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- Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
- Kategorie: Fachliteratur
- Serie: Real Estate Issues
- Sprache: Englisch
Temporary urban uses – innovative ways to transform cities or new means to old ends?
The scale and variety of temporary – or meanwhile or interim – urban uses and spaces has grown rapidly in response to the dramatic increase in vacant and derelict land and buildings, particularly in post-industrial cities. To some, this indicates that a paradigm shift in city making is underway. To others, alternative urbanism is little more than a distraction that temporarily cloaks some of the negative outcomes of conventional urban development. However, rigorous, theoretically informed criticism of temporary uses has been limited. The book draws on international experience to address this shortcoming from the perspectives of the law, sociology, human geography, urban studies, planning and real estate.
It considers how time – and the way that it is experienced – informs alternative perspectives on transience. It emphasises the importance, for analysis, of the structural position of a temporary use in an urban system in spatial, temporal and socio-cultural terms. It illustrates how this position is contingent upon circumstances. What may be deemed a helpful and acceptable use to established institutions in one context may be seen as a problematic, unacceptable use in another. What may be a challenging and fulfilling alternative use to its proponents may lose its allure if it becomes successful in conventional terms. Conceptualisations of temporary uses are, therefore, mutable and the use of fixed or insufficiently differentiated frames of reference within which to study them should be avoided. It then identifies the major challenges of transforming a temporary use into a long-term use. These include the demands of regulatory compliance, financial requirements, levels of expertise and so on. Finally, the potential impacts of policy on temporary uses, both inadvertent and intended, are considered.
The first substantive, critical review of temporary urban uses, Transience and Permanence in Urban Development is essential reading for academics, policy makers, practitioners and students of cities worldwide.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017
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Table of Contents
Cover
Title Page
Copyright
List of Contributors
Notes on Contributors
Preface
References
Acknowledgements
Chapter 1: Introduction: Temporary Uses as Alternative Practices
Vacant land and temporary use
Theorising and conceptualising temporary use
Describing and analysing temporary uses
Critical analysis of temporary use
The coverage of the book
Acknowledgement
References
Chapter 2: Forcing the Empties Back to Work? Ruinphobia and the Bluntness of Law and Policy
Introduction: gazing upon the New Ruins
How ruinphobia unsettles us
Tracing ruinphobia into urban law and policy
Time is always running out for a building and its uses
Is ruinphobia forcing empties back to work, or are law's tools blunt?
References
Chapter 3: Liminal Spaces and Theorising the Permanence of Transience
Introduction
Theorising transient spatialities
Food banks as spaces of the in-between
Temporalities and ‘yet-ness’ in Wester Hailes
Conclusion
References
Chapter 4: Temporary Uses Producing Difference in Contemporary Urbanism
Introduction
The difference that temporary uses may produce
Temporary uses, appropriation and the Right to the City
Towards a socio-spatial theory of temporary uses – margins, fallows, amenities, commons
Difference driven by users
Temporary uses, regeneration and gentrification
Conclusion: non-commodified spaces in a commodifying city
References
Chapter 5: Short-Term Projects, Long-Term Ambitions: Facets of Transience in Two London Development Sites
Introduction
Historical framework
Case study 1: Canning Town Caravanserai: semi-public community and events space with emphasis on up-cycling
Case study 2: Cultivate London Brentford Lock: urban farm and social enterprise project
Analytical framework: key themes
Concluding thoughts
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 6: Navigating the Rapids of Urban Development: Lessons from the Biospheric Foundation, Salford, UK
Introduction
From vision to practice
The Janus faces of urban socio-ecological experimentation
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 7: The Urban Voids of Istanbul
Istanbul: global city of Turkey with no ‘vacancy’
Different types of urban voids in Istanbul
Three case studies
Physical void: from ghostly historic homes to high-value offices
Physical void: squatting as an alternative space
Symbolic void: the Ataturk Cultural Centre
Conclusion
Acknowledgments
References
Chapter 8: Institutionalizing Urban Possibility: Urban Greening and Vacant Land Governance in Three American Cities
State strategies in urban shrinkage
Environmental coalitions in urban shrinkage
Methods
Civic environmental coalitions in weak land markets
Windows of opportunity: political coalitions in Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore
Political will and investment capacity: a counter-cyclical relationship
References
Chapter 9: The Trajectory of Berlin's ‘Interim Spaces’: Tensions and Conflicts in the Mobilisation of ‘Temporary Uses’ of Urban Space in Local Economic Development
‘Temporary uses’ and ‘interim spaces’ in reunified Berlin
The mobilisation of ‘temporary uses’ in local economic development and place marketing policies
The dilemmas and tensions inherent in the mobilisation of temporary uses as a tool of urban revitalisation: trajectories, conflicts and resistance
The contested future of the Tempelhof airfield
Conclusion
References
Chapter 10: Pop-up Justice? Reflecting on Relationships in the Temporary City
Tactics and interventions
Justice in the city
Attending to the particular
Attending to the collective
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
References
Chapter 11: Planning, Property Rights, and the Tragedy of the Anticommons: Temporary Uses in Portland and Detroit
Introduction
The Tragedy of the Anticommons
Anticommons and real estate development
Anticommons, informality, and temporary use
Case studies
Conclusion
References
Chapter 12: Valuation and the Evolution of New Uses and Buildings
Introduction
The acceptance of the new
The comparative approach to property valuation
The institutional context of the application of comparison techniques
The calculative regime of comparative valuation
References
Chapter 13: Public Policy and Urban Transience: Provoking New Urban Development through Contemporary Models of Property Based Finance in England
Introduction: public policy and urban transience
Conceptual framework
Fiscal decentralisation and the urban built environment
Financing urban transience
Discussion and conclusion
References
Chapter 14: Tackling Hardcore Vacancy through Compulsory Sale Orders
Introduction
Hardcore vacancy
An institutional explanation of hardcore vacancy
Compulsory Sale Orders
Balancing property rights and responsibilities
Conclusions
References
Chapter 15: Frameworks for Temporary Use: Experiments of Urban Regeneration in Bremen, Rome and Budapest
The conditions of temporary use
Transferring models
Municipality-initiated temporary use: ZwischenZeitZentrale, Bremen
Formalising activism: temporary use experiments in Rome
Establishing trust: public and private initiatives for temporary use in Budapest
Conclusions
References
Chapter 16: Conclusions: The Tensions and Dilemmas of Transience
Time, transience and temporality
The structural position of transience in the urban system
The transition from temporary to established use
Policy and transience
Conclusions
Acknowledgements
References
Index
End User License Agreement
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Guide
Cover
Table of Contents
Preface
Begin Reading
List of Illustrations
Chapter 4: Temporary Uses Producing Difference in Contemporary Urbanism
Figure 4.1 NDSM Wharf (www.ndsm.nl) is an example of Amsterdam's strategic approach to temporary uses. The enormous 20,000-square-metre hall and open dock ramps have been operated by Kinetisch Noord, an alliance of artists, performers and architects that combined skills of Amsterdam's former squats. Recently, the area has started to also attract large established users, even to the extent that its ‘alternative’ character is endangered.
Figure 4.2 Platoon Kunsthalle, Seoul. Platoon Kunsthalle (www.platoon.org), pictured in Seoul, is a network of temporary cultural spaces designed for artists' residences, exhibitions, workshops and events. The network has provided temporary spaces in Seoul and Berlin, and is opening one in Mexico City.
Figure 4.3 Restaurant Day (www.restaurantday.org), pictured in Helsinki, is the world's biggest food carnival and an example of everyday urbanism contributing to lively public spaces. The idea is that during this particular day, anyone can set up a restaurant for a day without permits. In 16 May 2015, 2497 temporary restaurants opened in altogether 34 countries.
Figure 4.4 Berlin squats. On many occasions, the legacy of the temporary political counterspace has been acknowledged, and the squats have been legalized in Berlin. Working across Germany, Mietshäuser Syndikat (www.syndikat.org) provides a unique organizational model to combine projects' alternative or radical character and their economic sustainability.
Figure 4.5 Trapeze School. Trapeze School New York was initially a migrant temporary use, operating in several locations during the development of Manhattan's Hudson River Park. After becoming a popular feature, it was granted a permanent place in the regenerated waterfront.
Chapter 5: Short-Term Projects, Long-Term Ambitions: Facets of Transience in Two London Development Sites
Figure 5.1 The Canning Town Caravanserai site in context.
Figure 5.2 Aerial view and plan of Caravanserai in July 2013. The Flitched building was still under construction.
Figure 5.3 North entrance to Caravanserai.
Figure 5.4 The makeshift raised beds.
Figure 5.5 The Flying Carpet Theatre.
Figure 5.6 Cultivate London Brentford Lock site in context.
Figure 5.7 Aerial view and plan of Cultivate London Brentford Lock, July 2013.
Figure 5.8 ISIS Waterside Regeneration hoardings.
Figure 5.9 View of the layout of the site with the polytunnels in the background.
Figure 5.10 Apprentices working on site.
Chapter 7: The Urban Voids of Istanbul
Figure 7.1 Cemil Molla Mansion from the sea.
Figure 7.2 The Don Quixote Social Centre in 2014; the entrance door is on the left.
Figure 7.3 The Don Quixote Social Centre after its closure in November 2015.
Figure 7.4 The Ataturk Cultural Centre, from Taksim Square.
Figure 7.5 The Ataturk Cultural Centre, covered with a movie advert.
Chapter 9: The Trajectory of Berlin's ‘Interim Spaces’: Tensions and Conflicts in the Mobilisation of ‘Temporary Uses’ of Urban Space in Local Economic Development
Figure 9.1 Berlin's beach bars.
Figure 9.2 Graffiti against the redevelopment plans for the Mediaspree area in the YAAM beach bar: “Neighbourhood instead of profit search. Spree riverside for all!”
Figure 9.3 (a,b) The struggle for survival of the youth cultural project and bar YAAM.
Figure 9.4 (a,b) The former Tempelhof airfield, now used as a public park (Tempelhofer Freiheit).
Figure 9.5 (a,b) Temporary uses (urban gardening) on Tempelhofer Freiheit.
Chapter 10: Pop-up Justice? Reflecting on Relationships in the Temporary City
Figure 10.1 (a,b) Flowers in traffic cones in Christchurch, New Zealand. On February 22 every year since 2012, flowers are placed in traffic cones to commemorate the Christchurch earthquakes.
Figure 10.2 (a–d) Tweeting potholes in Panama City. The Tweeting Pothole is a campaign by advertising agency P4 Ogilvy and Mather to draw attention to poor road infrastructure in Panama City.
Figure 10.3 Little libraries across the world are linked by the idea of exchanging books; however, they can be implemented by different actors – such as by local government, property developers or the community – which results in different purposes and outcomes. (a) Little Library, Montreal. (b) Little Library, Sydney. (c) Little Library, Melbourne. (d) Little Library, Berkeley. (e) Little Library, Perth.
Figure 10.4 Govanhill Baths, Glasgow. The main pool of Govanhills Baths is now used as a theatre space.
Chapter 12: Valuation and the Evolution of New Uses and Buildings
Figure 12.1 The evolution of a good.
Figure 12.2 Purchases and sales as a percentage of stock (by number), MSCI, 1981–2012.
Chapter 13: Public Policy and Urban Transience: Provoking New Urban Development through Contemporary Models of Property Based Finance in England
Figure 13.1 An international comparison of local fiscal autonomy.
Figure 13.2 The Business Rate Retention Scheme (BRRS) model in England.
Chapter 14: Tackling Hardcore Vacancy through Compulsory Sale Orders
Figure 14.1 Total vacant and derelict land in Scotland, 1996–2014.
Figure 14.2 Length of vacancy and dereliction in Scotland.
Figure 14.3 Percentage of Scotland's population living within 500 m of derelict land by deprivation decile, 2008 and 2014.
Figure 14.4 Extent of disruption caused by ownership constraints.
Chapter 15: Frameworks for Temporary Use: Experiments of Urban Regeneration in Bremen, Rome and Budapest
Figure 15.1 The temporary Kunsthalle in Bremen.
Figure 15.2 The Plantage9 incubator building in Bremen.
Figure 15.3 The Viale Adriatico Market in Rome after a community intervention.
Figure 15.4 Event at the Viadotto dei Presidenti, Rome.
Figure 15.5 Site visit at Budapest's Nyugati Grund.
Figure 15.6 Workshop with municipal officers and NGO representatives in Budapest.
Figure 15.7 Festival of Open Shops in Budapest.
List of Tables
Chapter 14: Tackling Hardcore Vacancy through Compulsory Sale Orders
Table 14.1 Typology of ownership constraints to urban redevelopment
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Transience and Permanence in Urban DevelopmentHenneberry 9781119055655
Transience and Permanence in Urban Development
Edited by
John Henneberry
Professor of Property Development Studies University of Sheffield UK
This edition first published 2017
© 2017 John Wiley & Sons
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
Names: Henneberry, John, editor.
Title: Transience and permanence in urban development / edited by John Henneberry, University of Sheffield, UK.
Description: Hoboken, NJ : John Wiley & Sons, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016054176 (print) | LCCN 2017010055 (ebook) | ISBN 9781119055655 (cloth) | ISBN 9781119055679 (pdf) | ISBN 9781119055686 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Urbanization. | Urban policy. | City planning.
Classification: LCC HT361 .T73 2017 (print) | LCC HT361 (ebook) | DDC 307.76-dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016054176
Cover Design: Wiley
Cover Image: © fotog/ Gettyimages
List of Contributors
David Adams
, Urban Studies, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Glasgow, UK
Catherine Barlow
, School of the Built Environment, University of Salford, UK
Luke Bennett
, Department of the Natural & Built Environment, Sheffield Hallam University, UK
Claire Colomb
, The Bartlett School of Planning, University College London, UK
Neil Crosby
, School of Real Estate and Planning, University of Reading, UK
Katherine Foo
, Department of Geography, The Pennsylvania State University, USA
Matthew F Gebhardt
, Toulan School of Urban Studies & Planning, Portland State University, USA
Paul Greenhalgh
, Department of Architecture and Built Environment, Northumbria University, UK
John Henneberry
, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, University of Sheffield, UK
Krystallia Kamvasinou
, Department of Planning and Transport, University of Westminster, UK
Panu Lehtovuori
, School of Architecture, Tampere University of Technology, Finland
Nicola Livingstone
, Bartlett School of Planning, University College London, UK
Peter Matthews
, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Stirling, UK
Timothy Moore
, Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne, Australia
Kevin Muldoon-Smith
, Department of Architecture and Built Environment, Northumbria University, UK
Daniela Patti
, Eutropian Planning & Research, Austria
Beth Perry
, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Sheffield, UK
Levente Polyák
, Eutropian Planning & Research, Austria
Sampo Ruoppila
, Department of Social Research, University of Turku, Finland
Lee Stickells
, Faculty of Architecture, Design and Planning, University of Sydney, Australia
Basak Tanulku
, Independent Researcher, Turkey
Amelia Thorpe
, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales, Australia
Vincent Walsh
, Lancaster Environment Centre, University of Lancaster, UK
Notes on Contributors
David Adams holds the Ian Mactaggart Chair of Property and Urban Studies at the University of Glasgow, having previously worked at the Universities of Reading, Manchester and Aberdeen. His research interests are in state–market relations in land and property, with particular focus on planning and land policy, real estate developers, speculative housebuilders, brownfield redevelopment and place quality. He has published widely on land, planning and development, most notably as co-author of Greenfields, Brownfields and Housing Development (2002), co-editor of Planning, Public Policy and Property Markets (2005) and Urban Design in the Real Estate Development (2011) and Shaping Places: Urban Planning, Design and Development (2013).
Catherine Barlow is currently a Research Assistant with the UPRISE (Urban Processes, Resilient Infrastructures and Sustainable Environments) Research Centre, School of the Built Environment at the University of Salford. After a long career in social housing, Catherine's doctorate considered innovation in sustainable housing. Her current interests are around how local people define and make sustainable use of city spaces, and the mediation of this use with local governance structures and commercial interests.
Luke Bennett is Reader in Space, Place and Law at Sheffield Hallam University. He practised as an environmental lawyer for 17 years and moved to SHU in 2007. Luke obtained his PhD in 2015 based upon his published research into occupiers' perception of physical risks at derelict sites and engagements by urban explorers with abandoned military bunkers. Luke's research is interested in the ways in which lay and professional practices perceive and make place, and whether this is via legal or other cultural schemas. Luke also is active in promoting and developing new directions for the hybrid field of legal geography.
Claire Colomb is Reader (Associate Professor) in Planning and Urban Sociology at the Bartlett School of Planning, University College London (UK), and holds a first degree in Politics and Sociology (Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris, France) and a PhD in Planning (University College London). Her research interests cover urban and regional governance, planning and urban regeneration in European cities, urban social movements, European spatial planning and territorial cooperation, and comparative planning. She is the author of Staging the New Berlin: Place Marketing and the Politics of Urban Reinvention (Routledge, 2011).
Neil Crosby PhD, MRICS, is Professor of Real Estate in the Department of Real Estate and Planning at the University of Reading. He specialises in commercial property appraisal and the commercial property landlord and tenant relationship. He is an Honorary Fellow of the UK Society of Property Researchers and obtained both the International and European Real Estate Society annual achievement awards for his work in real estate research, education and practice in 2002 and 2014, respectively. In both 2001 and 2008, he was a member of the UK Research Assessment Exercise Town and Country Planning sub-panel and is currently a reader for the Royal Anniversary Trust for Higher Education.
Katherine Foo is a Postdoctoral Scholar in the Department of Geography, the Pennsylvania State University. She is a geographer and landscape planner whose research focuses on urban ecology and environmental governance. She has two particular interests. The first is the ways in which governing institutions, shaped by urban political economy, influence the scales, strategies, and capacities of tree-planting campaigns, which in turn impact patterns of landscape change. The second is the ways in which visualisation mediates recursive relationships between landscape patterns and social interpretations, and can enhance communication with diverse stakeholders at multiple stages of the design process.
Matthew F Gebhardt, AICP, is an Assistant Professor of Urban Studies & Planning and Real Estate Development at Portland State University. He previously worked as a Lecturer in Town & Regional Planning at the University of Sheffield and as a planning consultant. Dr Gebhardt's research concerns the translation of visions, plans, and policies into action, and the structures and institutions that facilitate or constrain this process and produce (un)intended outcomes. His research includes national programmes, such as the US Choice Neighborhoods Initiative and Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD), and informal activities, such as food carts and temporary retail.
Paul Greenhalgh, MRICS, is Associate Professor of Real Estate Economics, Faculty Director of Research Ethics and Founder of the URB@NE Research Group and R3intelligence Consultancy in the Department of Architecture and Built Environment at Northumbria University. He is widely published in the field of urban policy evaluation and the spatial analysis of commercial real estate markets. Paul's recent research investigates the implications of government changes to the Business Rates System in England and the spatial modelling of their potential impact.
John Henneberry is Professor of Property Development in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning, the University of Sheffield. His research focuses on the structure and behaviour of property markets and their relations to wider economies and state regulatory systems. He has particular interests in property development and investment and their contribution to urban and regional development. He has developed a distinctive ‘old’ institutional approach to property research that focuses on the impact of social, cultural and behavioural influences on market actors, structures, processes and outcomes. He is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences.
Krystallia Kamvasinou is a Lecturer in Planning, Urban Design and Architecture at the Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment (FABE) of the University of Westminster, London. In 2012, she was awarded a two-year Research Fellowship by the Leverhulme Trust to investigate ‘Interim spaces and creative use’ (RF-2012-518). Krystallia has co-organised two international, interdisciplinary conferences (Emerging Landscapes, June 2010, and Re-Imagining Rurality, February 2015) and was co-editor for Critical Perspectives on Landscape (a special issue of The Journal of Architecture, 2012) and Emerging Landscapes between Production and Representation (Ashgate, 2014).
Panu Lehtovuori is the Professor of Planning Theory at Tampere University of Technology, School of Architecture. Prior to that, he was the Professor of Urban Studies at the Estonian Academy of Arts in Tallinn. Lehtovuori's research interests focus on temporary uses, contemporary forms of public urban space, new urban design approaches and the resource efficiency of built environment. He is co-author (with Gottdiener and Budd) of Key Concepts in Urban Studies (2nd ed., Sage, 2015). He is a partner of Livady Architects, a Helsinki-based practice working on sustainable architecture, place-based development, heritage evaluation and conservation. Lehtovuori belongs to Spin Unit, an international NGO that develops advanced spatial analysis.
Nicola Livingstone is a Lecturer in Real Estate at the Bartlett School of Planning, University College London. She received her PhD in 2011 from Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, and her research interests are multidisciplinary. These include property market liquidity and performance analysis, real estate investment, and interpreting the social form of the built environment. In addition to the real estate market, Nicola also researches the third sector, interpreting the political economy of charity and food insecurity. She has recently completed commissioned work on food aid for the Scottish Government, and real estate liquidity in international markets for the Investment Property Forum (IPF).
Peter Matthews is a Senior Lecturer in Social Policy, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Stirling. He has research interests in urban inequality, community engagement with policy making, co-production and co-produced research methodologies. Recent research projects have included a review of middle-class community activism; research into social media in deprived neighbourhoods; and research on the experiences of housing and homelessness for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender identifying individuals.
Timothy Moore is a director of Sibling Architecture, and editor of the publication Future West (Australian Urbanism). He has formerly worked as editor of Architecture Australia and as managing editor of Volume alongside working in architecture offices in Melbourne, Amsterdam and Berlin. He is currently a PhD candidate at the Melbourne School of Design at the University of Melbourne researching temporary use projects within long-term urban frameworks.
Kevin Muldoon-Smith is a Lecturer in Real Estate Economics and Property Development and co-founder of R3intelligence Consultancy in the Department of Architecture and Built Environment at Northumbria University. His expertise exists at the interface of real estate development, finance and public policy in which he is widely published in academic and professional circles. His current research and consultancy projects are in two main areas: first, the interaction between government policy, real estate and public finance in the production of the urban environment; and, second, the use of big data to model urban real estate stock characteristics and occupier search behaviour.
Daniela Patti is an Italian-British architect and planner who studied in Rome, London, Porto and Vienna. Specialised in urban regeneration and environmental planning through collaborative processes, her recent research and projects focus on the governance of peri-urban landscape, the revitalisation of local food markets and new economic models for urban development. She has worked within the URBACT programme as Project Manager in the TUTUR (Temporary Use as a Tool for Urban Regeneration) network. In 2014 and 2015, she worked for the Rome Municipality, where she elaborated the strategy for the access to the European Structural Funds to be invested on urban regeneration. She is Managing Director of Eutropian GmbH (Vienna), President of Eutropian Association (Rome) and Board Member of the Wonderland Platform for European Architecture (Vienna). More information: eutropian.org.
Beth Perry joined the University of Sheffield in September 2016, following her appointment as a Professorial Fellow in the Faculty of Social Sciences. Beth's research focuses on critically interrogating and developing pathways to more just sustainable urban futures. She focuses on urban governance, transformation and the roles of universities, with an emphasis on socio-environmental and socio-cultural transitions. She is leading a +£2 million research programme on co-producing urban transformations funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, Mistra Urban Futures and the University of Sheffield.
Levente Polyák is an urban planner, researcher and policy adviser. He studied architecture, urbanism and sociology in Budapest and Paris. He worked on urban regeneration projects for the New York, Paris, Rome, Vienna, Budapest and Pécs municipalities. He specialises in urban regeneration, cultural development, community participation, local economic development and social innovation, with a particular focus on building development scenarios on existing resources. In the past, he has researched new organisational and economic models of community-led urban development projects, including the temporary use of vacant properties and community-run social services. He is Managing Director of Eutropian GmbH (Vienna), Vice President of Eutropian Association (Rome) and Board Member of the KÉK – Hungarian Contemporary Architecture Centre (Budapest). More information: eutropian.org.
Sampo Ruoppila is Research Director of Urban Studies at the University of Turku, Finland. He is also the Director of Turku Urban Research Programme, a joint initiative between the City of Turku and universities to support academic urban research and promote research-based policy advice for urban governance. Dr Ruoppila is a specialist of urban policy and planning issues. He has recently been involved in research on mainstream and alternative approaches to culture-led urban regeneration, on mobile participation in urban planning and on housing aspirations.
Lee Stickells is Associate Professor in Architecture at the University of Sydney. His research is characterised by an interest in the potential for architecture to shape other ways of living, particularly its projection as a means to reconsider the terms of social life – of how we live together. It is focused on developing histories that connect experimental architectural and design strategies with environmental, political, technological and social transformations. His essays have appeared in journals such as ARQ: Architectural Research Quarterly and Fabrications. Lee is currently an Editorial Committee Member of the journal Architectural Theory Review and a SAHANZ (Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand) Editorial Board Member.
Basak Tanulku is an independent researcher based in Istanbul, Turkey. Tanulku has a PhD degree in Sociology from Lancaster University, UK, for the research ‘An Exploration of Two Gated Communities in Istanbul, Turkey’. Tanulku works on socio-spatial fragmentation, gated communities, space and identity, urban vacant lands and buildings, urban social movements and protests, urban transformation and urban commons. Tanulku is also interested in the human–animal interaction, the protection of cultural heritage and gender issues. Tanulku wrote for various blogs and published articles in peer-reviewed journals, such as Geoforum, Housing Studies and Journal of Cultural Geography.
Amelia Thorpe is a Senior Lecturer and Director of Environmental Law Programs at the University of New South Wales. Her research is at the intersection of law, urban planning and geography, drawing on degrees in Architecture and City Policy as well as professional experience in planning, transport and housing departments in Western Australia. Prior to joining UNSW in 2012, Amelia was a director at the Environmental Defenders Office, Australia's largest and oldest public interest environmental law organisation. Amelia studied law at the University of Oxford and at Harvard Law School, and is a member of the New York Bar.
Vincent Walsh is an award-winning urban food practitioner with 15 years' experience of developing innovative community food projects across temperate and tropical climates, delivering food projects across the arts and sciences. Fundamental to his achievements, both inside and outside of the university, is an extensive international research network. Vincent's investigative focus uses resilience methodologies to create integrated alternative food production and urban distribution systems, forming new techniques with novel interconnectivity for decentralised urban agriculture.
Preface
The aspect of the city that is apparently most fixed, its built environment, is the product of constant demographic, social, political, economic and technological change. Urban physical development shapes and is shaped by evolving urban functions. However, the scale and speed of the adjustments between form and function are far from constant. Major technological advances – for example, in transport, manufacture, electricity or computing – may prompt surges in building investment that produce new types of buildings in new locations. Thus, cities display areas with building stocks of distinct vintage that are the outcomes of these ‘long swings’ in urban development. Georgian residential squares, Victorian factory districts, ‘Metroland’ railway suburbs, interwar ribbon development and more recent commercial office cores in central business districts (CBDs) are readily recognised in the UK. Barras (2009) identifies a family of building cycles within these ‘long swings’ – minor cycles of 3–5 years' duration, major cycles of 7–11 years and long cycles of 15–25 years – that exhibit progressively more volatile fluctuations. The property booms and slumps of the late 1980s and late 2000s mark the violent ends of the last two long cycles.
The characteristics of urban development cycles – their timing, causes, duration and effects – vary with circumstances. Different societies, polities and economies experience the same phenomenon in different ways. Comparing the US and the UK from the nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, inward investment and immigration were more important drivers of building cycles in the former than the latter, where trade cycles were crucial (Whitehand, 1987). And that experience becomes more particular at more detailed levels of study. In Lancashire (UK) in the 1880s, Oldham enjoyed a house-building boom while nearby Rochdale did not because the former was quicker in the uptake of new yarn technology for its textile industry (Whitehand, 1987). Ultimately, a universal process – that of replacing an obsolete structure with a new one that will meet changing functional requirements – becomes unique. Quite apart from variations in the institutional structure of the land and property market, development at site level is conditioned by physical morphology, geology, surrounding buildings and land uses, infrastructure provision, land ownership patterns and a host of other specific factors that will affect redevelopment.
To complicate matters further, the different elements that constitute the urban built environment change at different speeds that relate to their unit size and the scale of capital investment required to establish or to change them. Large structures like streets or sewerage systems change rarely, buildings are more mutable (but still long term) and parts of buildings (like house extensions, conservatories or shop fronts) change more frequently. The impact of such changes on the urban built environment is the reverse. Historical and cultural legacies have a continuing effect on the form of urban redevelopment. One example is the persistence of plot boundaries and road lines in the UK from medieval times. In contrast, changes to individual buildings are less noticeable. However, where users or owners act in concert in a given locale – especially where that neighbourhood is of a uniform character – the effect may be more marked. This stresses the importance of the interdependence of decisions, with change on one site changing the environments of neighbouring sites and acting as a catalyst for wider changes.
This complex mix of changes in and influences on the process of urban development caused Whitehand (1994, p. 5) to characterise the physical form of cities as ‘highly composite’. He identified two basic types of urban development. The first is additive, often annular, growth from an old core to an increasingly new, expanding periphery. The second, increasingly important where outward growth is checked, is redevelopment of existing structures. The latter often occurs in places of conflict and tension at the boundaries between different types of homogeneous use (or ‘ensembles’ of built form). When combined with cities' particular historic, cultural and morphological contexts, these produce highly variegated and distinctive urban built environments.
This is the context within which the idea for this book developed. My research focuses on property development and investment and its role in the process of urban and regional development. This involves both micro and macro analysis. The former examines how individual development and investment decisions are made and how they are shaped by wider economic, political, social and other factors. The latter considers how these decisions, in aggregate, influence the form and behaviour of the property markets, economies and societies within which they are set. I take a historically informed, locally situated view of this subject area. Until recently, I had little cause to consider temporary uses of vacant land and buildings. My focus was on development or redevelopment, with vacancy, under-use and dereliction – however brief or extended – as its necessary precursor. My involvement in an applied research project, SEEDS (Stimulating Enterprising Environments for Development and Sustainability, 2012–2015, funded by ERDF INTERREG IVB Programme, North Sea Region), changed this.
The project examined a fascinating set of temporary use initiatives in Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK. My colleagues and I were asked to provide a conceptual framework for the project (Mell et al., 2013). This proved challenging. Three important issues became evident during its preparation (in 2012). First, there was a reasonable practice-based, applied literature on vacancy and temporary uses that helped us to define the subject and to illustrate it with empirical examples. Second, there was virtually no rigorous, theoretically informed, critical appraisal of the role of temporary uses in the wider process of the re/production of the urban built environment. In particular, consideration of the ways that temporary uses might influence subsequent, longer term developments was very limited. Third, the analyses that were available had mainly been produced by urban geographers and urban sociologists. Useful as this work was, it presented a partial picture of temporary urban land uses.
These circumstances were the stimulus for the book. The objective was to contribute to the development of a more balanced critical debate about the roles of transience and of temporary uses in evolving urban systems. I hope that it has served its purpose.
John Henneberry Sheffield October 2016
References
Barras, R. (2009)
Building Cycles: Growth and Instability
, Wiley-Blackwell, Chichester.
Mell, I., Keskin, B., Inch, A., Tait, M. & Henneberry, J. (2013)
Conceptual Framework for Assessing Policy Relating to Vacant and Derelict Urban Sites
, Initial Report, Work Package 3, Interreg IVB Programme, NSR (North Sea Region) project Stimulating Enterprising Environments for Development and Sustainability (SEEDS), January, 45 pp.
Whitehand, J. (1987)
The Changing Face of Cities: A Study of Development Cycles and Urban Form
, Blackwell, Oxford.
Whitehand, J. (1994) Development Cycles and Urban Landscapes,
Geography
,
79
(1), 3–17.
Acknowledgements
This book could not have been produced without the help and support of a great many people and organisations.
I and the contributors would like to thank all those who gave up their time to discuss urban transience and temporary uses with us and to share their insights and expertise about the subject. They include interviewees drawn from local resident and business communities, policy makers and others in local, regional and national government, those in professional practice and, of course, those involved directly in temporary use initiatives. We are also grateful to those who gave us permission to use their images of temporary uses.
The idea for this book grew while I was involved in an applied research project on Stimulating Enterprising Environments for Development and Sustainability (SEEDS). Its aim was to promote the re-use of vacant sites by working trans-nationally to implement innovative spatial planning policy instruments. The work was funded by the European Regional Development Fund as part of its INTERREG IVB programme for the North Sea Region. The project ran from 2012 to 2015 and involved the South Yorkshire Forest Partnership (Lead Partner); the Lawaetz Foundation, Hamburg (D); Goteborg Stad (S); Vlaamse Landmaatschappij (B); Regio Assen Groningen (NL); Deltares, Utrecht (NL); the University of Copenhagen (Den) as well as the University of Sheffield (see www.seeds-project.com). This international, interdisciplinary mix of policy- and practice-based partners and academic institutions provided a stimulating environment within which to examine temporary uses.
Particular thanks are due to Dr Simon Parris who was the Project Manager for the University of Sheffield's contribution to SEEDS. It was his idea to arrange a workshop to promote critical debate about temporary uses among interested academics, thereby extending the project's longer term impact. Unfortunately, Simon left academe for another job just before the workshop was held (in January 2015). I am also most grateful for the financial support for the workshop provided by SEEDS and the Urban Institute, University of Sheffield, and for the workshop participants' contributions to the debate over urban transience and temporary uses (see http://www.sheffield.ac.uk/usp/research/tpudworkshop). Many of them agreed to work further with me to produce this book.
Finally, I must thank the contributors to this book. We started in August 2015 with a book proposal containing 14 contributors' chapters and we finished with 14 chapters. This is good going for an edited collection. I am very grateful for the contributors' commitment and support, for their positive responses to my comments on their chapters and for their helpful suggestions on my introductory and concluding chapters. It has been a pleasure working with them.
John Henneberry Sheffield October 2016
Chapter 1Introduction: Temporary Uses as Alternative Practices
John Henneberry
Department of Urban Studies and Planning, University of Sheffield, UK
Vacant land and temporary use
The longer the time frame within which buildings are viewed, the more impermanent they seem: less as solid forms and more as transient manifestations of human activity.
(Barras, 2009, p. 2)
Cities are subject to continuous change and restructuring. There arises, inter alia, a fundamental tension between the rigidity of the urban built environment and the relative fluidity of the socio-economic processes that produce and are accommodated by it. The relations between the former and the latter affect urban development. Land and buildings must be adapted to meet new requirements. Such adjustment is achieved through various combinations of change of use, renovation, alteration, demolition, new construction and so on. However, physical, social, economic, political, institutional and cultural factors frequently cause a hiatus between the decline and obsolescence of land uses and buildings, on the one hand, and their redevelopment and/or reuse on the other. Thus, vacancy and dereliction are common stages in the urban development cycle. But the problem faced by many cities is that they have experienced a dramatic growth in vacant and derelict land and buildings. Two opposing trends have been identified as the cause of this.
Bishop and Williams (2012) argue that European cities have gradually become more formalised and ‘permanent’. In medieval settlements, essential infrastructures, such as street systems and substantial administrative and religious buildings, were surrounded by much smaller, less significant, less enduring buildings and spaces. Increasing levels of legislation (some with a long history but most introduced in the twentieth century) covering building construction, fire prevention, public health, building conservation and land use planning have ‘solidified’ the urban built environment. Planning, for example, is pre-disposed to the status quo. Its starting point is the existing pattern of land uses and buildings. It reinforces established interests (Whitehand, 1987). Consequently, important elements of building layout and design – individually and in relation to other buildings – and of urban areas are ‘fixed’. This makes it more difficult for cities to change.
At the same time, the activities that constitute cities have become more volatile and provisional. A huge rise in vacant urban land and buildings has resulted from technological advance, economic re-structuring and demographic change such as migration (Hollander et al., 2009; Bishop and Williams, 2012; Burkholder, 2012; Oswalt et al., 2013). This has been exacerbated by a re-organisation of the way that people live and work and the more intensive use of space by business and commerce (Lehtovuori and Ruoppila, 2012). Consequently, the amount of space that is used and the way that it is used have changed rapidly and significantly. Space use is more temporary, flexible and episodic (Oswalt et al., 2013). The uses of space are less defined and stable, and more mixed, overlapping and changeable. In addition, economic, social, political and environmental uncertainty has been increased by the global financial crisis and its aftermath. Municipalities have experienced massive budget cuts, reducing their capacity to act (Bishop and Williams, 2012; Beekmans and de Boer, 2014).
Urban policy makers have long considered vacant land and buildings to be secondary (Lehtovuori and Ruoppila, 2012), problematic (Till and McArdle, 2015), irrelevant, marginal and of no economic use; unwanted wastelands, burdens representing the ghosts of the past (Colomb, 2012; Moore-Cherry, 2015). The rhetoric of re-urbanisation and densification, with its focus on longer-term futures (Tonkiss, 2013), stressed the need for such voids to be filled (Colomb, 2012). The temporary use of such spaces was “generally considered to signify a time of crisis or a failure to develop” (Bishop and Williams, 2012, p. 19). It was seen as “taboo … ‘uncontrolled growth’ which at best had to be kept at bay” (Oswalt et al., 2013, p. 7), or as disruptive, in contrast to the model of a regulated, well-functioning, clearly defined city (Ziehl et al., 2012). In short, “The opinion was that informal use would only interfere with urban development” (Oswalt et al., 2013, p. 7).
In the face of these attitudes, practitioners of temporary urbanism1 have pointed out the many advantages of temporary or interim uses. Engagement in temporary uses offers a new route to community participation for a wider range of people (Graham, 2012), giving citizens the chance to become more active in shaping their neighbourhoods (Blumner, 2006). It contrasts with formal public participation in planning that is often limiting and frustrating. It permits DIY urbanism (Oswalt et al., 2013). Ziehl et al. (2012) argue that second-hand spaces allow experimentation at low cost. New users can improvise individual aesthetics by drawing on the spaces' history, atmosphere and remaining physical resources. They can test new ideas, support social interaction and allow cheap start-ups, showcasing creative talent (Blumner, 2006), encouraging entrepreneurship (Graham, 2012) and contributing to economic development (Colomb, 2012). For owners, temporary uses may reduce the costs of vacancy and improve the physical condition of buildings (Graham, 2012; Ziehl et al., 2012) and their security (Blumner, 2006), avoiding decay and vandalism (Colomb, 2012). This will promote stability and uphold the value of adjacent property (Hollander et al., 2009). Finally, the greening involved in some temporary uses may contribute to social objectives and environmental sustainability through the provision of new public open spaces at little cost (Blumner, 2006; Colomb, 2012).
The dramatic increase in the scale and variety of temporary uses, together with their apparent benefits, has led to major claims being made for their role in urban development. The growth of temporary uses is “proof of a paradigm shift in how city-making happens, leading to changes in how cities are conceived, designed, and built” (Beekmans and de Boer, 2014, p. 7). Temporary uses may be “a manifestation of the emergence of a more dynamic, flexible or adaptive urbanism, where the city is becoming more responsive to new needs, demands and preferences of its users” (Bishop and Williams, 2012, pp. 3–4). This “new approach [to temporary use] has the potential to fundamentally alter the way we think about our role as architects, designers, city administrators or investors” (Christiaanse, 2013, p. 6, square brackets added). These claims need to be analysed and assessed rigorously to increase our understanding of urban change and to inform the development of temporary use policy and practice. For this, the help of theories and concepts is required.
Theorising and conceptualising temporary use
Land and building vacancy and temporary use are elements of the process of urban development and change. However, mainstream urban economic theory has little to say about vacant or derelict land or buildings, or about the evolution of new uses and the new types of buildings that accommodate them. Rather, the focus is on obsolescence and redevelopment. One of the earliest applied treatments was that of Needleman (1969). He argued that, in purely economic terms, housing rehabilitation is a better approach than housing redevelopment
if the cost of rehabilitation, plus the present value of the cost of rebuilding in λ years' time, plus the present value of the difference in annual running costs and rents for λ years, is less than the present cost of rebuilding.
(Needleman, 1969, p. 198)
Subsequently, this approach has been generalised to cover different uses but is based on the same principles. Thus, “redevelopment will occur when the price of land for new development exceeds the price of land in its current use by the cost of demolition” (Munneke and Womack, 2014, p. 5).
The existing building is superseded by another building or use as obsolescence (economic, physical, technological and so on) reduces the value of the previous use relative to that of the potential new use. It may be inferred that the necessary additional value may be created through new development that embodies: (i) a simple increase in density (replacing a two-storey building with a four-storey building in the same use and of the same general design); (ii) the provision of a building of greater functional efficiency (that allows more of the same activity to occur in a new building of the same size); (iii) a change to a more valuable use (for example, replacing industrial with office use within existing building conventions); (iv) the introduction of a novel, higher value use in an extant or new type of building or (v) some combination of these factors. Such (re-)development is dependent upon the existence of the necessary demand for the new buildings and uses. Nothing is said about the costs of vacancy or the values of temporary uses, other than what might be incorporated in standard assessments of their impact on the owner's holding costs or the financial viability of the new development. The theory is also silent about the role of temporary uses in the evolution of novel new uses.
The literature on property development is little better. None of the models of the development process, whatever their perspective or degree of sophistication (sequential/descriptive, behavioural/decision making, production-based/macro-economic and structures of provision), consider vacancy. All focus on how a new, long-term development or redevelopment project occurs (Gore and Nicholson, 1991). Vacancy is treated simply as a precursor of development, not as an influence upon it (Healey, 1991). The exception is Gore and Nicholson's (1985) variant of the ‘development pipeline’ model. This conceptualises development as a cyclical process where long-term trends result in a stock of vacant, redundant land and buildings that may be subject to short-term uses that are “partial, residual, temporary” (Gore and Nicholson, 1985, p. 182, fig. 1) prior to redevelopment when this is feasible. But nothing more is said about temporary uses or their role in the development cycle.
A conceptual framework within which to consider temporary uses is Healey's (1992) institutional model of the development process, suitably adapted for this purpose. She defines the development process as
the transformation of the physical form, bundle of rights, and material and symbolic value of land and buildings from one state to another, through the effort of agents with interests and purposes in acquiring and using resources, operating rules and applying and developing ideas and values.
(Healey, 1992, p. 36)
If one allows that development may consist of one or some but not necessarily all aspects of ‘transformation’, then temporary use clearly falls within the definition. The model is sufficiently broad to accommodate the variety and complexity of development actors and their relationships, of the elements and stages of the development process, and of the different natures, conditions and contexts of development projects. This breadth is an essential feature, given the highly variegated forms of individual developments and of the wider political economies within which they are pursued.
The conceptual framework focuses on four levels of concern. The first is the development project and covers the events in the production process, the actors involved and the outcomes produced. The second relates to the social networks involved in the process, including the actors' roles in the production and consumption/use of the development and the power relations between them. The third considers the actors' motivations: their strategies and interests; the resources, rules and ideas they draw upon; and how these govern the way different roles are played and relationships are developed. The fourth focuses on the societal circumstances of the development: the nature of the ‘local’ modes of production and regulation, the nature of ideology and of the relations between them, and the way that the development process reproduces, reinforces or transforms these social relations.
Healey's model has been applied predominantly to mainstream, long-term developments (for example, she used it to analyse a major urban regeneration project on Tyneside). Consequently, attention needs to be paid to the following issues related to its use as a conceptual framework. The treatment of time should be made explicit (rather than implicit to a process whose events take place over time). Less stress should be put on the production of outcomes because they imply a defined end product (the end of temporary uses is often far from clear). Consideration must be given to the relation of one development (a temporary use) to another, subsequent, development (another temporary use or a long-term use). This, in turn, raises questions about the nature of and the relations between transience and permanence. While the framework covers the transformation of social relations, the potential for alternative groupings within societies to use temporary development to challenge dominant forms of social relations needs more emphasis. Finally, the framework is just that. It allows research to be related to different aspects of temporary uses. However, more detailed work on particular aspects of such uses may adopt various theoretical perspectives, as necessary and appropriate. Without this, work on temporary uses will extend little beyond structured description.
Describing and analysing temporary uses
There is a recent, large and mainly practice-related literature on temporary uses. Most reports and publications take the form of surveys of temporary users and uses and associated actors, practices and policies. Many consider the barriers to the development of temporary uses and how these might be avoided, reduced or removed. Thus, we know that, apart from the temporary users themselves, the main actors are central and local government, property owners, private sector agents (normally professionals and intermediaries) and the local resident and business communities (see, for example, Blumner, 2006; Dakin and Lang, 2012). A wide range of users is engaged in a wide range of uses for equally varied objectives. These include: local community or voluntary groups and social enterprises trying to strengthen the local community or economy; artists seeking cheap studio space close to artistic communities; entrepreneurs looking for space for a start-up and proximity to other new, small businesses; and individuals wishing to pursue alternative lifestyles or to make personal or political statements (Blumner, 2006; Segal Quince Wickstead, 2010; De Smet, 2013).
There are many obstacles to successful temporary uses (see, for example, CABE, 2008; English Heritage, 2011; Perkovic, 2013). Landowners may be averse to temporary uses because of the potential legal and social difficulties of removing them to make way for long-term development. Overly rigid and demanding regulations – relating, for example, to planning, building construction and public health and safety – that were designed for long-term uses may severely restrict short-term uses. Potential users' lack of knowledge and finance often inhibits the establishment and development of temporary uses. The studies that identify these obstacles often make recommendations for improvements in related practice and policy
