The Wild Black Region E-Book

David Taylor

• Herausgeber: John Donald
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2016

Seitenzahl: 746

Beschreibung

This book tells the fascinating story of Badenoch, a forgotten region in accounts of Scottish history. Situated in the heart of the Highlands and with its own distinct historic and geographic identity, Badenoch was in the throes of dramatic change in the post-Culloden decades. This ground-breaking study reveals some radical differences from trends across the rest of the Highlands. Foremost was the role of the indigenous entrepreneurial tacksmen in driving the rapidly growing commercial economy as cattle graziers, drovers and agricultural improvers, inevitably provoking confrontation with the absentee and ostentatious Dukes of Gordon. Meanwhile, the common people still operated within a subsistence farming economy heavily dependent on a surprisingly sophisticated use of their mountain environment. Though suffering great hardship, they too were quick to exploit any potential commercial opportunities. Economic forces, social ambition and post-Culloden legislation created intolerable pressures within the old clan hierarchy, as Duke, tacksman and erstwhile clansman tried to forge their individual - and often irreconcilable - destinies in a rapidly changing world. In doing so, all were increasingly drawn into the wider, and often lucrative, dimensions of British state and empire.

Leseprobe

The Wild Black Region

The Wild Black Region

Badenoch 1750–1800

_______

David Taylor

First published in Great Britain in 2016 byJohn Donald, an imprint of Birlinn Ltd

West Newington House

10 Newington Road

Edinburgh

EH9 1QS

www.birlinn.co.uk

ISBN: 978 1 788853 70 5

Copyright © David Taylor 2016

The right of David Taylor to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988

All rights reserved. No part of this publication maybe reproduced, stored, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the express written permission of the publisher.

The publishers gratefully acknowledge the support of the Scotland Inheritance Fund towards the publication of this book.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication DataA catalogue record for this book is available on request from the British Library.

Typeset by Mark Blackadder

Printed and bound in Britain by Bell and Bain Ltd, Glasgow

For Ailsa

‘But the view from the Corryarrick was neither great, beautiful, nor picturesque. On the south it looked into the wild black region of Badenoch’

John Leyden,

Journal of a Tour in the Highlands and Western Islands of Scotland in 1800

Contents

List of Illustrations and Tables

Foreword

Acknowledgements

Explanatory Notes

Principal Characters

Map of Badenoch Farms

Introduction

1  The Social Hierarchy

2  The Subsistence Economy

3  The Commercial Economy

4  1750–70: Reorganisation and Improvement

5  The 1770s: A Turbulent Decade

6  The 1780s: Continuity, Contrast and Seeds of Change

7  The 1790s: Years of Optimism

Conclusion: A Society in Transition

Glossary

Notes

Bibliography

Index

List of Illustrations and Tables

Figures

Figure 1

Eighteenth-century Badenoch

Figure 2

Badenoch in the Central Highlands

Figure 3

The vertical alignment of a Badenoch farm

Figure 4

Townships, shielings and grazings of the upper Spey

Figure 5

Allocation of the Drumochter shielings

Figure 6

The Morayshire ‘gall’ cattle

Figure 7

Drove routes from the north and west Highlands

Black and white plate section

Plate 1

The runrig farm of Auctuchle

Plate 2

The large barn at Uvie

Plate 3

Gaskinloan with its four townships

Plate 4

The distant grazings of Gaskinloan

Plate 5

The throwing down of a shieling

Plate 6

Disputed land on Drumochter

Plate 7

The principal drove route from the north

Plate 8

The Pitmain improvements

Plate 9

John Dow’s Ballachroan improvements

Plate 10

The reconstructed Gordon Castle

Plate 11

John Dow’s house at Ballachroan

Plate 12

Captain Lachlan Mackintosh’s house at Kincraig

Plate 13

Turf house at Lynwilg

Plate 14

A reconstructed eighteenth-century Badenoch turf house

Plate 15

George Taylor’s plan of Badenoch, 1773

Colour plate section

Colour plate 1

Lynallan in Phones

Colour plate 2

Wood pasture at Aviemore

Colour plate 3

The great hay meadow at Raitts

Colour plate 4

The vast hill grazings of Badenoch

Colour plate 5

Glengynack shieling bothies

Colour plate 6

Corrydoan

Colour plate 7

The Raitts improvements

Colour plate 8

Donald Macpherson’s ‘New Improvement’

Colour plate 9

Arable rigs on Tullochroam

Colour plate 10

The canal draining Loch Insh

Colour plate 11

Dalenlongart, site of the first shooting lodge

Colour plate 12

The reclaimed haugh lands of Invereshie farm

Colour plate 13

The Duchess’s cottage at Kinrara

Colour plate 14

The Belleville floodbanks

Tables

Table 1

Rental of Midtown of Gaskinloan

Table 2

Rental of Delfour

Table 3

Rent increases on the Gordon estates in Badenoch

Table 4

Rent-cow comparison for Badenoch 1750–1812

Table 5

Percentage increase rentals of Laggan sheep farms

Table 6

Population change in Badenoch 1750s–1801

Foreword

All around the world, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, older modes of social and economic organisation were displaced by the beginnings of the highly commercialised global order we continue to live with today. What happened in the Highlands of Scotland during the fifty or so years following the Battle of Culloden was one aspect of this general process. Where lives had been lived (for ages as it seemed) within the kin-based frameworks bound up with clans and clanship, new influences – having to do, in particular, with opportunities to make and spend money – were more and more at play. As a result, everyday fundamentals of all sorts were revolutionised – among them the way that land was thought about, made use of and laid out.

Partly because of their being written mostly from perspectives external to the localities where ‘modernisation’ of this type occurred, accounts of it often downplay the role of local actors in the wider drama. Hence the tendency for indigenous populations like Africans, Native Americans, or (for that matter) Highlanders to be relegated to bit players in the story of how their homelands came to enter into trading and other relationships with faraway centres of industry and empire. Described for ages as ‘backward’, even ‘savage’, most such populations, even when those earlier terms became unacceptable, were thought widely to have had little meaningful say in what happened to them. They were, it was said or implied, the essentially passive victims of forces beyond their control – people whose outlook and circumstances, or so it was assumed, precluded the possibility of their evolving their own distinctive accommodations with an aggressively emergent capitalism.

David Taylor has no truck with that approach. Here he shows, and shows convincingly, that eighteenth-century Highlanders, certainly those central to his narrative, were every bit as capable as any south country farmer or businessman of taking advantage of the openings created by an expanding national economy and by the United Kingdom’s imperial ambitions. The Highland communities David describes and analyses – and no other set of post-Culloden communities has been subjected to such searching scrutiny – were in no way lacking in initiative, enterprise and innovation. Particularly to the fore in this regard were tacksmen. Constituting, in effect, clanship’s gentry or officer class, this group has over the years been dismissed – whether by contemporary commentators or historians – as so hopelessly conservative and so wedded to outmoded ways of doing things as to be, by definition, surplus to a commercial civilisation’s requirements. Taylor, however, shows that this is drastically to over-simplify. His pages are replete with tacksmen who, instead of opposing change and rejecting modernity, turn themselves into buccaneering entrepreneurs of exactly the sort the Gaelic-speaking Highlands are still sometimes said to have always lacked. Where there was a guinea to be earned from marketing cattle or raising troops for service in late eighteenth-century Britain’s numerous wars, there were tacksmen, David Taylor demonstrates, practically falling over themselves in their eagerness to make and to pocket it.

Or so it was at any rate in Badenoch, the district examined in this book. Despite its being traversed today by the main rail and road routes into the Highlands from the south, Badenoch, in essence a couple of straths or river valleys bounded by the Cairngorms on one side and the Monadhliath on the other, has attracted far less attention from historians than, for instance, the West Highlands, Skye, the Outer Isles and Sutherland. In David Taylor, however, Badenoch has found someone ideally equipped to make good this deficiency – not least because of his deep understanding of the place’s natural environment.

Historians, Simon Schama comments at the start of Landscape and Memory, his pathbreaking study of how people have responded aesthetically to their physical surroundings, mostly think themselves ‘supposed to reach the past always through texts, occasionally through images; things that are safely caught in the bell jar of academic convention’. But influenced by one of his own teachers, whom he describes as ‘an intellectual hell-raiser . . . [who] had always insisted on directly experiencing “a sense of place” [and] of using “the archive of the feet”’,1 Schama embarked on first-hand explorations of the landscapes he then wrote about. David Taylor has done the same. During more than thirty years spent teaching history and modern studies at Kingussie High School, in the heart of Badenoch, he acquainted himself – and, by way of school fieldtrips, his students too – with the painstakingly cultivated inbye ground, the river embankments, the homestead sites and the now deserted hill shielings that feature to such striking effect on ensuing pages.

In order to repopulate (as it were) Badenoch’s landscapes with the folk who lived among them some 250 years ago, David has more recently conducted extensive research in the National Records of Scotland, Scotland’s National Library, and other (both public and private) repositories. The archival collections he found there have allowed him to construct all manner of intricate – and highly revealing – analyses of farm rents, cattle prices, weather patterns and much else. Equally impressive, however, is the remarkable extent to which David has been able to restore to life – the phrase is not too strong – memorable characters of the kind who, in a great deal of history writing, are lost to view in overarching generalities. Reorganising landholdings in the vicinity of Loch Laggan we find a hard-bitten army chaplain whose daily pint of port wine, he insists, is downed ‘to cure [his] Stomach of Flatulency’. The many surviving letters of two of eighteenth-century Badenoch’s leading factors reveal them to have taken – in a way factors are not usually believed to have done – a close and compassionate interest in the people in their charge. A widow managing an inn at Ruthven asks for a rent rebate because the Jacobite army’s destruction of the barracks in 1746 has caused a ‘decay of consumption’ of liquor. A man in his late eighties recalls how, many years before, he had walked the Drumochter march or boundary between two estates and how his companion, whose business it was to know precisely where that boundary lay, had given the then younger man ‘a Blow on the side of the head at different parts of the March, that he might remember the March more particularly’. And here, there and everywhere in eighteenth-century Badenoch (or so it sometimes appears) is the key figure of John Dow (Iain Dubh) Macpherson, otherwise ‘the Black Officer’; tacksman, soldier, recruiting officer, farmer and drover; a man whose dizzying speculations and risk-taking give the lie to any lingering notion that his was a society sunk in sloth, conformity and caution.

Supplying John Dow with the cattle he exported south across Drumochter were farming families who, David Taylor shows, knew exactly how to extract maximum value from the territory they occupied. Today, when the greater part of Badenoch is inside the Cairngorm National Park, much of the district is considered to be – and sometimes imagined to have always been – ‘wild land’. There was next to no ‘wild’ land in the Badenoch this book investigates. Then, David establishes, virtually every acre between the River Spey and high-altitude mountain corries was subjected to an intricate grazing regime which his sources have enabled him to describe and explain more illuminatingly than has ever been done before. As in most of the rest of the eighteenth-century world, farming in Badenoch was – thanks to flood, frost and snow as well as occasional price collapses – a precarious business. But it was in no way primitive or haphazard. In their careful utilisation of the Badenoch high country, indeed, John Dow Macpherson and his contemporaries were arguably better and more efficient land managers than lots of their more recent successors.

The ground-breaking insights this book offers into Highland history make it important. It is also a good and entertaining read. All this, and more besides, became evident to us during the period when, following his retirement, David Taylor was a postgraduate student in the Centre for History at the University of the Highlands and Islands. There we were the supervisors of the research that resulted first in David gaining a PhD and then in his turning his doctoral thesis into the narrative that follows. During our time together, we learned more from David than he learned from us. But it was our pleasure as well our privilege to have been associated with his researches – just as it is equally our pleasure and privilege to commend David’s findings to the wider audience they well deserve.

James Hunter

Marjory Harper

Elizabeth Ritchie

1 S. Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Knopf, 1995), 24.

Acknowledgements

I must firstly thank the University of the Highlands and Islands for enabling me to undertake a PhD on my home territory – there is nowhere I would rather have pursued my studies and nowhere that I could have been in better hands. I am particularly indebted to my supervisory team, Jim Hunter, Marjory Harper, Elizabeth Ritchie, and in the early days, Karen Cullen, for their unstinting enthusiasm, encouragement and perceptive criticism. Thanks are also due to David Worthington, Director of the Centre for History, for his help over administrative issues, and to Alison MacWilliam and all the other department members for their friendship and support.

Particular thanks are also due to the Gaelic Society of Inverness for financial assistance during my studies. Many institutions have contributed to this book, and my appreciation goes to all the staff who have assisted my research in the National Records of Scotland, the National Library of Scotland, Inverness Public Library, the Highland Archive Centre in Inverness, Aberdeen Art Gallery and Museums, the Sir Duncan Rice Library in Aberdeen and West Sussex Records Office. Certain individuals merit particular mention: Pete Finlayson and Tessa Spencer for their patience and unstinting help in the old West Register House; Mary Robertson at the Huntington Library in California for tracing documents in the Loudoun collection; Rachel Chisholm for access to the Highland Folk Museum archives and library; Angus Macpherson for access to the Sir Thomas Macpherson archive; Jane Anderson for her help in the Blair Castle archives; the Russells in Ballindalloch Castle for allowing me unrestricted use of their invaluable records; Eve Boyle of the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland for much helpful advice and information during fieldwork sessions; and not least my local Kingussie librarians, Kathryn Main and Andrea Newbery, not only for coping with innumerable obscure requests, but for facilitating access arrangements to reference texts.

This book owes much to the support and help of many local people. Local genealogist Mary Mackenzie has been invaluable not just in identifying innumerable Macphersons and Mackintoshes, but in correcting many misunderstandings. Ross Noble, former curator of the Highland Folk Museum, has always been ready to help with advice on local issues, explaining the intricacies of old settlements and landscapes during our many field visits, while also offering perceptive comments on the entire manuscript. Richard and Sally Spencer produced a wonderful old estate map that proved invaluable to my research, while Graham Grant, Iain McGillivray, Campbell Slimon and Jamie Williamson have given freely of their expertise on land use and on sites of local interest, as indeed have many others too numerous to mention. Very special thanks are due to Nicki Gow and Dave Stewart for their patience and assistance with more technical issues.

On the broader historical front I owe a huge debt of gratitude, going back more than forty years, to Bill Ferguson in the Scottish History Department in Edinburgh University who not only inspired my love of research and writing but shaped my understanding of historical process. More recently I have benefited greatly from the research and advice of other local and Highland historians: George Dixon who has generously shared his extensive knowledge of the Gordon papers with me; Alan G Macpherson, the clan historian, whose own PhD thesis provided the starting point for my own research and who has helped with queries from afar; Maureen Hammond for sharing her research into Badenoch textiles; and particularly Matthew Dziennik and Malcolm Bangor-Jones who have helped explain many of the more obscure issues of Highland history. While all of the above have helped shape the ideas in this book, any errors, misunderstandings and controversial conclusions are entirely my own responsibility.

Because my research was heavily based in Edinburgh, this book owes a huge debt to the generosity of old friends in providing accommodation, food and the occasional beverage to recharge the research batteries – many thanks to Hamish, Chris and Stewart, Agnes and Bruce, Sarah and Matthew. Thanks are also due to my family: my daughters and grandsons for reminding me there is life beyond history, but most particularly to my wife, Ailsa, not just for her tremendous support and encouragement throughout the last five years, but for reading and re-reading every chapter, helping to iron out all the little errors while clarifying my thoughts by asking awkward questions. I would finally like to thank all those former pupils, parents, colleagues and friends in Badenoch who have so enthusiastically encouraged my endeavours and shared their knowledge and love of the area with me.

The process of converting my PhD thesis into this book would not have been possible without the very generous financial support of the Scotland Inheritance Fund to whom I owe an immense debt of gratitude. Sincere thanks are also due to all the staff at Birlinn, particularly Mairi Sutherland, and Jackie Henrie, for steering me through the intricacies of publication. Thanks are also due to all those who supplied illustrations for reproduction, who are acknowledged in individual captions, and to Jim Lewis for preparation of the maps.

David Taylor

Explanatory Notes

Quotations from documents have been left with their original spelling and punctuation. Because eighteenth-century spelling and punctuation were totally random and inconsistent, the use of [sic] for every ‘error’ seems superfluous, especially as in most cases the meaning is perfectly intelligible. Where meanings are not clear, explanations have been included in square brackets. Words like farm were often spelt as ffarm, and the double ff has been preserved in quotations. Though the summer pastures were in earlier times spelt as sheilings or shealings, the more modern form shielings has been preferred unless within a quotation. Italics within quotations are original unless otherwise specified.

Place-names have been standardised to the Ordnance Survey map spellings, but names within quotations or not to be found on modern maps have been left in their original form. The only exception is the use of Benchar (pronounced Benachar) for the modern Banchor because this was the form used consistently through the eighteenth century when referring to either farm or family. Significantly, the neighbouring glen was always differentiated, being written in its current form, Glen Banchor (Banachor). The name Glen Banchor refers to the whole geographical glen; the form Glenbanchor is used for the specific half-davoch/farm of that name within the glen. Similarly, Loch Laggan refers to the loch and surrounding area, while Lochlaggan is used for the estate. Though the terms Lowlands or Low Country generally mean the area south of the Highland line, they also broadly include the eastern lowlands of the Moray Firth hinterland. The latter is specifically designated as such where appropriate.

Highland surnames (Mc/Mac) in the eighteenth century were completely random, and these have generally been standardised into the form Macpherson or Mackintosh, unless there was a clear reason for not doing so. Because of the inevitable risk of confusion over the many similar clan names, particularly Macphersons, they are usually identified in a specific way as in John Dow, or Captain John, or by the name of their farm.

Money is given in pre-decimalisation pounds sterling (£ s d) unless otherwise stated. For those not familiar with this currency, there were 20s (shillings) to £1, and 12d (pennies) to 1s. Decimal equivalents are given only where it helps to explain the relationship between monetary sums. Scots money occasionally appears in the primary sources: £1 Scots was one-twelfth £1 sterling; one merk was two-thirds of £1 Scots. It is impossible to convert eighteenth-century sterling sums into exact modern values, but a multiplication factor of around sixty is required to achieve a rough equivalent.

Principal Characters

The Gordons

Cosmo: 3rd Duke; died 1752.

Katherine: 3rd Duchess; ran estate after Cosmo’s death until 1764.

Alexander: 4th Duke, born 1743; took over estate 1764; died 1827.

Lady Jane Maxwell: 4th Duchess; married Alexander 1767; estranged during 1790s; died 1812.

Gordon estate officials

Charles Gordon: Duke’s Edinburgh lawyer.

James Ross: chamberlain/treasurer/manager of Gordon estates at Fochabers 1769–82.

William Tod: factor in Badenoch and Lochaber 1769–82; farmed at Gordon Hall; overall factor at Fochabers after Ross’s death.

Land surveyors for Duke of Gordon

George Brown.

Alexander Taylor.

George Taylor.

John Williams: mineralogist.

Grant

Mrs Ann Grant of Laggan: author of Letters from the Mountains; minister’s wife; farmer.

Elizabeth Grant of Rothiemurchus: daughter of John Peter Grant, an Edinburgh lawyer who became laird of Rothiemurchus; author of Memoirs of a Highland Lady, relating to early nineteenth century though written much later.

General James Grant: laird of Ballindalloch; governor of Florida; important figure in British military establishment; slave and plantation owner; sister Grace married George Macpherson of Invereshie.

Patrick Grant: laird of Rothiemurchus estate.

Sir James Grant of Grant: chief of Clan Grant; improving landowner in neighbouring Strathspey.

Macdonell/Macdonald

These name variants were completely interchangeable in the eighteenth century. The form Macdonell has generally been used for the Aberarder family.

Ranald: tacksman of Aberarder on Loch Laggan’s northern shore; evicted 1770; then tacksman of Moy at west end of the loch.

Alexander: tacksman of Tullochroam adjoining Aberarder; brother of Ranald; evicted 1770; moved to Garvamore and then Garvabeg.

Alexander: son of the above Alexander; tacksman of Garvabeg until death 1808; an important drover.

McHardy

John: father was Laggan schoolmaster, mother from Skye; brought in as tacksman of Crathiecroy 1770; improver; later established lint mill and bleachfield at Kingussie; bankrupt 1790s.

Mackintosh

Balnespick

William: pre-1748, laird of Balnespick; sold his estate to Invereshie 1748; became tacksman of Dunachton; the ‘Old Balnespick’ of I.F. Grant’s Every-day Life on an Old Highland Farm.

Captain Lachlan: son of ‘Old Balnespick’; tacksman of various farms in Laggan, and then Kincraig and Dunachton.

William: Lachlan’s son; tacksman of Dunachton till end of century.

Raitts

Brigadier William Mackintosh of Borlum: laird of Raitts; early agricultural improver; Jacobite leader 1715, imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle; author of An Essay on Ways and Means for Inclosing, Fallowing, Planting, etc.Shaw Mackintosh: the Brigadier’s son; laird of Raitts.

Edward Mackintosh: Shaw’s son; bankrupted the estate; notorious highway robber; fled Britain 1773.

Kincraig

Helen (Nelly) Mackintosh: tacksman of Kincraig farm – the only female to be tacksman in her own right; possibly sister of Captain Lachlan.

Maclean

John: tacksman and innkeeper at Pitmain; originally from Dalwhinnie; worked for the Gordons at Huntly before taking lease of Pitmain 1751; tacksman at Cluny after falling out with Duke 1788; tacksman at Benchar from 1796 till death 1808.

Macpherson

Ballachroan

John Dow Macpherson: originally from Phones; tacksman of Ballachroan 1770; lieutenant in Seven Years’ War, captain in American War of Independence; recruiting officer; improving farmer; drover; ‘The Black Officer’ of legend.

Belleville

James Macpherson: of Ossian fame, known as ‘Fingal’ locally; born Invertromie; government propaganda agent; huge influence in India; MP for Camelford; became laird of Raitts estate, renaming it Belleville 1788; also purchased Phones, Etteridge, Invernahavon and Benchar.

James: illegitimate son; officer in India; inherited Belleville 1796.

Benchar

Andrew Macpherson: tacksman; later laird of Benchar and Clune.

Captain John: Andrew’s son; inherited estate 1788; died 1791.

Captain Evan: John’s brother; inherited estate 1791; sold it 1795; died at Seringapatam in India 1799.

Parson Robert: Andrew’s half-brother; chaplain to Fraser’s 78th Highlanders 1757–63; tacksman of Aberarder 1771; later tacksman of Dalchully; died in Perth 1791.

Breakachy

Donald Macpherson: tacksman of Breakachy; Duke’s forester for Drumochter; brother-in-law of Ewen of the ’45; leader of clan post-’45; lost Breakachy 1773.

Colonel Duncan: Donald’s son; managed Breakachy for father; tacksman of Catlag (Catlodge) in his own right; later owned two estates in Perthshire; appears as captain, major and colonel at various points as he rose through the ranks; later known as Colonel Duncan of Bleaton.

Cluny

Ewen: son of Lachlan, the clan chief; officer in Loudoun’s Regiment; joined Jacobite army; exiled after ’45; escaped to France 1755, dying there 1764.

Duncan of the Kiln: Ewen’s son; British military officer, reaching rank of colonel; estates restored to him 1784.

Invereshie

George Macpherson: laird of Invereshie c.1730–95; married Grace Grant of Ballindalloch (sister of General James Grant).

William: eldest son; laird 1795–1812; absentee for much of his life.

Captain John: British army officer seriously wounded 1777; returned to run estate from 1780 till death 1799.

Ralia

Lachlan Macpherson: tacksman of Ralia, then Breakachy 1773; successful cattle drover for fifty years.

Shanvall

Allan Macpherson: highly successful drover.

Strathmashie

Lachlan Macpherson: Gaelic poet and musician.

Uvie

Hugh Macpherson: brother of Donald of Breakachy; lost Uvie 1773.

Evan ‘Uvie’: son of Hugh; triggered the droving crash of 1793; became a major in the army.

Ann: daughter of Hugh; widow of John Macpherson of Inverhall; then married John Dow.

Mitchell

Andrew: sheep farmer from Ayrshire; took lease of Aberarder sheep walk 1779; first southern sheep farmer in Badenoch.

William: son; ran Tullochroam sheep farm (part of Aberarder); became one of the key farmers and officials on the Gordon estates.

Shaw

Lieutenant Shaw: tacksman of Uvie 1773.

Ministers

John Anderson: Kingussie, appointed 1782; improving farmer at Dell of Killiehuntly; factor for Belleville (including Phones, Etteridge, Invernahavon), for Benchar, for Duchess at Kinrara, before becoming factor for Duke in Badenoch; eventually overall estate factor in Fochabers 1809.

John Gordon: Alvie.

James Grant: Laggan; husband of Mrs Grant of Laggan.

Annexed Estate Officials

William Ramsay: 1749–53, factor.

James Small: 1754–66, factor.

Henry Butter: 1766–84, factor.

William Tennoch: land surveyor.

Figure 1Boundaries, parishes and settlements in mid eighteenth-century Badenoch.

Introduction

It was just eight days since Prince Charles Edward Stuart had raised the Jacobite standard at Glenfinnan. General Cope’s small army of English and Lowland Scots soldiers – hastily dispatched by the British government to snuff out this new Highland threat – had already reached Badenoch. On the morning of 27 August 1745 they set off from the bleak environs of Dalwhinnie, heading northwards along General Wade’s recently constructed military road towards the steep mountain pass of Corrieyairrack. Aware that the Prince already held the north end of the pass, the local Macpherson clansmen must have followed the movements of the Hanoverian army with mounting interest – amongst them, no doubt, Iain Dubh mac Alasdair, son of a tacksman from the small Macpherson estate of Phones. A swarthy young Highlander of just twenty years, he would have seen Cope’s men swing westwards at Catlag, halting at the small farm of Blargiebeg on the south side of the River Spey. There – probably much to his surprise – they wheeled round (the spot still known locally as ‘Cope’s Turn’) and retraced their steps to Catlag, thus avoiding a potentially disastrous ambush. From there Cope headed eastwards along another of General Wade’s roads towards Ruthven Barracks and Inverness. By chance, this road passed right through the estate of Phones, and later that day the Redcoat army filed wearily through Iain Dubh’s ancestral domain.1

The young man would have been well aware of the contempt in which his people were held by these southern troops, for he belonged to a clan system where both society and culture differed radically from the rest of Britain. His Gaelic heritage, his place in the clan hierarchy, and the primacy of his chief, Cluny Macpherson, had been instilled into him both by his father, a Macpherson, and his mother, a Catholic Macdonell from Aberarder on Loch Lagganside – one of the Keppoch Macdonalds. Yet Iain Dubh was no stranger to southern ways: indeed, contact with the British military was nothing new. Six years before he was born the Hanoverians had built and garrisoned Ruthven Barracks, just 5 miles from his home; as a child, he had witnessed Wade’s soldiers construct the military road past his house; in adolescence, he would regularly have encountered them on patrols and at the Ruthven markets. Moreover, he had acquired fluent English at the grammar school in the burgh of Ruthven, while his early droving ventures had already brought him into contact with southern dealers.2

But he was well aware that his clan also was looking southwards – the Cluny family had, after all, built a fashionable eighteen-room mansion just the previous year. Two of Cluny’s younger sons already had professional military careers: John with the Scots Dutch Brigade fighting against Catholic France, and Lachlan with the British army, firstly at the siege of Cartagena and now in India. Ewen, the oldest son and heir, had also just become a British officer under the Earl of Loudoun. Yet the Macphersons had long-standing Jacobite sympathies, and old Cluny’s son-in-law, Donald Macpherson of Breakachy, had already made contact with the Prince. The young Highlander watching Cope’s soldiers that day was perhaps himself experiencing rather uncertain loyalties.3

Had Iain Dubh pondered beyond his own immediate future, he could scarcely have conceived the turmoil and hardship that his native Badenoch would suffer from Cope’s decision that fateful August day. Far less could he have foreseen the dramatic transformation that would consume the region by the time of his death in 1800 – nor, indeed, his own role as catalyst in that process. As such, his story is woven into the fabric of this book, but not as Iain Dubh, for that was his name in oral Gaelic culture. In correspondence he signed himself John Macpherson, to the army he was Lieutenant, then Captain John Macpherson, to the Gordon estates and his friends he was known by the Anglicised corruption John Dow (Dubh), tacksman of Ballachroan farm. To posterity, however, he is simply An t-Othaichear Dubh – the legendary Black Officer of Badenoch.4

•   •   •

Walking over Phones today the extent of change is only too apparent. Low turf outlines of long-ruined dwellings testify to the once thriving community of John Dow’s lifetime – sufficient in 1757 to supply twenty-five men to the British army. The landscape now is dominated by a shooting lodge – sheep inhabit the low ground, grouse the moors and deer the hills to the south. Such scenes, of course, are replicated across the Highlands, but it was the deserted settlements of Badenoch, like Lynallan in Phones (Colour plate 1), discovered literally through the soles of the feet, that provided the inspiration for this study – those many unknown, unremembered ruins, their names lost through time, their inhabitants long vanished. The search for Badenoch’s lost population, however, has uncovered the much deeper and more complex story of how this historically neglected region reacted to the traumatic economic and social upheaval that was sweeping the Highlands in the eighteenth century – an upheaval born paradoxically of both Jacobitism and Britishness.5

Even aside from dynastic confrontation, the world in which John Dow and his contemporaries grew up was already gripped by the forces of change. The social fabric of clanship had been suffering steady erosion since at least the early seventeenth century, a process accelerated when the 1707 Treaty of Union opened the door to the vast commercial potential of both British and world markets. Further stimulus arose from the onset of the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions – ‘commercial forces . . . so powerful that social change in Gaeldom became irresistible’.6 It was, moreover, an era of unprecedented global expansion, with opportunities for imperial and military service that would impinge on every sector of society. The ideological movement known as the Enlightenment – a rational framework for notions of ‘civilisation’ and ‘improvement’ – was already permeating the Highlands, relentlessly driven forward by the post-Culloden impetus for assimilation to British ideals, not least the all-consuming concept of ‘progress’. It was a fusion of political, economic and cultural forces that would impact dramatically on the region’s fortunes.

Though situated right in the heart of the Highlands, with Laggan ‘the highest and most inland parish in Scotland’, Badenoch had a distinct historical identity dating back to the creation of the Lordship of Badenoch in the thirteenth century, though reaching its political apogee in the late fourteenth under Alexander Stewart, the notorious ‘Wolf of Badenoch’.7 The Lordship acquired a new political significance in 1451 when awarded by James II to the 1st Earl of Huntly to help impose royal authority in the Highlands – and for the next 380 years the region’s fate was inexorably bound to the House of Gordon.8 That political significance was further enhanced in the eighteenth century as its strategic centrality made Badenoch the natural hub of government militarisation in the Highlands. Even into the next century, the region retained its status as the Lordship, though by this time more for administrative convenience than political significance.

But Badenoch also had a distinct geographic identity that defies the normal broad division into the northern and western Highlands, and the eastern and southern Highlands – alternatively categorised as ‘the crofting Highlands’ and ‘the farming Highlands’ respectively.9 Michael Lynch has indeed warned against such ‘sweeping generalisations’, suggesting that it is more instructive to consider Highland history as ‘a collection of intensely local societies’, and eighteenth-century Badenoch was undoubtedly one such society.10 The region simply does not sit comfortably within either the above geographic zones or economic models, rather belonging to its own subcategory of central Highlands. Though naturally sharing characteristics with the broader divisions above, and inevitably sharing much of the general Highland experience, it was shaped by its own distinctive characteristics, displaying areas of divergence, sometimes subtle but often radical, from the general narrative of Highland history where the more dramatic events of the northern and western peripheries are often presented as the universal regional norm.

While Badenoch geographically falls into the broad definition of southern Highlands, its landlocked nature – hemmed in by the mountain ranges of Cairngorm, Drumochter, Benalder, Meagaidh and Monadhliath – deprived it of the principal benefit of that area, ease of access to the Lowlands. Indeed, the region experienced a degree of isolation that is hard to appreciate today, while the mountain landscape bequeathed its own distinctive identity in terms of climate, altitude and environment – an identity well recognised, generally unfavourably, by those few who ventured thither (Figure 2).

It was John Leyden, the Scottish linguist, who as late as 1800 curtly dismissed it as ‘the wild black region of Badenoch’ when first looking into it from the summit of the Corrieyairrack Pass – before promptly turning his back on it.11 Its distinctiveness was more quaintly recognised by the writer James Hogg, observing that ‘the country of Badenoch is . . . almost peculiar to itself’.12 To others it was simply ‘bleak and dreary’, or ‘wild and barbarous’.13 The main approach over Drumochter was ‘one of the most frightful that can be conceived’, the pass through the Corrieyairrack comparable to ‘the wildest and most dreary solitude of Siberia’, the route by Aviemore ‘more calculated for the abode of Moor Fowl than of Men’, while there was simply no road at all westwards to Fort William by Loch Laggan – and being cut off for much of the winter did little to make the region more welcoming.14

Regional distinctiveness, however, is not the sole rationale for studying Badenoch, for it was in itself subdivided into ‘a collection of intensely local societies’. While the aristocratic Gordons dominated the area, other proprietors were forging very different paths to the future based on their own concept of estate management; the remnants of three once-powerful clans were struggling to retain some vestige of former glories; the lesser ‘movers and shakers’ – wadsetters, tacksmen and estate officials – were all jockeying for position, power and economic gain; below them, the various ranks of peasantry also sought an escape from the perpetual struggle for survival. Yet, while all faced the same general problems of geographical and environmental constraints, and all were equally enmeshed by the broader forces shaping eighteenth-century Britain, there was a remarkable divergence in individual response which highlights the significance of human agency in shaping Highland history.

Figure 2Badenoch in the Central Highlands, landlocked and mountainous, with the narrow strath of the River Spey providing the main settlement zone.

This interplay between background or impersonal forces and human agency lies at the heart of this study. Indeed, there is a danger in seeing Highland history as ‘the consequence of seemingly inexorable demographic and economic forces’: not only does it remove the human factor from an intensely human situation, but, as Charles Withers points out, it implies that Highlanders were ‘passive respondents to outside influence without pausing to consider their role as participants and active agents’.15 The unfortunate cumulative impression of this view is of a doom-laden society – Highlanders trapped in their own slough of despond – with no prospect of ever improving their material condition, thus justifying the Clearances as both inevitable and beneficial.16 Tom Devine significantly criticises this overly negative approach, suggesting that Highland history has been too focused ‘not on the reasons for success but on the causes of failure’; similarly, Matthew Dziennik observes that earlier obsessions with conquest, defeat and victimhood have ‘blinded historians . . . to agency’, and argues the need for ‘a positive articulation of Highland identity’.17

This book tries to explore that ‘positive articulation’ not just by placing the Badenoch community, to paraphrase James Hunter, at the ‘centre of its own history’, but also by placing it within the wider Highland, British and global dimensions.18 Furthermore, it analyses that community within the multi-faceted context of political, social, economic, cultural and ideological developments. The narrative is, wherever possible, shaped by the words of the principal players in an intimate study – warts and all – of a society forging its destiny in a rapidly changing world. It is, in essence, a portrait of life across the entire social spectrum within this one regional community, with the inevitable paradoxes and contradictions that create the fabric of human existence. Above all, however, it charts the fortunes and fates of a community living through a period of profound transition.

In spite of the earlier reservations concerning negative interpretations, this study of Badenoch from 1750 to 1800 cannot but begin with the disastrous events of 1745–6. Modern scholarship rightly downplays the significance of Culloden in the collapse of the clan system and the subsequent destruction of Gaeldom, instead tracing this decline back to at least the early seventeenth century – a process both externally imposed by the monarchy to assert state control on the lawless Highlands, and internally driven by ambitious clan chiefs seeking to enhance their commercial and personal status in line with their southern peers.19 But that does not, of course, mean that the ’45 and its aftermath should be ignored, and Allan Macinnes and Tom Devine have both reasserted the argument that post-Culloden policies undoubtedly accelerated the pace of change.20 Moreover, academic debate of long-term trends cannot be allowed to obscure the brutal reality faced by Badenoch’s citizens in the immediate aftermath of the ’45.

Repression and Collaboration

The uncertainties which faced John Dow in August 1745 were reflected across the community. The Macphersons and Laggan Macdonells had supported the Stewart cause in 1689 and 1715, and Brigadier Mackintosh of Borlum, laird of the local estate of Raitts, had been a prominent Jacobite commander in 1715. Monarchical fears brought forth the barracks at Ruthven in 1719, and ten years later Badenoch became pivotal to the whole military communication network as General Wade constructed the Dunkeld to Inverness road through the region, followed by the remarkable Dalwhinnie to Fort Augustus road through the Corrieyairrack Pass. The local populace must have felt at times as if they inhabited a militarised zone.

Yet Badenoch, like most Highland regions, was not universally Jacobite: nor indeed was the Macpherson clan itself. The Macphersons of Invereshie and Killiehuntly were loyal Hanoverians. The fore-mentioned involvement of Cluny Macpherson’s sons in the military establishment in itself sent mixed messages. Even the very presence of the Hanoverian troops was divisive, providing lucrative opportunities for enterprising locals such as John Macpherson of Knappach, the Barrack-master. James Stewart capitalised on the situation by building ‘a Publick House at Ruthven of Badenoch’ in 1732, admittedly not just because of the soldiers, but also ‘for the Conveniency and entertainment of Strangers whereof the town is very much destitute to the great discouragement of travellers and loss of the place & Country’ – for Ruthven was no mere village, but a Burgh of Regality with weekly markets and six annual fairs.21

Tension was inevitable. The army imposed a 400-yard exclusion zone round the barracks, showing little sympathy for those like Malcolm Clark whose house lay within the prohibited area: ‘I dare not so much as offer to Lay on a Diffat or feall to repair it But ame yearly threatened by General Wade & the officers Commanding here to level it to the Ground’.22 For those moral guardians, the kirk session, there were other concerns:

A great many dissolute and unmarried women from different parts of the kingdom, commonly follow the soldiers at the barracks of Ruthven, and are sheltered in some houses in the parish, where they and the soldiers have frequent meetings, and very often upon the Lord’s Day, to the great scandal of religion.23

More seriously, the governor of the barracks had ‘destroyed the whole Corns of Invertromy for two years by troops of Horse’, even commandeering some land for ‘the English horses’ – perhaps explaining why Invertromie himself had been outlawed ‘for killing some of the English who garison’d the Castle of Ruthven’.24

Further divisions resulted from the ’45 itself. Ewen Macpherson, heir to Cluny, had just accepted a Hanoverian commission in Loudoun’s regiment, and was soon boasting of ‘my Success in Recruiting’. Just two weeks before Prince Charles Edward Stuart raised his standard at Glenfinnan, young Cluny asked Loudoun for command of Ruthven Barracks, ‘the only quarters proper for my Company is Ruthven in Badenoch, So that I beg of your Lordship to appoint it for me.’25 His subsequent decision to join the Prince had serious repercussions. His defence – that he was captured in his bed by the Jacobite army – defies credibility, and is best dismissed as a pre-emptive bid to avoid the obvious fate awaiting him as rebel, traitor and deserter. His kinsman, James Macpherson of Killiehuntly, writing immediately thereafter, had no doubt that the young chief was a ‘rebell’ who had ‘deserted the King’s Service’.26

At least eighteen Macpherson tacksmen, including John Dow, followed Cluny as clan officers, raising well over 300 clansmen – though not always voluntarily: ‘William Robertson in Badenoch declares Young Cluny came to his house and ordered 20 cows and six horses to be taken from him and otherwise threatened him and upon consenting to go they were restored except one cow which had been killed.’27 The Reverend John Gordon of Alvie, undoubtedly protecting his flock from retribution, confirmed that most ‘were carried of[f] by the most arbitrary & violent method: such as burning their houses, carrying of their Cattle, & breaking their heads’.28 Apart from the Macpherson regiment, at least twenty-nine of the Loch Laggan Macdonells also followed the Prince under their chief, Keppoch, as did those Mackintoshes who followed Colonel Anne, the chief’s wife, who established her own regiment in defiance of her husband. While participation brought death or imprisonment for some, the Macphersons’ absence from the Battle of Culloden in 1746 meant they escaped relatively lightly, though others like John and James Shaw of Kinrara died there fighting with the Mackintosh regiment.29 The real hardship, however, began subsequently.

Allan Macinnes has aptly castigated the government’s post-Culloden strategy as ‘punitive civilising . . . systematic state terrorism, characterised by a genocidal intent’.30 Fears for national security in a volatile Europe undoubtedly forced the government to lock the back door, but its response went far beyond the simple pacification of a disaffected area: revenge for the humiliation inflicted by a supposedly inferior army, the use of brutality as a means to civilising the Highland savage, and an ideological and cultural antipathy to Scots in general and Highlanders in particular, all underlay government policy.

Badenoch became the immediate focus, for, as Sir Archibald Grant warned the Hanoverian Ludovick Grant of Grant, ‘Badenoch was the Chief place of Dispersion, that Many Arms, Horses etc may be found there, If soon sought for.’31 Rumours that fugitive Jacobite leaders, Cluny, Lochiel, John Roy Stewart and the Prince himself were skulking in the Badenoch mountains heightened the military presence. A month after Culloden, Cumberland justified the brutality: ‘Lord Loudoun is now gone into Badenoch for two or three days to burn and destroy that Country, which has not yet laid down their Arms, but I believe they immediately will.’32 In February 1747, Loudoun was still scouring the area ‘with 300 men, in quest of Cluny & Jo: roy Stuart’.33 This threat loomed over Badenoch for a whole decade owing to the continued presence of Cluny – according to General Bland, Commander-in Chief for Scotland, ‘the person of all the attainted rebels the most obnoxious to the Government’, with the Macpherson clan described as an ‘Artfull Cunning set of People’.34 With troops stationed at Garvamore, Sherramore, Glen Banchor, Dalwhinnie, Lynaberrack, Glen Feshie and Ruthven, and with weekly patrols scouring the mountains, Badenoch was effectively under an army of occupation.35

Hanoverian policy is well illustrated in a letter of 1752 from James Wolfe, then a young officer, expressing the desire to march into Macpherson territory ‘ou j’aurais fa it main basse, sans misericorde [where I would have attacked without mercy]’. Further comments, ‘It was my real intention . . . to keep the Highlands in awe’, ‘a people better governed by fear than favour’, plus an order ‘to massacre the whole clan if they show the least symptom of rebellion’, support Macinnes’s claim of ‘genocidal intent.’36 Nine years after Culloden, Bland still maintained the pressure, quartering a party of ‘three officers and 100 men upon eighteen of the principal Macphersons most devoted to Cluny’s interests’ – a deliberate tactic to break the clan gentry who had to carry the costs of quartering.37 He even considered punishing Cluny’s brother, the half-pay British army officer Captain Lachlan, for not divulging the chief’s whereabouts, by restoring him to a full commission and dispatching him to the West Indies!38 Unsurprisingly, resentment was growing in the community, and Bland requested that the officers of the quartering party be chosen carefully so that the local people could not ‘raise a clamour of military government & oppression’.39 After escaping to France in 1755, Cluny complained that ‘twenty-four garrisons still lie in that country [Badenoch] in the houses of gentlemen of his blood and name, where they use all the heinous liberties of a vengefull enemy and command as masters’.40 John Macpherson of Strathmashie ratcheted up the rhetoric:

Murders, burnings, ravishings, plunderings! Ane army of fiends let loose from Hell, with Lucifer himself at their head! Barbarities unheard of – no distinction of sex or age – cruelties never as much named among any people who made profession of or pretend to Christianity, and all not only with impunity, but by command.41

Equally devastating were the economic consequences. In the weeks after Culloden, Major Lockhart drove off 243 cattle, 84 horses and over 1,500 sheep and goats from the poor hill farms in the Braes of Badenoch, totalling £768 sterling in value.42 The five families of the township of Garvabeg at the foot of the Corrieyairrack lost stock to the value of £131, equivalent to twenty-two years’ rent. The seven tenants of neighbouring Sherrabeg lost £101 worth of stock, including fifty-three cattle – fourteen years’ rent. Eighteen townships (eighty-one families) in this corner of Laggan suffered similarly. Though no similar record exists for Cluny estate, there is a contemporary account of losses in Benalder Forest: ‘he [Cluny] keeps a harass [breeding herd] of some hundred mares, all of which after the fatal day of Culloden became the pray of his enemies’.43 A Hanoverian medical officer confirmed that such claims were not exaggerated:

We had twenty thousand head of cattle brought in [to Fort Augustus], such as oxen, horses, sheep and goats, taken from the rebels (whose houses we also frequently plundered and burnt) . . . so that great numbers of our men grew rich by their shares in the spoil.44

Things might have been worse, but the minister of Duthil reported that Cluny’s men, ‘when they heard that their country was to be burnt have sent up their Cattle & Effects to the Glens and keep themselves in a Bothy’.45

Property also suffered. Loudoun, camped at nearby Sherramore, razed Cluny’s new mansion house, ‘a most pretty, regular, well-contrived house as any be-north the river of Tay’, along with ‘such office-houses as were near it, [and] all the houses that they apprehended belonged to it at a good distance from it’.46 For the common people it was far worse as Cluny himself noted: ‘many poor Families who groan’d in want by haveing their houses burn’d to the ground their cattle and goods carried off, were at the point of perishing in Miserie’.47 The Drumochter farms also suffered as Brigadier John Mordaunt raided and burnt the townships, specific reference being made to five tenants in Dalannach, five in Phones, and eleven in Presmuchrach.48 William Ramsay, the annexed estates’ factor, confirmed the general hardship: ‘numbers of these little possessions having been laid waste by the Calamities of the Country’, with rents unpaid because of farms ‘laid intirely waste and desolate as the Tenants were then lurking until the General Indemnity in June 1747’ – a reminder that many farms were seriously neglected, if not abandoned, for at least two years.49 The fore-mentioned medical officer even described the wanton destruction of people’s homes – ‘We were obliged to pull down many houses for firing’ – simply to provide fuel for the soldiers.50

The legacy of devastation haunted Badenoch. In 1752, the Duke of Gordon forgave William Mackintosh of Crathiemore half of his rent arrears because he ‘was extremely poor and unable to pay, his Effects having been carried away by Major Lockhart . . . in the year 1746 and at same time he was not in Rebellion, but that he was always an honest good Payer of his Rents until then’.51 Donald Macpherson of Cullinlean, one of the clan elite, argued in 1768 that ‘by a universal Calamity occasioned by the late Rebellion none of the Tenants in the Lordship of Badenoch were able to pay their rents in the Year 1745, consequently they are all in Arrears . . . down to this very time’.52 The Duke’s accountant agreed, explaining in 1769 (twenty-three years after Culloden) that ‘a considerable part of these arrears took rise from the distress which the tenants suffered in 1745 and 1746’.53 Even in 1790 the estate acknowledged, referring retrospectively to the rising, that ‘The Poor Tenants who had their all taken from them were Proper Objects of Commiseration.’54 Inevitably, the economic consequences of the ’45 fell most heavily on the shoulders of the poor.

With their men fugitives, women bore the brunt of post-war hardship, watching helplessly as their homes and stock were plundered and burnt, and testifying to the devastation in the Duke’s Regality Court. A distraught mother pleaded for help to free her ‘unluckie son’ because the cost of his maintenance in prison ‘will soon exhaust my Smal Substance’.55 Women themselves were sometimes on the run. Soldiers searching the remote glens reported finding such dangerous munitions as ’6 Balls of Worsted Yarn, and about ten yards of Coarse Worsted Stuff’. In 1749, Ann Macpherson of Garvamore appealed for help because the ‘whole bigging and Contents were Demolished by his Majesties Troops in the year 1746 and she being a poor widow was obliged to Run out therefrom Untill Lord Albemarle gave her protection’.56 Mary Fraser, whose husband was in hiding, even refused to go to the shielings, ‘being alone . . . and afraid of being chased by the Soldiers’.57

Civil war inevitably divided society across the whole spectrum. Support for the Prince across Badenoch was, in fact, limited. The vast majority of the Alvie tacksmen, Macphersons included, remained neutral, and the Reverend John Gordon compiled a list of 144 men there who had not joined. In Laggan, at least eighty remained home.58 Indeed, only in that parish – Cluny’s home – did more than half the men of fighting age (55 per cent) follow their chief; in Kingussie, fewer than 40 per cent; in Alvie, 20 per cent.59 Even within the townships of Laggan the menfolk divided fairly evenly: at Crathie at least six men joined while five remained, at Strathmashie, seven and five respectively, and at Gaskbeg four and seven, though whether those remaining were unfit, left as a skeleton workforce, or were not Jacobite enthusiasts is impossible to say.60 There was also clear Hanoverian support. James Macpherson of Killiehuntly (Cluny’s cousin) was a serving officer with Loudoun, Donald Macpherson from Ruthven was reporting Jacobite army positions to Ludovick Grant in February 1746, and John Macpherson, the Barrack-master, continued to supply Hanoverian needs during and after the ’45.61 Such internal divisions are symptomatic of how far clan power and chiefly authority had already declined even before Culloden.

George Macpherson of Invereshie, as substantial a laird as Cluny, maintained his Hanoverian loyalty, informing Ludovick Grant about Jacobite movements in Badenoch only two days after Culloden – sensibly trying to guarantee his own safety from any blanket retribution by requesting Grant to do ‘what else youll judge proper for my Safety in Case the Innocent should Suffer with the Guilty’.62 Furthermore, Invereshie, along with his neighbour Mackintosh of Balnespick, collaborated with Loudoun. Submitting a proposal for ‘the Proper Scheme for Securing this, and the Neighbouring Countries’, they requested more troops: ‘a less Number will not Effectuate the Design, the Quota for the Wester End of Loch Errach [Ericht], is thought rather too few’.63 They suggested eleven different local stations for troops, ‘in order’, they claimed, ‘to prevent thieves, lodging with, or without, Cattle’. It was a blatant manipulation of government forces to protect their own economic interests by replicating Cluny’s own pre-’45 ‘watch’ established to prevent large-scale cattle raiding, but it encouraged the long-term presence of soldiers in Badenoch. These two lairds also provided Loudoun with ’150 plaids for the use of the Troops lying at Inverness’, adding, somewhat cringingly, ‘the people will give them cheerfully for the troops under your Command’.

These same gentlemen exploited the military presence to purge the community of undesirables. In 1752, Lieutenant Hartley was presented with a document containing an unequivocal instruction:

They also made a list of thieves, and chuse out a number of the most notorious, a list of whom they have given me in order to apprehend . . . and have undertaken to find evidence sufficient against them, at least to transport if not to hang them.64

Lesser troublemakers were also targeted in a separate list ‘of second degree of villain, to whom they have agreed and promised . . . not to give any place of settlement under them’, while a third group was forced ‘to give security for their good behaviour for three years to come’. With clan powers severely curtailed, the local gentry were again exploiting the central power of the state for their own ends.

Already in terminal decline, clanship was effectively destroyed. While defeat and persecution seriously wounded the clan as a physical entity, the state exploited its victory by abolishing heritable jurisdictions. The gradual imposition of centralised authority over the previous two centuries was finally realised in post-Culloden legislation: already weakened as an economic and social unit, the clan ceased to exist as an independent legal and political entity. But the damage ran deeper. The Macphersons were not just divided, but leaderless. Cluny spent nine fugitive years in Badenoch, eventually dying in exile in France, while his heir, ‘Duncan of the Kiln’, was but a child, born in 1748 in the shelter of a corn kiln. Furthermore, the ravaged clan lands were under government administration. The Macdonells of Loch Laggan were also leaderless, having lost Keppoch, their chief, at Culloden, while the Mackintoshes had been torn apart by a pro-Hanoverian chief whose wife had raised a Jacobite regiment.

Beyond the immediate persecution lay a wider drive towards cultural assimilation. Not only had the initial success of the Jacobites caused panic, it had dramatically highlighted the social and cultural gulf between the Highlands and the rest of Britain. A report in 1749 presented the establishment view:

the Disaffected and Savage Highlanders need to be Bridled and kept in awe by Garrisons and Standing Forces, till the present Generation wears out . . . [and] those unhappy and infatuated People will still Continue Savages if nothing else is done to recover them from their Ignorance and Barbarity. . . 65

The post-Culloden legislative and cultural assault on the Highland way of life – such as imprisoning Grigor Macpherson from Glen Banchor simply for ‘wearing the philibeg’ – was merely the first course in the ‘civilising’ of the Highlands, not for altruistic reasons, but to ensure the political security of the state.66

The immediate impact of the’45 should not be dismissed lightly, for, as George Macpherson had feared, its consequences were visited on Jacobite and Hanoverian alike. The brutality, the pillaging, the sustained cultural attack and the permanent presence of the military could not but be etched on the psyche of the community over the next decade. Yet, paradoxically, there is no evidence that in the longer term the Badenoch peasantry wallowed in despair and bitterness over this assault on their Gaelic world. Political grievances were simply an unaffordable luxury in the daily struggle for survival, besides which, clanship’s demise perhaps brought a degree of liberation for the lower orders. Furthermore, the military interests of the British state – Macpherson clansmen ironically fighting under General James Wolfe in Canada only five years after he had plotted their extermination – ushered in a new era of opportunity outwith the narrow confines of Badenoch society. For whatever reasons, the common people emerged from Culloden’s legacy more proactive in seeking their own destinies than had ever been the case in the first half of the century.

For those local gentry who had been Jacobite officers – powerful, well-educated community and clan leaders – the paradox was less striking, for they escaped the vengeance visited upon their chief, and apart from short-term loss of rents, suffered little hardship. For them personally Culloden was also a watershed, for it marked a decisive break with lingering traditions, and, more than for the peasantry, liberation from clan and chiefly authority.67 Their future lay not so much in atonement for past deeds – for there is not the slightest hint of guilt over Jacobite loyalties – but in cultivating a new, more positive persona as Highland, or rather British, gentry, to facilitate their acceptance into the wider economic and social sphere of the rapidly developing British state. In so doing, they themselves would become part of this drive to civilise and improve their ‘barbarous’ Highland heartland from within, making themselves more acceptable, even indispensable, to estate, nation and empire. To facilitate this new identity they would, with a certain irony, re-invent the clan to further their own, and the nation’s, imperial ambitions.