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Reflecting the growth and increasing global importance of the Spanish language, The Handbook of Hispanic Linguistics brings together a team of renowned Spanish linguistics scholars to explore both applied and theoretical work in this field.
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Seitenzahl: 1798
Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2012
Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
Notes on Contributors
Editors’ Note
1 Geographical and Social Varieties of Spanish: An Overview
1 Introduction
2 Dialect divisions in Spain
3 Dialect divisions in Latin America
4 Major variation patterns: phonetics and phonology
5 Intonational differences: selected regional traits
6 Regional and social morphosyntactic differentiation
7 Lexical variation
8 Summary
NOTES
REFERENCES
2 The Spanish-based Creoles
1 Introduction
2 The lack of Spanish-based creoles
3 Language evolution and pidgin/creole formation and development
4 Restructured spanish and the sociohistorical background of PAL, PAP, and ZAM
5 A comparison of some linguistic features of PAL, PAP, and ZAM
6 Concluding remarks
NOTE
REFERENCES
3 Spanish Among the Ibero-Romance Languages
1 Introduction
2 The historical dimension
3 Inter-dialectal contact
4 Conclusion
REFERENCES
4 Spanish in Contact with Amerindian Languages
1 Introduction
2 Amerindian languages
3 Contact features: grammatical
4 Spanish in contact with Amerindian languages
5 Sociolinguistic characteristics
6 Final remarks
NOTES
REFERENCES
5 The Phonemes of Spanish
1 Introduction
2 Vocoids
3 Consonant phonemes
4 Quasi-phonemic contrasts
5 Conclusion
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
REFERENCES
6 Main Phonological Processes
1 Introduction
2 Nasal and lateral assimilation
3 Voiced obstruents
4 Voicing assimilation
5 Complete assimilation
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
7 Syllable Structure
1 Introduction: basic concepts
2 Sonority and syllabic structure
3 Onsets and onset clusters
4 C#V and C#CV sequences across words
5 Nuclei and complex nuclei: diphthongs, vowels, and glides
6 Coda consonants and coda restrictions
7 Syllable structure and morphology
NOTES
REFERENCES
8 Stress and Rhythm
1 Definition and functions of stress
2 Patterns of word-level stress in Spanish
3 Metrical structure and stress
4 Quantity-sensitivity and related restrictions in Spanish stress patterns
5 Stress in compounds
6 Unstressed words
7 Secondary stress
8 Acoustic correlates of stress
9 Spanish rhythm
10 Conclusions
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
9 Intonation in Spanish
1 Introduction
2 Spanish intonation structure
3 Dialect differences in intonation
4 Intonation in Spanish in contact with other languages
5 Intonation and language acquisition
6 Summary and future directions
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
10 Morphophonological Alternations
1 Introduction
2 Diphthongization
3 Diminutive formation
4 Velar and coronal softening
5 Nasal and velar depalatalization
6 Conclusions
NOTES
REFERENCES
11 Derivation and Compounding
1 Derivation: types, suffixation, prefixation
2 Derivation argument structure, aspect, and affix ordering
3 Compounding: constituents, traditional classifications, and types
4 Internal structure of compounding, inflection and derivation, phrases, and recursivity
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
12 Morphological Structure of Verbal Forms
1 Introduction
2 Person and number markers
3 TAM
4 Theme vowel and thematic base
5 Main irregularities of verbal inflection
6 Conclusions
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
13 Forms of Address
1 Introduction to the forms of address in Modern Spanish
2 Origin of the forms of address
3 Specific characteristics of the forms of address in Spain
4 Specific characteristics of the forms of address in Latin America
5 Concluding remarks
NOTES
REFERENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES
14 Structure of the Noun Phrase
1 Introductory remarks
2 The argument structure of nouns
3 The functional structure of nominals
4 Adnominal adjectives
5 Conclusion
NOTES
REFERENCES
15 Indefiniteness and Specificity
1 Introduction
2 Nouns without determination
3 Indefiniteness
4 Specificity
5 Conclusion
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
REFERENCES
16 Quantification
1 Reference and quantification
2 Constraints on determiner denotations
3 Quantifier classes
4 Scope, polyadicity, and plurality
5 Quantification and dynamics
6 Questions and quantification
7 Degree quantification
8 Conclusion
REFERENCES
17 Structure of the Verb Phrase
1 Introduction: VP and the lexicon–syntax interface
2 Argument structure and the syntactic decomposition of VP
3 Paths and results within the syntactic decomposition of VP
4 Concluding remarks
NOTES
REFERENCES
18 Tense and Aspect
1 Introduction
2 Overview of tense
3 Past tense
4 Nonpast tenses: present, future, and conditional
5 Embedded clauses
6 Aspect
NOTES
REFERENCES
19 Mood: Indicative vs. Subjunctive
1 Introduction: syntactic contexts for moods
2 Is it possible to unify subjunctive meanings?
3 Mood and lexical selection
4 Mood and locality
5 Mood and scope
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
20 The Simple Sentence
1 Introduction
2 Classification of sentences according to the “attitude” of the speaker
3 Basic sentential types
4 On dubitative and probability sentences
5 Summary and conclusions
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
21 Clitics in Spanish
1 Morphology of Spanish clitics
2 Clitics: their source
3 Proclisis and enclisis
4 Clitics and movement
5 Clitic doubling
6 Clitic combinations
7 Conclusion
NOTES
REFERENCES
22 Ser and Estar: The Individual/Stage-level Distinction and Aspectual Predication
1 Introduction
2 The distribution of ser and estar
3 Stage-level vs. individual-level predicates
4 The formalization of aspect with ser/estar
5 Locative PP predicates
6 Coercion9
7 Summary
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
23 Passives and se Constructions
1 Introduction: a classification of se constructions
2 The status of se
3 The syntax and semantics of arbitrary se constructions: passives, impersonals, and middles
4 The syntax and semantics of anaphoric “se” constructions
5 Concluding remarks
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
24 Coordination and Subordination
1 Coordination and subordination: basic properties of two clause-linking strategies
2 Subordination and mood
3 Infinitive dependents
4 The status of the finite complementizer
5 Coordination
NOTES
REFERENCES
25 Wh-movement: Interrogatives, Exclamatives, and Relatives
1 Introduction
2 Interrogatives
3 Exclamatives
4 Relatives
5 Accounts
6 Concluding remarks
REFERENCES
26 Binding: Deixis, Anaphors, Pronominals
1 Introduction
2 Deixis
3 Binding theory
4 Anaphors
5 Pronominals
6 The problem of complementary distribution
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
27 Empty Categories and Ellipsis
1 Introduction: the limits of ellipsis
2 Elliptical constructions
3 The nature, licensing, and interpretation of the gap
4 Conclusion
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
28 Word Order and Information Structure
1 Introduction: free word order in Spanish
2 The SVO order and information structure
3 Topic and focus structures: a descriptive overview
4 Topicalizing and focus structures: formal accounts
5 Concluding remarks
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
29 Speech Acts
1 Introduction
2 Basic notions
3 Sentence type and illocutionary force
4 Illocutionary force and politeness
5 Cognition and inferential processes
6 Conclusion and directions for future research
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
REFERENCES
30 Discourse Syntax
1 Introduction
2 Information flow
3 Transitivity
4 Referentiality in discourse
5 Constructions and prefabs
6 Exemplifying discourse syntax: variable first-person singular subject expression
7 Conclusion
APPENDIX
NOTES
REFERENCES
31 Historical Morphosyntax and Grammaticalization
1 Introduction: the scope of morphosyntactic change
2 Grammaticalization
3 Emergence and advance of the innovative form in grammaticalization
4 Mechanism(s) of grammaticalization
5 Concluding remarks
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
32 First Language Acquisition of Spanish Sounds and Prosody
1 Introduction
2 Modeling acquisition
3 The acquisition of Spanish sounds
4 Conclusions and future perspectives
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
REFERENCES
33 Spanish as a Second Language and Teaching Methodologies
1 Introduction
2 History of the teaching of Spanish
3 State-of-the-art in foreign/second language pedagogy
4 Pedagogical research: theoretical underpinnings and key issues
5 Conclusion
REFERENCES
34 The L2 Acquisition of Spanish Phonetics and Phonology
1 Introduction
2 Second-language speech learning and bilingual phonetics
3 Spanish vowels
4 Spanish consonants
5 Conclusions
REFERENCES
35 Theoretical Perspectives on the L2 Acquisition of Spanish
1 Introduction
2 The problem of second language acquisition
3 Nativism and empiricism
4 Empirical evidence
5 Discussion
6 Conclusion
REFERENCES
36 Spanish as a Heritage Language
1 Introduction
2 From the Limited Normative Approach to the Comprehensive Approach
3 The 1990s and early 2000s
4 A place within the field of heritage languages
5 Recent developments in the field of SHL
6 Closing remarks
REFERENCES
37 Acquisition of Spanish in Bilingual Contexts
1 What is bilingual first language acquisition?
2 Research questions in BFLA
3 Contextual factors in the development of child bilingualism
4 Bilingual children’s language development: from words to sentences to continuous discourse
5 Research methods in BFLA
6 Morphosyntactic development: some case studies
7 Further research
REFERENCES
38 Reading Words and Sentences in Spanish
1 Introduction
2 Word reading
3 Sentence comprehension
4 Concluding remarks
REFERENCES
39 Language Impairments
1 Introduction
2 Spoken language impairments in Spanish
3 Written language impairments in Spanish
4 Language impairments in bilingual Spanish Speakers
5 Developmental disorders of language in Spanish: The Case of Specific Language Impairment
6 Concluding remarks
NOTES
REFERENCES
40 Lexical Access in Spanish as a First and Second Language
1 Introduction
2 Lexical access in speech production: representations, processes and variables
3 Lexical access in speech production in Spanish in bilingual contexts
4 Language control in bilingual contexts (Spanish as L1 and L2): evidence from language-switching tasks
5 Learning Spanish in an immersion context
6 Conclusions
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTE
REFERENCES
Index
Blackwell Handbooks in Linguistics
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The Handbook of Language SocializationEdited by Alessandro Duranti, Elinor Ochs, and Bambi B. Schieffelin
The Handbook of Intercultural Discourse and CommunicationEdited by Christina Bratt Paulston, Scott F. Kiesling, and Elizabeth S. Rangel
The Handbook of Historical SociolinguisticsEdited by Juan Manuel Hernández-Campoy and Juan Camilo Conde-Silvestre
The Handbook of Hispanic LinguisticsEdited by José Ignacio Hualde, Antxon Olarrea, and Erin O’Rourke
The Handbook of Conversation AnalysisEdited by Jack Sidnell and Tanya Stivers
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The handbook of hispanic linguistics / edited by José Ignacio Hualde, Antxon Olarrea, and Erin O’Rourke.p. cm.Includes index.ISBN 978-1-4051-9882-0 (cloth) – 978-1-118-79803-4 (pbk.)1. Spanish language–Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Hualde, José Ignacio,1958- II. Olarrea, Antxon. III. O’Rourke, Erin.PC4073.H36 2012465–dc232011037232
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Cover image: Ascendant, 2006 (Oil on canvas) © Ignacio Auzike / Getty ImagesCover design by Workhaus
1 2014
1.1 High pitch aligned on tonic syllables in Compramos con dinero en el mercado ‘We buy with money in the market’ (Ndowé, Bantu language)
1.2 High peaks with no downdrift in Yo me acordé que yo cargaba un treinta y ocho largo ‘I remembered that I was carrying a long-barrel .38 [revolver]’ (Palenquero, Afro-Hispanic creole)
2.1 Northern South America and the southern Caribbean
2.2 The Philippines, with relevant cities and islands
4.1 Major Amerindian languages in contact with Spanish in the twentieth century
9.1 Broad focus declarative Adivinaron el camino. ‘They figured out the way’
9.2 Broad focus declarative Mi hermano navega en un velero. ‘My brother navigates in a sailboat’
9.3 Yes–No question ¿Recomendaron un vino? ‘Did they recommend a wine?’
9.4 Declarative with contrastive focus on subject LA COCINERA lavalos limones. ‘THE COOK washes the lemons’
2.1 Pronominal systems of PAL, PAP, and ZAM PAL (Schwegler 1998; Schwegler and Green 2007), PAP (Kouwenberg and Ramos-Michel 2007), and ZAM (Lipski and Santoro 2007)
2.2 Possessive determiners in ZAM (Forman 1972; Lipski and Santoro 2007)
2.3 Copulas in PAL, PAP, and ZAM (Schwegler and Green 2007; Kouwenberg and Ramos-Michel 2007; Lipski and Santoro 2007)
2.4 The tense-mood-aspect particles in PAL, PAP, and ZAM
4.1 Amerindian languages spoken in Latin American countries (based on Ethnologue 2009)
4.2 Lexical borrowings from Amerindian languages into Spanish
4.3 Linguistic characteristics in varieties of Spanish in contact with Amerindian languages
4.4 Sociolinguistic comparison of countries with high indigenous populations in Latin America
5.1 Spanish vowel inventory
5.2 Spanish consonant inventory
8.1 Stress patterns in Spanish
10.1 Generalizations that predict diminutive allomorphs based on the final phone, gender, and number of syllables of the base word
12.1 Tenses and nonpersonal forms
12.2 Contrast between first and third singular persons
12.3 Present tenses of cantar
12.4 Present subjunctive
12.5 TAM markers
12.6 Variations in the thematic base
12.7 Variations in the theme vowel
12.8 Present indicative of verbs with vowel-final roots
12.9 Alternations in the vowel of the root
13.1 Forms of address in Old Spanish until the fourteenth century
13.2 Forms of address in Modern Peninsular Spanish
13.3 Forms of address in Modern Latin American Spanish
13.4 Most common morphology of voseo verb endings (type I)
21.1 So-Called person clitics
21.2 Non-person clitics (standard dialect system)
21.3 Pure Leísta system
21.4 Pure gender system, neutralizing datives and accusatives
31.1 Advance of the innovative form in grammaticalization
31.2 Advance of grammaticalization of DO case-marker
33.1 Search results in four databases for nine years of research on the teaching of Spanish as a second/foreign language
35.1 Percentage production of direct object clitics and null objects in English-speaking learners of Spanish (adapted from Zyzik 2008)
Cristina Baus is a post-doctoral researcher at the Speech Production and Biligualism, University Pompeu Fabra (Principal Investigator: Albert Costa). Her main research interest is the neural correlates of lexical access during biligual language production.
Ignacio Bosque is Full Professor of Spanish Linguistics at the Complutense University, Madrid, and a member of the Spanish Royal Academy. His main field of research is Spanish grammar (syntax, morphology, and the relationship between syntax and the lexicon). He has worked on some aspects of lexicography as well, with particular attention to collocations and other restricted combinations.
Josep María Brucart received his Ph.D. from the Autonomous University of Barcelona in 1984, with a dissertation titled “La elisión sintáctica en español.” He is currently Full Professor in the Department of Spanish Philology and member of the Center for Theoretical Linguistics at the Autonomous University of Barcelona.
José Camacho is Associate Professor at Rutgers University, New Jersey. He specializes in Syntactic Theory. In his research, he has focused on several aspects of the syntax of Spanish and Amazonian languages, such as null subjects, agreement, and switch-reference.
Héctor Campos is Assistant Professor of Spanish Linguistics, Theoretical Linguistics and Modern Greek at Georgetown University. His current research focuses on the Balkan languages, particularly Aromanian, Modern Greek and Albanian. His co-authored books with Linda Mëniku, Discovering Albanian and Colloquial Albanian, will appear in 2011. He is currently working on an in-depth comparative study of apposition structures in Spanish and Modern Greek. Together with some colleagues from the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, he is also participating on a project to develop a bilingual Greek–Albanian program for elementary and high school students in Macedonia, Greece.
Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza gained her MA and Ph.D. at the University of Southern California and is Assistant Professor in the Hispanic Linguistics program at Ohio State University. She is the author of The Role and Representation of Minimal Contrast and the Phonetics–Phonology Interaction (2009) and has co-edited two issues of the International Journal of Basque Linguistics and Philology. Her research interests are phonetics and phonology, more precisely, experimental approaches to segmental phenomena and their theoretical implications.
María M. Carreira is a Professor of Spanish linguistics at California State University, Long Beach and Co-Director of the National Heritage Language Resource Center. She is the co-author of three Spanish textbooks, including one for SHL learners. Her research focuses on SHL teaching and Spanish in the United States.
Manuel Carreiras is an Ikerbasque Research Professor at the Basque Center on Cognition, Brain and Language, Donostia-San Sebastián, Spain.
J. Clancy Clements is Professor of Linguistics and Spanish and Portuguese at Indiana University, Bloomington. He began his work on Portuguese-based creoles, especially those in Asia, in 1986. More recently, he has written on immigrant Spanish, Caribbean Spanish, and the Portuguese–Spanish mixed language in Barrancos, Portugal. His writings include Genesis of a language: the formation and development of Korlai Portuguese (1996) and Linguistic legacy of Spanish and Portuguese: colonial expansion and language change (2009), several edited volumes, and many articles in the areas of contact linguistics and Spanish functional syntax. He currently sits on the advisory boards of the Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages and Revista da Associaςão de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e Espanhola (ACBLPE) and is vice-president of ACBLPE.
Sonia Colina is Professor of Spanish Linguistics at the University of Arizona. She is the author of Spanish Phonology (2009) and the co-editor, with Fernando Martínez-Gil, of Optimality-Theoretic Advances in Spanish Phonology (2006). Her research focuses on syllabic phenomena and Optimality Theory. She is particularly interested in the use of phonetic research to inform phonological analyses.
Concepción Company Company is Full Professor at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Her field research areas are Spanish historical syntax, linguistic variation, theory of language change, and philology. She is author of seven books, editor of 24, and author of more than 70 articles in international journals and chapters in collective books. She regularly has taught and given lectures at universities in various countries: Spain, Germany, Portugal, Canada, the United States, Argentina, Uruguay. She is member of the Academia Mexicana de la Lengua, correspondent member of Real Academia Española. She is the director of the international project Sintaxis histórica de la Lengua Española (2006, 2009).
Albert Costa is an ICREA Research Professor and an Associate Professor at the Department of Technology and Communication at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona. His research mainly focuses on the cognitive and brain processes involved in speech production. He addresses this issue both in monolingual and bilingual contexts. More recently, he has been concerned with the impact of bilingualism on the executive control system, beyond linguistic processes.
Jon Andoni Duñabeitia is a postdoctoral researcher at the Basque Center on Cognition, Brain and Language, Donostia-San Sebastián, Spain.
David Eddington is a Professor of Linguistics at Brigham Young University. He specializes in quantitative approaches to phonology and morphology including experimentation and computer modeling.
Luis Eguren is Catedrático de Lengua Española at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. His research interests concern theoretical linguistics and Spanish grammar. He has worked on a number of topics in the morphology and syntax of Spanish, including noun ellipsis and determiners.
Victoria Escandell-Vidal has a doctoral degree in Spanish Linguistics from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and is Professor of Linguistics at Universidad Nacional de Educacióan a Distancia, Madrid. Her research covers grammar, semantics, pragmatics, and their interfaces. She has been visiting scholar at several European and South American universities and is presently on the editorial board of Revista Española de Lingüística, Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada, Onomázein, Spanish in Context, Ciencias de la communication, and Inter-cultural Pragmatics.
Anna María Escobar is Associate Professor in the Department of Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Her research and teaching interests include sociolinguistics, contact linguistics, language variation and change, and grammaticalization. Her research focuses on the origin, development, and diffusion of contact variants in Spanish in contact with Quechua. She is author, co-author or co-editor of five books and several articles. Presently, she is writing a book on the emergence of Andean Spanish.
Ricardo Etxepare is a permanent researcher at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), where he is the head of the lab IKER (UMR5478). He specializes in the syntax–semantics interface, with a special interest for issues related to information structure and deictic anchoring. He combines his work on Romance, particularly on Spanish, with research on the Basque language.
Jerid Francom is Assistant Professor of Spanish and Linguistics at Wake Forest University. His research interests focus on the intersection between formal structure and language use through behavioral and computational methodologies.
Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach is Professor of Spanish Linguistics and Linguistics at Ohio State University. His areas of research are in semantics, syntax, pragmatics, and their interfaces in grammar. He has published extensively on topics related to quantification, non-declaratives, degree expressions, and the grammar of the Determiner Phrase.
José Ignacio Hualde is Professor in the Department of Spanish, Italian and Portuguese and the Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign.
José Manuel Igoa is Professor of Psychology at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, and a member of the Spanish GIP (PRG: Psycholinguistics Research Group), where he conducts research on word and sentence comprehension and production, figurative language understanding and bilingual language processing.
Iva Ivanova obtained her PhD from the Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain. She has investigated topics such as bilingual lexical access and language control, lexical alignment in conversation, and structural priming. She is currently a postdoctoral fellow at the Department of Psychiatry and the Department of Psychology at the University of California, San Diego.
Bob de Jonge gained his Ph.D. on the use of ser and estar with age adjectives at the University of Leiden under supervision of Érica García. He is Associate Professor at the Romance Department of the University of Groningen, the Netherlands. He has worked on various topics in Romance (mainly Spanish, but also Italian) linguistics
Manuel Leonetti is Professor of Spanish Linguistics at the Universidad de Alcalá, Madrid. He has been working on the syntax–semantics and semantics–pragmatics interfaces with a special interest in Relevance Theory and its implications for grammatical theory. His main research interests are in definiteness, reference and specificity, noun phrases, tense and information structure.
John M. Lipski (MA, Ph.D., University of Alberta) is Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Spanish and Linguistics at Pennsylvania State University. He has previously taught at the University of New Mexico, the University of Florida, the University of Houston, and Michigan State University. His research focuses on language contact both past and present, with particular emphasis on phonology and morphology. His most recent books include El habla de los Congos de Panamá en el contexto de la lingüística hispánica (2011), Varieties of Spanish in the United States (2008), Afro-Bolivian Spanish (2008), and A History of Afro-Hispanic Language (2005).
Conxita Lleó has been Professor for Spanish and Catalan Linguistics at several universities, and since 1985 at the Romance Languages Department of the University of Hamburg. Her research interests lie in language acquisition, especially in the areas of phonology and early morphology. She has many publications in these areas, from a monolingual and cross-linguistic, as well as bilingual perspective.
Jonathan E. Macdonald received his Ph.D. from Stony Brook University in 2006, with a dissertation titled “The syntax of inner aspect.” He is currently Assistant Professor in the Departments of Linguistics and Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
Jaume Mateu is Associate Professor of Catalan Language and Linguistics at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Most of his recent work is on the lexical syntax of Romance and Germanic Languages. He is the current director of the Center for Theoretical Linguistics at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
Fernando Martínez-Gil received his MA and Ph.D. from the University of Southern California. He is an Associate Professor of Spanish Linguistics in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at Ohio State University. He taught previously at Georgetown University. He is the current director of the Center for Theoretical Linguistics at the Universitat Autóinoma de Barcelona. He has (co-)edited several volumes on Spanish and Hispano-Romance phonology, including Issues in the phonology and morphology of the major Iberian languages (1997, with Alfonso Morales-Front) and Optimality-theoretical studies to Spanish phonolgy (2006, with Sonia Colina). His main research interests are Spanish and Galician phonology, and the historical evolution of Spanish and the Hispano-Romance languages.
Amaya Mendikoetxea gained her D.Phil. at the University of York, and is currently a lecturer in the English Department at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Her main research interests include the syntax of Romance and Germanic languages and its interfaces with the lexicon and discourse, on which she has published widely.
Nicola Molinaro is a postdoctoral researcher at the Basque Center on Cognition, Brain and Language, Donostia-San Sebastián. Spain.
Silvina Montrul is Professor of Spanish, Linguistics, and Second Language Acquisition at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. She is author of The Acquisition of Spanish (2004) and Incomplete Acquisition in Bilingualism. Reexamining the Age Factor (2008), as well as numerous articles in journals such as Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, The International Journal of Bilingualism, Language Learning, The Heritage Language Journal, Studies in Second Language Acquisition, Language Acquisition, Second Language Research. Her research focuses on linguistic and psycholinguistic approaches to adult second language acquisition and bilingualism, in particular syntax, semantics, and morphology. She also has expertise in language loss and retention in minority language-speaking bilinguals.
Dorien Nieuwenhuijsen is Assistant Professor at the Spanish Department of the University of Utrecht, the Netherlands. She has worked on various topics concerning the evolution of (morpho)syntactic structures in Spanish, such as the position of object clitic pronouns, forms of address and juxtaposed sentences.
Antxon Olarrea is Professor of Hispanic Linguistics at the University of Arizona. Most of his work is on questions related to word order in Spanish and to evolutionary perspectives on the origins of language.
Francisco Ordóñez is an Associate Professor at SUNY, Stony Brook. He specializes in the syntax of Spanish and all its dialectal varieties. In his research, he has focused on the study of Spanish and Romance word order and pronominal systems.
Erin O’Rourke is an Assistant Professor at the University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa. She specializes in sociolinguistics and language contact with an emphasis on phonetic variation and phonological change. In her research, she has focused on Spanish intonation and has examined the mutual influence of Spanish and Quechua on the prosodic systems of each language.
Manuel Pérez Saldanya is Full Professor of Catalan Philology at the Universitat de València, Spain, and a member of the Institute of Catalan Studies. He has co-edited the book Gramàtica del català contemporani with Joan Solà, Maria Rosa Lloret and Joan Mascaró, and is the author of several books and articles on the morphology and syntax of Catalan and Spanish, both from a synchronic and a diachronic perspective.
M. Carme Picallo is a Professor at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. She specializes in syntax and morphology. In her research, she has focused on various aspects of the formal syntactic properties of nominal constructions, modal and aspectual verbs, pronouns and adjectives.
Christopher J. Pountain is Professor of Spanish Linguistics at Queen Mary University of London. He has published on a wide range of topics in Hispanic and Romance syntax, together with two general books on Spanish: A History of the Spanish Language through Texts and Exploring the Spanish Language, and a number of pedagogical reference works. His main current research interests are diastratic variation in the history of Spanish and learned syntactic influence on the Romance languages.
Cristina Sanz is Professor of Spanish, Language Program Director, and Co-Director of the Center for Brain Basis of Cognition at Georgetown University. An expert on bilingualism and second language acquisition, her edited volume Mind and Context in Adult Second Language Acquisition (2005) received the MLA’s Kenneth W. Mildenberger Prize for an Outstanding Research Publication in 2006.
Nuria Sebastián-Gallés is Professor at the Brain and Cognition Unit at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona. Her research is aimed at understanding how human beings learn and use language. She has investigated the ways in which infants, children, and adults represent and process speech sounds. One of her major interests is the study of how bilingual infants discover and learn two languages and how bilingual adults cope with them.
Carmen Silva-Corvalán is Professor of Spanish and Linguistics at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles. Her publications include Language Contact and Change: Spanish in Los Angeles (1994), Sociolingüística y Pragmática del Español (2001), and numerous articles on syntactic variation in Spanish, Spanish–English bilingualism, and bilingual first language acquisition. She is co-editor of Bilingualism: Language and Cognition.
Miquel Simonet is Assistant Professor at the University of Arizona, Tucson. He specializes in experimental phonetics and phonology. He is particularly interested in issues pertaining to bilingualism, second language speech learning, societal language contact and sound change. In his research, he has investigated the speech production and perception systems of Spanish–Catalan and Spanish–English bilinguals.
Rena Torres Cacoullos gained her Ph.D. at the University of New Mexico, and is Associate Professor of Spanish and Linguistics at Pennsylvania State University. She studies language variation and change, based on data of language production, in Spanish, English, and Greek.
Catherine E. Travis is Professor of European Languages in the School of Language Studies at the Australian National University, and previously taught at the University of New Mexico. She works with spontaneous spoken corpora in both contact and non-contact varieties of Spanish (as well as English and Portuguese) in an attempt to better understand the ways in which grammar emerges from discourse.
Soledad Varela was Professor of Spanish Linguistics at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, where she taught from 1978 until her retirement in September 2010. Her main fields of research are theoretical morphology and Spanish grammar. She has also worked on Spanish as a second language and has organized and directed several programs for Spanish teachers. She has been visiting professor at the University of Minnesota, Ohio State University and Universitas Carolina (Prague), among other universities. Her main publications are centered on the relation of morphology and other components of grammar and on a variety of topics in lexical morphology. Among her books are Fundamentos de Morfología (1990), Configuración Morfólogica y Estructura Argumental: Léxico y Diccionario (2000, in collaboration), and Morfología Léxica: la Formación de Palabras (2005).
Karen Zagona is Professor of Linguistics and Adjunct Professor of Spanish at the University of Washington, Seattle.
The Handbook of Hispanic Linguistics is intended to present the state of the art of research in all aspects of the Spanish language. It includes chapters on all main areas of language structure (phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics), as well as chapters on sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic research related to Spanish. Research on both first- and second-language acquisition is also represented.
All chapters have undergone a review process. Our gratitude goes to several of our authors for acting as reviewers of chapters by other contributors. In addition, we are indebted to various other scholars for helping with this process, among them Inés Antón-Méndez, Xabier Artiagoitia, Kurt Blaylock, Giuli Dusias, Cecile McKee, Miguel Rodríguez-Mondoñedo, Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux, Carme Picallo, Pilar Prieto, Andrés Saab, Victoria Vázquez, Erik Willis, and Mary Zampini.
We would also like to thank Danielle Descoteaux at Wiley-Blackwell’s Boston office, who encouraged us to develop this project; Julia Kirk, also at Wiley- Blackwell, and our copy-editor, Lyn Flight, for their professionalism and efficiency.
José Ignacio HualdeAntxon OlarreaErin O’Rourke
JOHN M. LIPSKI
According to Spain’s government-sponsored Cervantes Institute,1 there are more than 400 million native or near-native speakers of Spanish in the world, distributed across every continent except Antarctica.2 Spanish is the official language in twenty-one countries plus Puerto Rico; is the de facto first language for most of Gibraltar (Fierro Cubiella 1997; Kramer 1986); still maintains a small foothold in the Philippines, where it once enjoyed official status (Lipski 1987a); and is known and used on a regular basis by many people in Haiti (Ortiz López forthcoming), Aruba and Curaçao (Vaquero de Ramírez 1986), and Belize (Hagerty 1979). Moreover, in the country that harbors one of the world’s largest native Spanish-speaking populations (effectively tied for second place with Colombia, Argentina, and Spain, and surpassed only by Mexico), the Spanish language has no official status at all. That country is the United States, which has at least 40 million native Spanish speakers, that is, some 10% of the world’s Spanish-speaking population (Lipski 2008c).
All languages change across time and space, and Spanish is no exception. Although the Spanish language was relatively homogeneous in Spain circa 1500 – the time when Spanish first expanded beyond the boundaries of the Iberian Peninsula – it has diversified considerably as it spread over five continents during more than five hundred years. Many factors are responsible for the evolution of Spanish, including the natural drift of languages over time, contact with other languages, internal population migrations, language propagation through missionary activities, the rise of cities, and the consequent rural–urban sociolinguistic divisions, educational systems, community literacy, mass communication media, and official language policies. It is therefore not surprising that although the Spanish language retains a fundamental cohesiveness throughout the world, social and geographical variation is considerable. To explore all varieties of Spanish would require several volumes; the following sections offer an overview of regional and social variation in Spanish by means of a number of representative cases, selected to give a sense of the full range of possibilities.
Spain contains a complex array of regional and social dialects, but the most striking division – immediately noticeable by Spaniards and visitors alike – separates north and south. In the popular imagination, this translates to Castile–Andalusia, but to the extent that dialects exhibit geographical boundaries, the north–south distinction only approximately follows the borders between these historically distinct regions, while also encompassing other areas. The primary features used to impressionistically identify regional origins in Peninsular Spanish are phonetic: “southern” traits include aspiration or elision of syllable-and word-final/s/(e.g., vamos pues ['ba.moh.'pu̯e] ‘let’s go, then’), loss of word-final/ɾ/(e.g., por favor [po.fa.'βo] ‘please’), and the pronunciation of preconsonantal/l/as [ɾ] (e.g., soldado [soɾ.'ða.o] ‘soldier’). Traits widely regarded as “northern” include the apico-alveolar pronunciation [s°] of/s/, the strongly uvular pronunciation [χ] of the posterior fricative/x/(e.g., caja ['ka.χa] ‘box’), and the phonological distinction/θ/-/s/(e.g., casa ['ka.s°a] ‘house’ -caza ['ka.θa] ‘hunting’). In reality, the regional distribution of these traits does not conform to a simple north–south distinction, since the traits intersect with one another and with additional regionalized features in fashions that cannot be reduced to a single geographical matrix. Most traditional dialect classification schemes for Peninsular Spanish cluster around historically recognized kingdoms and contemporary autonomous regions, albeit with considerable overlap of defining traits along border areas (e.g., Zamora Vicente 1967 and the studies in Alvar 1996). In contemporary Spain, at least the following geographically delimited varieties of Spanish can be objectively identified by linguists, as shown in (1):
Features specific to this expanded list of regional varieties as well as socially-stratified variables within given areas will be presented in subsequent sections.
There is no consensus on the classification of Latin American Spanish dialects due to the vast territorial expanse in question, the scarcity of accurate data on the speech of many regions, and the high degree of variability due to multiple language contact environments, internal migrations, and significant rural–urban linguistic polarization. In the popular imagination (e.g., as mentioned in casual conversations), Latin American Spanish dialects are defined by national boundaries, thus Mexican Spanish, Argentine Spanish, Peruvian Spanish, etc. Objectively, such a scheme cannot be seriously maintained, except for a few small and linguistically rather homogeneous nations. Rather, Latin American Spanish is roughly divided into geographical dialect zones based on patterns of settlement and colonial administration, contact with indigenous and immigrant languages, and relative proportions of rural and urban speech communities. For pedagogical purposes, the following classification, which combines phonetic, morphological, socio-historical, and language-contact data, provides a reasonable approximation to actually observable dialect variation in Latin America. This classification, shown in (2), is based on Lipski (1994), where the other dialect classifications are also discussed:
Overviews of the pronunciation of Spanish in Spain are found in Alvar (1996) and for Latin America in Canfield (1981) and Lipski (1994). Among the most rapidly identifiable features separating regional and social varieties of Spanish are differences in pronunciation, both the realization of particular sounds and combinations of sounds, and the presence or absence of certain phonological oppositions. The following sections outline some of the more salient phonetic and phonological dimensions of Spanish dialect differentiation.
In general, all regional and social varieties of Spanish share the same inventory of vowel and consonant phonemes, with two exceptions: the voiceless interdental fricative/θ/and the palatal lateral/ʎ/have geographically delimited distribution, and are absent in the remaining varieties of Spanish. The phoneme/θ/occurs as an independent phoneme opposed to/s/(e.g., casa ['ka.sa] ‘house’ -caza ['ka.θa] ‘hunting’) only in Peninsular Spain. The opposition/s/-/θ/characterizes all Peninsular varieties of Spanish except for western and central Andalusia. In western Andalusia, the neutralization of/s/-/θ/in favor of/s/is known as seseo, and it typifies the speech of these provinces. Many speakers in rural areas and smaller towns throughout Andalusia neutralize the opposition in favor of [θ] (e.g., mi casa [mi 'ka.θa] ‘my house’). This neutralization is known as ceceo, and is usually stigmatized by the speakers themselves and in neighboring urban areas; ceceo imitations figure prominently in the verbal repertoires of many Spanish comedians as well as in dialect literature. The opposition/s/-/θ/is not found in the Canary Islands (where seseo is the norm), nor in any part of Latin America. In the residual Spanish still found in the Philippines, the opposition/s/-/θ/occurs sporadically, given the varying Peninsular origins of the ancestors of Philippine Spanish speakers (Lipski 1987a). In Equatorial Guinea, the only officially Spanish-speaking nation in Africa, the opposition/s/-/θ/is also variable since the Peninsular sources for Guinean Spanish came both from Castile (where the distinction is made) and from Valencia (where seseo used to prevail). Most Guineans, except for those who have lived extensively in Spain, are not consistent with respect to the/s/-/θ/distinction (Lipski 1985a).
The palatal lateral phoneme/ʎ/(written as ll) was once opposed to/ʝ/(written as y) in all varieties of Spanish (e.g., se calló [se ka.'ʎo] ‘he/she became silent’ -se cayó [se ka.'ʝo] ‘he/she fell down’). The opposition, with few minimal pairs to its credit, began to erode in favor of non-lateral pronunciations beginning in the sixteenth century, and today only a few Spanish-speaking regions maintain the distinction. The neutralization of/ʎ/-/ʝ/in favor of the latter phoneme is known as yeísmo. In Peninsular Spain,/ʎ/occurs as an independent phoneme in a few northern areas, but is rapidly disappearing today among younger generations. In the Canary Islands,/ʎ/was retained robustly by all speakers until the final decades of the twentieth century, but is now rapidly fading. The phoneme/ʎ/is not present in the Spanish of Equatorial Guinea and is heard only occasionally in Philippine Spanish. In Latin America, the phoneme/ʎ/is maintained in all regional and social dialects of Paraguay and Bolivia, and in neighboring areas of northeastern and northwestern Argentina. In highland Peru, pockets of/ʎ/still remain, as they do in the central highlands of Ecuador. In Quito and other northern highland areas of Ecuador, the lateral pronunciation of/ʎ/gives way to a groove fricative pronunciation [ʒ], but the opposition/ʎ/-/ʝ/is still maintained (e.g., halla ['a.ʒa] ‘he/she finds’ – haya ['a.ʝa] ‘that he/she may have’) (Haboud and de la Vega 2008).
In Spanish the greatest variation in the pronunciation of consonants occurs in post-nuclear position, often referred to as “coda” or “syllable-final.” The post-nuclear or coda position is universally regarded as the weakest in terms of neutralization of oppositions, replacement by weaker versions of the consonant, such as approximants (sounds with very slight constrictions, weaker than fricatives) or vocoids (near-vowel sounds such as semivowels), depletion of all supralaryngeal features (meaning those features involving the action of the tongue, lips, pharynx, and velum), and total effacement (Hualde 1989a, 2005). Coda position is also the environment in which the greatest sociolinguistic differentiation of Spanish dialects typically occurs. The consonants most affected by coda-weakening processes are/s/,/ɾ/,/l/, and/n/.
By far the most common modification of Spanish coda consonants involves/s/, including aspiration to [h], deletion, and other instances of weakening. In Spain, syllable- and word-final/s/is aspirated or elided massively in the south, from Extremadura through Andalusia (including Gibraltar) (Lipski 1987b), Murcia, and parts of Alicante, but even in central and some northern regions (e.g., Cantabria), coda/s/is frequently aspirated. In the Canary Islands, weakening of coda/s/occurs at rates comparable to Andalusia (Lipski 1985b). In Latin America, reduction of coda/s/reaches its highest rates in the Caribbean (Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Panama, Venezuela, coastal Colombia), as well as on the Mexican coast centering on Veracruz and Campeche. On nearly all Mexico’s Pacific coast, final/s/is also reduced nearly as frequently as in the Caribbean (Moreno de Alba 1994). In Central America,/s/-reduction is massive in Nicaragua, and occurs at a lesser rate in El Salvador and Honduras. In South America, the entire Pacific coast from Colombia through Chile is a zone of heavy/s/-reduction. In Argentina and Uruguay,/s/-reduction is somewhat tempered in the large cities, but reaches high levels in provincial areas, as it does throughout Paraguay and eastern Bolivia. It is more economical to mention those Spanish-speaking areas where coda/s/strongly resists effacement: most of northern Spain, most of Mexico, Guatemala, Costa Rica, and the highlands of Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia (Lipski 1984, 1986).
Found in some/s/-aspirating dialects is the aspiration of word-INITIAL postvocalic/s/, as in la semana [la.he.'ma.na] ‘the week.’ Aspiration of word-initial/s/is most frequently found in the vernacular speech of El Salvador and much of Honduras (Lipski 1999a), and also in the traditional Spanish of northern New Mexico (Brown 2004). Rates of aspiration of word-initial/s/are considerably lower than those for word-final/s/-reduction, but there are no Spanish dialects in which word-initial/s/is aspirated while word-final/s/remains intact. Unlike aspiration of syllable- and word-final/s/, which is often just a regional trait with no negative connotations, aspiration of word-initial/s/is frequent only in colloquial speech in the regions where it occurs, and is predominantly found among less educated speakers.
In much of central Spain where reduction of coda/s/reaches only moderate levels, the phonetic result before a following consonant is a weak [ɾ] as in los niños [loɾ.'ni.ɲos] ‘the children.’ This variant is not consistently found anywhere in Latin America.
Coda liquids/l/and/ɾ/are particularly susceptible to weakening processes in Spanish, and most weakening phenomena affect both consonants to some extent. In phrase-final position, the most common result is complete elision. Loss of phrase-final/l/and/ɾ/is common in southern Spain; it is also frequent in most regional and social dialects of the Canary Islands. In Latin America, deletion of word-final/ɾ/is common in eastern Cuba, Panama, the Caribbean coast of Colombia, much of Venezuela, along the Pacific coast of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru, and in Afro-Bolivian Spanish (Lipski 2008a). In all of these regions, deletion of/ɾ/is associated with colloquial speech, but does not necessarily carry a heavy stigma, as indicated. Deletion of final/l/is less frequent in careful speech. In southern Spain (including the Canary Islands), the opposition of preconsonantal/l/and/ɾ/is tenuous, with neutralization in favor of [ɾ] constituting an Andalusian stereotype (e.g., el niño [eɾ.'ni.ɲo] ‘the child’). In some parts of the Canary Islands and occasionally in Murcia, coda/ɾ/is realized as [l] as in puerta ['pu̯el.ta] ‘door.’ The change of coda/ɾ/to [l] is more common in the Caribbean, particularly in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, in central Cuba and eastern Venezuela. Lateralization of/ɾ/, although occurring frequently in the aforementioned dialects, is often criticized, and forms the basis for jokes and popular cultural stereotypes. Found in western Cuba, the Caribbean coast of Colombia (and in the Afro-Colombian creole language Palenquero: Schwegler 1998: 265; Schwegler and Morton 2003), and parts of Andalusia is loss of word-internal preconsonantal coda liquids combined with gemination of the following consonant; when the following consonant is a voiced obstruent/b/,/d/, or/g/the resulting geminate is always a stop, not a fricative or approximant as normally occurs intervocalically. Examples include algo ['ag.go] ‘something,’ puerta ['pu̯et.ta] ‘door,’ and caldo ['kad.do] ‘soup.’ Gemination is frequently depicted in dialect literature, always in portrayals of uneducated speakers, and is usually avoided in careful “vocalization” of coda liquids to semivocalic [i̯]; this occurs primarily in the Cibao region in the north of the Dominican Republic, and was once found occasionally in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and southeastern Spain (e.g., por favor [poi̯.fa.'βoi̯] ‘please,’ capital [ka.pi.tai̯] ‘capital’). This pronunciation is stigmatized and found in many literary stereotypes, particularly in the Dominican Republic.
Word-final nasal consonants are also subject to regional and social variation in Spanish. The most common alternative to the etymological [n] is a velar nasal [ŋ], which often disappears, leaving behind a nasalized vowel. Velarization of phrase-final/n/is the rule in Galicia and parts of Asturias, Extremadura, Andalusia, the Canary Islands, all Caribbean and Central American dialects, along the Pacific coast of Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador, and sporadically in the Andean highlands. Word-final prevocalic nasals are typically also velarized in these dialects, although with generally lower rates than for phrase-final/n/(Lipski 1986): un otro [uŋ.'o.tɾo] ‘another.’ Velarization is almost never explicitly acknowledged by naive (e.g., untrained in linguistics) speakers of any dialect, and many velarizing speakers are unable to accurately identify this sound in their own speech and that of other members of their speech community even when this pronunciation is brought to their attention.
In the Spanish of the Yucatan, Mexico, phrase-final/n/is often realized as [m], as in Yucatán [Øu.ka.'tam], Colón [ko.'lom] ‘Columbus,’ and pan [pam] ‘bread’ (Michnowicz 2008). This pronunciation has traditionally been associated with Maya-dominant bilinguals, but as Yucatan cities, particularly Mérida, grow in economic importance through tourism and light industry, many non-Maya-speaking residents have come to regard the labialization of word-final/n/with pride, as a marker of local identity. The change of final/n/to [m] also occasionally occurs in western Colombia (Montes 1979).
Spanish has two rhotic (“r”-like) phonemes, the single tap/ɾ/and the trill/r/. All monolingual varieties of Spanish maintain this opposition in some form (e.g., in caro ['ka.ɾo] ‘expensive’ vs. carro ['ka.ro] ‘cart,’ cero ['se.ɾo] ‘zero’ vs. cerro ['se.ro] ‘mountain’). Most Sephardic (Judeo) Spanish has lost the opposition/ɾ/-/r/, usually in favor of the tap. In the Afro-Bolivian Spanish dialect, this distinction is often neutralized in favor of the tap (Lipski 2008a), while in the Spanish of Equatorial Guinea, the tap–trill distinction is also tenuous, but is frequently neutralized in favor of the trill (Lipski 1985a) (e.g., tres [tres] ‘three,’ pero ['pe.ro] ‘but’). The tap phoneme shows little regional or social variation except in coda position, where it is subject to the range of elision and neutralizations described in the preceding section. The combination/tɾ/fuses into an alveolar quasi-affricate, almost [ʧ], in the Andean highlands, Chile, Paraguay, northeastern Argentina, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and sometimes in New Mexico and parts of central Mexico. In these dialects, otro ‘other’ and ocho ‘eight’ are pronounced nearly identically.
The “trill”/r/, on the other hand, is subject to considerable regional and some social variation (Hammond 1999, 2000 offers a survey). The most common alternative to the alveolar trill is a voiced prepalatal fricative [ʒ], found throughout the Andean region (highland Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia), as well as in much of northern Argentina, parts of Paraguay, and occasionally in Chile. In Central America, fricative/r/is common in Guatemala, and is often heard in Costa Rica, although an alveolar [ɹ] or retroflex [ɻ] approximant, quite similar to English r, is more commonly heard in Costa Rican Spanish. In much of highland Bolivia, bilingual (Aymara-speaking) individuals often realize/r/as [z], effectively creating minimal pairs based only on voicing, such as caso ['ka.so] ‘case’ vs. carro ['ka.zo] ‘cart’ (Mendoza 2008: 221). In much of the Caribbean region, particularly the Dominican Republic, Cuba, and parts of Puerto Rico, a partially devoiced (often described as “pre-aspirated”) trill is found: carrera [ka.hré.ɾa] ‘race.’ A velar fricative [x] or uvular trill [R] is a frequent variant of/r/in Puerto Rico, especially in rural and interior areas, although it is generally stigmatized (López Morales 1983); for some speakers, jamón ‘ham’ and Ramón ‘Raymond’ are virtually homophonous.
The raising of final atonic/o/to [u] and/e/to [i] is confined to a few regions of Spain and Latin America, and typifies rural speech. Typical examples include nochi < noche ‘night,’ lechi < leche ‘milk,’ vieju < viejo ‘old,’ buenu < bueno ‘good.’ Oliver Rajan (2007) and Holmquist (2001, 2005) document this trait for the speech of rural highland Puerto Rico. In Spain this pronunciation predominates in Galicia, but is occasionally found in other northern regions, possibly reflecting the raising of unstressed mid-vowels in Galician and Asturian-Leonese. Vowel-raising generally carries negative prestige, and is avoided by individuals seeking upward or outward mobility.
The reduction of atonic vowels (shortening, devoicing, and in the extreme case, elision), is characteristic of only a few Spanish dialects, all found in Latin America, and all the result of previous or contemporary contact with Native American languages. This behavior is found in some parts of central Mexico, and in the Andean highlands of Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia. Phonological analyses are found in Lipski (1990) and Delforge (2008). The most common instances occur in contact with/s/, as in pres(i)dente ‘president,’ (e)studiant(e)s ‘students.’
Vowel harmony is not common among the Romance languages, although metaphony (the raising of tonic vowels conditioned by final atonic vowels) frequently occurred in the development of Spanish. In a few Spanish dialects, all in Spain, harmony systems have emerged. The most robust patterns are found in the northern Cantabrian region, historically influenced by Asturian and Leonese dialects to the west. In the Montes de Pas dialect (Penny 1969a, 1969b, 1978; McCarthy 1984), all vowels in a word agree in tenseness or laxness (also known as [-ATR] or “minus advanced tongue root”), with laxness harmony being triggered by the masculine singular count suffix -[ʊ], producing alternations like those in (3):
The tense–lax distinction is found for all vowels except/e/, which is transparent to laxing harmony. Pasiego also exhibits vowel harmony for the feature [high], in which all atonic vowels in a word must agree in height with the tonic vowel; the low vowel/a/does not participate in height harmony, neither as a trigger (when in tonic position) nor as a target (when atonic) (4):
To the east of Cantabria lies Asturias, whose regional dialects are known collectively as Bable. Metaphony is found in this region, whereby word-internal vowels raise under the influence of a word-final high vowel:/a/becomes [e],/e/becomes [i], and/o/becomes [u]. Depending upon the particular dialect, metaphony can affect all vowels in the phonological word (including clitics), all vowels in the final foot (the tonic vowel plus post-tonic vowels), or only the tonic vowel. Hualde (1989b) and Walker (2004) provide theoretical accounts of these different harmony mechanisms. Some Asturian examples, included in (5), are:
Another form of vowel harmony is found in southeastern Spain, in the eastern Andalusian dialect cluster. In all of Andalusia, coda consonants are weak and frequently elided, particularly in word-final position. In most varieties of Spanish, vowels are laxed in closed syllables (with coda consonants), and in western Andalusian and Latin American dialects in which word-final coda consonants such as/s/and/r/are elided, the vowel in the now open syllable reverts to the tense vowels found in other open syllables. Eastern Andalusian is unique in that the lax vowel remains after word-final consonants have been elided. This is particularly noticeable with non-low vowels, and results in minimal pairs, as in (6):
For many speakers, laxing of the word-final vowel triggers vowel harmony, at least up to the stressed vowel and sometimes extending to pretonic vowels and even preposed clitics. Theoretical and phonetic accounts include Zubizarreta (1979), Sanders (1994), Corbin (2006), among many others.
Intonational patterns vary widely across Spanish regional and social dialects, and while most of the variation can be regarded strictly as subphonemic, meaning that they do not create oppositions based on different meanings, they provide unmistakable identification of these dialects. It is often the case that intonational sequences, referred to impressionistically as el tono ‘tone’ or el cantado ‘the song,’ provide the quickest and most reliable identification of a speaker’s regional and social origins, even in the presence of background noise that masks individual vowels and consonants. Most work on Spanish intonation has been conducted within the framework of Autosegmental-Metrical Phonology, which describes prenuclear pitch accents, nuclear (phrase-final) pitch accents, and boundary tones as combinations of High and Low tones. Overviews can be found in Ladd (1996) and Gussenhoven (2004); for Spanish Beckman et al. (2002), Hualde (2002), and Sosa (1999). Within this framework, pitch accents – which fall on some but not all tonic syllables – are marked with an asterisk * for the tone most closely aligned with the tonic syllable. Leading or trailing tones may also be included if they form an integral part of the pitch accent configuration.
Most research on Spanish intonational patterns – including regional variants – has concentrated on pitch accent configurations that affect meaning (e.g., broad vs. narrow focus, and declarative vs. interrogative utterances). Less attention has been directed on intonational patterns that serve to identify regional and social dialects, although native speakers of Spanish can frequently identify familiar dialects more effectively based on intonation than on segmental or lexical traits. As the study of Spanish intonational patterns becomes increasingly nuanced, a more complete picture of the role of intonation in dialect differentiation will emerge. Two brief examples will illustrate the possibilities.
Equatorial Guinea is the only Spanish-speaking country in sub-Saharan Africa. For most Guineans, Spanish is a second language, spoken in conjunction with one or more African languages. With the exception of Annobonese creole Portuguese (fa d'amú) and Pidgin English (pichi), all Guinean languages have lexically specified High and Low tones on all vowels. As a consequence, Guineans tend to interpret Spanish pitch accents as phonologically High tones, and retain the high pitches even in connected speech. In a fashion similar to lexical tone languages, High pitch is always aligned with the tonic syllables, as in the sentence Compramos con dinero en el mercado ‘We buy with money in the market’ pronounced by a native speaker of Ndowé, a Bantu language spoken along the coast of Río Muni, on the African continent between Cameroon and Gabon (see Figure 1.1).
Figure 1.1 High pitch aligned on tonic syllables in Compramos con dinero en el mercado ‘We buy with money in the market’ (Ndowé, Bantu language).
