rokem on rabbinic culture in late antiquity; Crook, Wagner-Hasel, and Domingo Gygax on the Greek world). By organizing the volume according to the dimensions above, however, we are attempting to facilitate more cross-cultural and disciplinary comparisons that foreground central analytical issues. The goal of such comparisons is not, following Mauss, to develop a “grammar” of gift-giving in the Mediterranean region throughout antiquity but to illustrate the heuristic usefulness of Mauss’s concept of the gift for illuminating aspects of the ancient world.

Obviously a consideration of the gift in antiquity is a vast topic. We attempted to limit the geographical and temporal range somewhat by focusing on the Mediterranean region from the first millennium BCE to the seventh century CE. We thus strove for broad representation while recognizing that this collection is far from comprehensive.

* * *

After his strange invocation of King Arthur’s Round Table, Mauss ends his slim volume with a paragraph that points toward what he sees as the relevance of his study of “archaic societies” to modernity:

One can also see how this concrete study can lead not only to a science of customs, to a partial social science but even to moral conclusions, or rather, to adopt once more the old word, “civility,” or “civics,” as it is called nowadays. Studies of this kind indeed allow us to perceive, measure, and weigh up the various aesthetic, moral, ­religious, and economic motivations, the diverse material and demographic factors, the sum total of which are the basis of society and constitute our common life. (Mauss 1990: 83)

Mauss here, as earlier in his discussion of the transformation of the ancient economy to one based on commerce, money, and law, himself idealizes the archaic societies he examines. The writers in this volume show that Mauss underestimates the roles that hierarchy, symmetry, social context, and gender play in gift-giving. Mauss’s archaic societies are egalitarian in a way that no ancient society was – undoubtedly including the ones he read about and was purportedly describing. Political sympathies here appear to have played a role in Mauss’s analysis.

Mauss’s notion of the gift, as this volume and others have shown, has undeniable shortcomings. Yet, at the same time, the disparate essays collected here also show its remarkably enduring value. The gift, and a gift economy, is not a panacea to our modern social ills. But the gift – as object, discourse, and analytical concept – retains its power to generate new questions and research.

References

Crook, Z.A. 2004. Reconceptualising Conversion: Patronage, Loyalty, and Conversion in the Religions of the Ancient Mediterranean. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter.

Deger-Jalkotzy, S., and I.S. Lemos, eds. 2006. Ancient Greece: From the Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Derrida, J. 1992. Given Time 1: Counterfeit Money. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Fournier, M. 2006. Marcel Mauss: A Biography. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Gill, C., N. Postlethwaite, and R. Seaford, eds. 1998. Reciprocity in Ancient Greece. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Heim, M. 2004. Theories of the Gift in South Asia: Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain Reflections on Dāna. New York and London: Routledge.

Hubert, H., and M. Mauss. 1898. “Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice,” L’année sociologique 2: 29–138.

Hubert, H., and M. Mauss. 1964. Sacrifice: Its Nature and Function. Trans. by W.D. Halls. London: Cohen and West.

James, W., and N.J. Allen, eds. 1998. Marcel Mauss: A Centenary Tribute. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books.

Laidlaw, J. 2000. “A Free Gift Makes No Friends.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 6.4: 617–34.

Linders, T., and G. Nordquist, eds. 1987. Gifts to the Gods: Proceedings of the Uppsala Symposium 1985. Uppsala: Academia Ubsaliensis.

MacMullen, R. 1974. Roman Social Relations, 50 B.C. to A.D. 284. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Mauss, M. 1923–1924. “Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques.” L’année sociologique ns. 1: 30–186.

Mauss, M. 1990. The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. Trans. by W.D. Halls. New York: W.W. Norton.

Osteen, M., ed. 2002. The Question of the Gift: Essays across Disciplines. London and New York: Routledge.

Parker, R. 1998. “Pleasing Thighs: Reciprocity in Greek Religion.” In Gill, Postlethwaite, and Seaford, eds, 105–25.

Parry, J. 1986. “The Gift, The Indian Gift, and the ‘Indian Gift.’” Man 21: 453–73.

Peachin, M., ed. 2011. The Oxford Handbook of Roman Social Relations. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.

Rouse, W.H.D. 1902. Greek Votive Offerings: An Essay in the History of Greek Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Seaford, R. 1994. Reciprocity and Ritual: Homer and Tragedy in the Developing City-state. Oxford and New York: Clarendon Press.

Seneca, L.A. 2011. On Benefits. Trans. by M.T. Griffin and B. Inwood. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Testart, A. 1998. “Uncertainties of the ‘Obligation to Reciprocate’: A Critique of Mauss.” In James and Allen, eds, 97–110.

Veyne, P. 1976. Le pain et le cirque: Sociologie historique d’un pluralisme politique. Paris: Seuil.

Wagner-Hasel, B. 2006. “Gift Exchange: Modern Theories and Ancient Attitudes.” In Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos, eds, 257–69.

Weiner, A. B. 1992. Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Yaron, R. 1960. Gifts in Contemplation of Death in Jewish and Roman Law. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

2

Ceremonial Gift-Giving: The Lessons of Anthropology from Mauss and Beyond

MARCEL HÉNAFF

A famous scene from the Iliad testifies to an exemplary ceremonial exchange. As Diomedes and Glaucos prepare to fight each other in single combat, the former asks the latter: “Who among mortal men are you, good friend?” (Il. 6.123, trans. Lattimore 1951: 156) Glaucos replies by describing the heroic deeds of his grandfather Bellerophon:

He spoke, and Diomedes of the great war cry was gladdened…. “See now, you are my guest friend from far in the time of our fathers. Brilliant Oineus once was host to Bellerophontes the blameless, in his halls, and twenty days he detained him, and these two gave to each other fine gifts in token of friendship…. Therefore I am your friend and host in the heart of Argos; you are mine in Lykia, when I come to your country. Let us avoid each other’s spears, even in the close fighting…. But let us exchange our armour, so that these others may know how we claim to be guests and friends from the days of our fathers.” (Il. 6.212–231, trans. Lattimore 1951: 158–159)

Finley comments on this dialogue as follows:

Guest-friendship was a very serious institution, the alternative to marriage in forging bonds between rulers; and there could have been no more dramatic test of its value in holding the network of relationships together than just such a critical moment. Guest-friend and guest-friendship were far more than sentimental terms of human affection. In the world of Odysseus they were technical names for very concrete relationships, as formal and evocative of rights and duties as marriage. (Finley 1956: 104–5)

Finley is right to note that this relationship was not primarily an emotional one; it involved a constraining ceremonial system. It illustrates perfectly the demonstration by Marcel Mauss in The Gift, as we will see. We should note from the outset that in the story of Diomedes and Glaucos that we have just presented, the gift relationship is reciprocal. This reciprocity appears self-evident to the protagonists, and readers immediately understand its legitimacy. Countless similar examples could be provided. We are thus confronted with a major problem that still pervades every debate on the question of gift-giving. Giving is unanimously and normatively defined as a generous gesture without expectation of reciprocation. As a consequence, forms of obligatory reciprocity are considered outdated and based on an archaic morality. To the present writer, such an interpretation appears entirely irrelevant. Our first priority must be to define the concept of giving and clarify its different uses. This will bring us to a more precise understanding of the highly specific character of ceremonial giving and to a discussion of the question of its transposition in contemporary societies.

Traditional Gift-giving: Mauss’s Lesson

What we owe above all to Marcel Mauss’s The Gift (Mauss 1990, orig. 1923–1924), is the way it set up the problem of the ceremonial gift as a sociological issue. Mauss did so based on the ethnographic materials that were available at the beginning of the twentieth century, and by relating them to testimonies found in ancient Indian, Roman, Scandinavian, and Germanic literatures. He was not the first to show an interest in this phenomenon, but he was the first to systematically gather the relevant but scattered data and bring to the fore a model according to which the gift appears as a major social fact. He even called it “a total social fact” (I will return to this point). In short, Mauss epistemologically constructed a new problem.

The elaboration of his own synthesis owes much to Bronislav Malinowski’s 1922 book The Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1961), on the great cycles of gift-exchange – so called kula – of the Trobriand Islands, a Melanesian archipelago. This gift-exchange activity constitutes the very core of indigenous social life: weeks or even months are dedicated to preparing boats and collecting precious goods – waigu’a – which numerous magical ceremonies aim to protect. The most important goods are the bracelets that move from east to west and the necklaces that move in the opposite direction. When the boats reach an island, those initiating the kula leave semiprecious objects on the beach as opening gifts meant to entice kula partners. Those who accept these clinching gifts are bound to continue the cycle; the main exchange, that of bracelets and necklaces, then starts, and extends over ­several days. When these ceremonies are over, the boats leave with the new gifts in order to enter into another exchange on the next island. Thus, a network of privileged bonds is woven over the whole of the archipelago through the exchange of these precious goods; some of those goods are known and reputed to be particularly beautiful, and are given proper names. Their value, however, is due not only to the fact that they are made of rare stones or shells but above all to the fact that they belonged to such-and-such a person; it is due to the memory of the bonds that they carry with them. They constitute a source of prestige for those who keep them, but also for those who have been able to give them.

The originality of Mauss’s analysis lay in his showing that these ritual gift ­practices implied three inseparable obligations: to give, to accept the gift, and to reciprocate it. At this point, and without engaging in a precise discussion of the analyses that were presented by Mauss or by the authors he discussed, a few remarks can be made.

First, there is the concept of “total social fact,” that is, of a phenomenon that implicates all aspects of social life (religion, kinship, politics, morals, economics); this means that all those aspects are embedded within this social fact, which is the sphere of all spheres; in short, it is the dominant and unifying fact of the group’s life. We should note that Mauss never applied this concept to other social facts.

Second, Mauss emphasized the obligatory character of the triad – giving, receiving, and reciprocating. He gave multiple examples of this, and he noted that the alternative is between exchanges of gifts – peace – and exchanges of blows – war; but he did not provide any real reason for this.

Third, even though he sometimes used inappropriate terms, such as “noble trade,” or “contract,” Mauss took care to make it clear that this exchange is ­profoundly different from exchanges in the marketplace. He noted, after Malinowski, that kula partners also practice profitable exchanges called gimwali, that is, barter in various consumer goods, but that they always do so with different partners. The goods involved in the ceremonial exchange are distinct from the consumer goods (which is also the case of ceremonial currencies). This is a crucial distinction. It means that ritual gift-giving is not the forerunner of commercial exchange; both take place at the same time and with different aims and ends.

Fourth, Mauss emphasized the fact that what is given through the thing given is always oneself: the Self of each partner, and through them that of the group. Is this an archaic magical feature? Or is it on the contrary a central aspect of the ceremonial gift that must be understood as a commitment of a different type than strictly contractual ones? We will return to this point.

Fifth, Mauss called this form of exchange of goods archaic; this implied that it has now disappeared or exists only under a residual form within our modernity. We will have to see if this is true. As a total social fact, how could it disappear?

Sixth and finally, Mauss’s concluding remarks have remained famous in that he proposed to consider this type of generous and glorious exchange as a kind of countermodel to the purely self-interested and selfish exchanges involved in a ­capitalistic economy. Is there actually an economic lesson to be drawn from the practices of this ceremonial gift-giving?

My purpose in reexamining this issue from new perspectives and by raising new questions is to show – or at least to point out in this very short presentation – that the gift-giving Mauss discussed implies a conception of reciprocity that not only has nothing to do with the notion of self-interest but also defines the very core of human relationships. Mauss himself did not clearly establish this because he still interpreted gift-giving practices in terms of goods (even when these goods are ­generously offered), whereas they must be interpreted in terms of symbols of a commitment between partners. But what is the aim of this commitment? It seems to me that answering this question requires going beyond Mauss. Here is my point: I propose to show that this gift-giving relationship constitutes the fundamental gesture or procedure of public recognition between human groups and that it is what establishes them as uniquely human and capable of forming alliances and conventions, thus constituting the very genesis of the political relationship, and this will enable us to understand the contemporary situation.

Clarifying the Concept: The Three Categories of Gift-Giving

When we reflect on what it means to give, we believe we can agree on a broad definition that applies to every case and could be stated as follows: “Giving is providing a good or service in a non-self-interested manner.” This means that no reciprocation is guaranteed or expected. This definition seems perfectly reasonable, yet applying it to every form of gift-giving can lead to the most serious confusions, since ritual gift-giving precisely includes the strict obligation to reciprocate the gift. We must therefore acknowledge that the character of oblation that is at the core of this definition is not relevant in this case. The solution that has generally been chosen to confront this problem has been to dismiss ritual gift-giving from the scope of this definition, calling it “archaic” and suspecting that the requirement of reciprocity involves the expectation of an advantage (or interest) that would be the damning evidence for this archaic character. Doing so already draws a distinction between “true” gift-giving (which is supposed to have a character of oblation and be unconditional) and its impure instantiations that can be identified by their difference from the definition. In contrast to this approach, one could resort to casuistic considerations on the amphibology of the word “interest” in order to associate it in a paradoxical way with the word “gift” so as to preserve this “old-fashioned” notion of gift-giving. In my opinion, considering that several models of gift-giving exist and that they are significantly different from one another is a more promising approach than claiming to force a single mold onto overly diverse practices.

An effort at clarification is required. Let us start with a few convincing examples. It is hard to see how the following could be placed under the same label: (1) the festivals and gifts that chiefs offer one another in turn in traditional societies; (2) the celebrations and presents that parents give to their children on the occasion of their birthdays or that anyone offers to loved ones for their enjoyment; (3) the donations given to populations on the occasion of catastrophes. These three examples are significant: it can be considered that they exemplify three main types of gift-giving: (a) the first is generally called “archaic,” a concept heavily loaded with debatable presuppositions; I prefer to keep to descriptive criteria and call it ceremonial gift-giving; it is always described as public and reciprocal; (b) the second can be said to be gracious or oblatory; it may or may not be private, but it is primarily unilateral; (c) the third can be called mutual aid pertaining to either social solidarity or so-called philanthropic activity; it is viewed by some as constituting the modern form of traditional gift-giving.

When a concept – such as gift-giving – applies to such different practices and is open to such divergent argumentations, there is reason to believe that its definition is imprecise or even confused and that the practices involved have not been sufficiently described and categorized. Thus it is likely that the three examples given above do not constitute a homogeneous class of objects.

The first type is characterized by the obligation to reciprocate the gift that has been received, as shown by ethnographic investigations; it therefore raises the issue of reciprocity (which is certainly much more than a mere exchange of good manners). Its lexical field is that of dosis/antidosis in Greek, in which anti always indicates the action in return that is called for by the initial action.

The second type reveals a spontaneous generosity toward those close to the giver, which is viewed above all as a psychological or moral quality. Its lexical field is that of charis in Greek (one of the primary meanings of which is “joy”), that of unilateral giving (there is no such thing as “anti-charis”); this recalls the whole of the theoretical field of biblical grace (ḥēn, i.e., “favor,” translated as charis in the Septuagint, and a term used also by Paul), as well as the Latin term gratia from Seneca to Augustine, and medieval through Reformation theologies.

The third type, as opposed to the second, expresses a much more social dimension of generosity toward either close associates (friends or neighbors, between which reciprocity is desirable but not mandatory) or strangers (a case in which returning a gift would not make sense): this would be the field of the philia or philanthropia discussed by Aristotle in Nicomachean Ethics. It also encompasses various practices of solidarity among close associates or members of a chosen community (such as a religious congregation or a group of friends) and everything Weber (1946: 348; see also Weber 1981) described as pertaining to “the religious ethic of brotherhood” (die religiöse Ethik der Brüderlichkeit).