Voce del Popolo E-Book

Benito Mussolini

• Herausgeber: Antelope Hill Publishing LLC
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2023

Beschreibung

Benito Mussolini (July 29th, 1883-April 28th, 1945), Il Duce of Italian Fascism and the Prime Minister of Italy from 1922 to 1943, is a man of undeniable historical impact. This arrangement of his early political speeches begins in November 1914, after Mussolini is expelled from the Italian Socialist Party for advocating Italian intervention in the First World War. The speeches continue throughout the Great War, as Mussolini joins the fighting ranks of his countrymen, and advance through his political development, the creation of Italian Fascism, and the founding and rise to power of the National Fascist Party, which ruled Italy from 1922 to 1943. 

Originally published in 1923, Mussolini as Revealed in His Political Speeches was selected, translated, and edited by Baron Bernardo Quaranta di San Severino, who also introduces the collection and each speech with a brief overview of context. The speeches are arranged mostly chronologically, with Severino dividing his speeches into categories with overlapping timelines in the post-war period. This presentation represents the different aspects and focuses of Mussolini's speeches more clearly, whether regarding labor, the people, or policy. 

Antelope Hill Publishing is proud to preserve these early speeches of Benito Mussolini in a newly edited physical edition: Voce del Popolo, the voice of the people. In Il Duce's own words, "There is not a post-war phenomenon of greater interest and originality in Europe or the world than Italian Fascism."

 

Leseprobe

Voce del Popolo:

Mussolini as Revealed in His Political Speeches

(November 1914–August 1923)

VOCEDEL

POPOLO

Mussolini as Revealed in His Political Speeches

(NOVEMBER 1914–AUGUST 1923)

A N T E L O P EH I L LP U B L I S H I N G

The content of this work is in the public domain.

Antelope Hill first edition, first printing 2023.

Originally published as:

Mussolini: As Revealed in His Political Speeches

(November 1914–August 1923)

London and Toronto, J. M. Dent & Sons LTD

and New York, E. P. Dutton & Co., 1923.

Originally selected, translated, and edited by

Baron Bernardo Quaranta di San Severino.

Editing, with footnotes, and layout by Margaret Bauer.

Cover art by Swifty.

Antelope Hill Publishing | antelopehillpublishing.com

Paperback ISBN-13: 978-1-956887-99-0

EPUB ISBN-13: 979-8-89252-000-3

Dedicated to

The President of the Italian Senate, Tommaso Tittoni

By the Translator, Barone Bernardo Quaranta Di San Severino

Benito Mussolini pictured in the 1920s

Contents

Letter From Tommaso Tittoni

Introduction: A Note on Italian Fascism

Manifesto Issued by Mussolini After He and His Party Succeededto the Government

Part I: Mussolini the Socialist

Do Not Think That by Taking Away My Membership Card You Will Take Away My Faith in the Cause

November 25th, 1914, Milan

Part II: Mussolini the Man of the War

For the Liberty of Humanity and the Future of Italy

December 13th, 1914, Scuole Mazza, Parma

Either War or the End of Italy’s Name as a Great Power

January 25th, 1915, Milan

To the Complete Vanquishing of the Huns

December 1st, 1917, Sesto San Giovanni

No Turning Back!

February 24th, 1918, Augusteo, Rome

The Fatal Victory

May 24th, 1918, Teatro Comunale, Bologna

In Honor of the American People

April 8th, 1918, Milan

The League of Nations

October 20th, 1918, Milan

In Celebration of Victory

November 11th, 1918, Milan

Part III: Mussolini the Fascist Friend of the People

Workmen’s Rights After the War

March 20th, 1919, Dalmine

Sacrifice, Work, and Production

February 5th, 1920, Milan

We Are Not Against Labor, But Against the Socialist Party, In asFar as It Remains Anti-Italian

May 24th, 1920, Milan

Fascism’s Interests for the Working Classes

April 4th, 1921, Prato della Marfisia, Ferrara

My Father Was a Blacksmith and I Have Worked with Him; HeBent Iron, But I Have the Harder Task of Bending Souls

December 6th, 1922, Milan

Labor to Take the First Place in New Italy

January 6th, 1923, Rome

Part IV: Mussolini the Fascist

The Three Declarations at the First Fascist Meeting

March 23rd, 1919, Milan

Outline of the Aims and Program of Fascism

July 22nd, 1919, Liceo Beccaria, Milan

Fascism and the Rights of Victory

October 9th, 1919, Florence

The Tasks of Fascism

September 20th, 1920, Politeama Rossetti, Trieste

Fascism and the Problems of Foreign Policy

February 6th, 1921, Politeama Rossetti, Trieste

How Fascism Was Created: Its Evolution and Essence

April 3rd, 1921, Teatro Comunale, Bologna

The Italy We Want Within, and Her Foreign Relations

September 20th, 1922, Udine

The Piave and Vittorio Veneto Mark the Beginning of New Italy

September 25th, 1922, Cremona

The Fascist Dawning of New Italy

October 6th, 1922, “Sciesa,” Milan

The Moment Has Arrived When the Arrow Must Leave the Bowor the Cord Will Break!

October 24th, 1922, Naples

Part V: Mussolini the Fascist Member of Parliament

Fascism and the New Provinces

June 21st, 1921, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

The Question of Montenegro’s Independence

D’Annunzio and Fiume

Italy, Zionism, and the English Mandate in Palestine

The Attitude of Fascism Toward Communism and Socialism

The Attitude of Fascism Toward the Popular Party, The Vatican,and Social Democracy

Part VI: Mussolini the Fascist Prime Minister

Mussolini the Fascist Prime Minister

A New Cromwell in the Parliament

November 16th, 1922, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

The Foreign Policy of the Fascist Government

November 16th, 1922, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

The Policy of Fascism for Italy: Economy, Work, and Discipline

November 16th, 1922, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

Conscientious General Diagnosis of the Conditions of theCountry and Its Foreign Policy

November 27th, 1922, Senate, Rome

I Remain the Head of Fascism, Although the Head of the Italian Government

December 12th, 1922, London

Our Task in History Is to Make a United State of the ItalianNation

January 2nd, 1923, Chigi Palace, Rome

The Advance in the Ruhr District

January 15th, 1923, Cabinet, Rome

The Government of Speed

January 19th, 1923, Motor Transport Company Headquarters, Rome

The March of Events on the Ruhr: The Position of Italy

January 23rd, 1923, Cabinet, Rome

The Ruhr, the Conference of Lausanne, and the Port of Memel

February 1st, 1923, Cabinet, Rome

Ratification of the Washington Treaty of Naval Disarmament

February 6th, 1923, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

Message to the Italians in America Upon the Occasion of theSigning of the Convention for the Laying of Cables BetweenItaly and the American Continent

February 6th, 1923, Rome

For the Carrying Out of the Treaty of Rapallo

February 8th, 1923, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

The Agreements of Santa Margherita, Italy, and Yugoslavia

February 10th, 1923, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

Questions of Foreign Policy Before the Senate: The Ruhr, Fiume, Zara, and Dalmatia

February 16th, 1923, Senate, Rome

A Review of European Politics in Their Relation with Italy

March 2nd, 1923, Cabinet, Rome

The Italo-Yugoslav Conference for the Commercial Treaty

March 6th, 1923, Chigi Palace, Rome

History Tells Us That Strict Finance Has Brought Nations toSecurity

March 7th, 1923, Ministry of Finance, Rome

It Is Not the Economic System of Europe Alone That We Have to Restore to Its Full Efficiency

March 18th, 1923, Palazzo delle Esposizioni, Rome

Only Those Who Profited by the War Grumbled and StillGrumble, Cursed and Still Curse at the War

March 29th, 1923, Villa Mirabello, Milan

Patriotism Is Not Formed by Mere Words

March 30th, 1923, Arosio, near Milan

Questions of Foreign Policy Before the Cabinet

April 7th, 1923, Cabinet, Rome

Mine Is Not a Government That Deceives the People

June 2nd, 1923, Palazzo Municipale, Rovigo

In Times Past as in Times Present, Woman Had Always a Preponderant Influence in Shaping the Destinies of Humanity

June 2nd, 1923, Padua

So Long as These Students and These Universities Exist, theNation Cannot Perish and Become a Slave, Because Universities Smash Fetters Without Allowing the Forging of New Ones

June 3rd, 1923, University of Padua

Italy’s Foreign Policy Regarding German Reparations, Hungary, Bulgaria, Austria, Yugoslavia, Turkey, Russia, Poland, andOther Countries

June 8th, 1923, Senate, Rome

The Internal Policy

June 8th, 1923, Senate, Rome

As Sardinia Has Been Great in War, So Likewise Will She BeGreat in Peace

June 10th, 1923, Palazzo della Prefettura, Sassari, Sardinia

Men Pass Away, Maybe Governments Too, but Italy Lives andWill Never Die

June 12th, 1923, Palazzo della Prefettura, Cagliari, Sardinia

Fascism Will Bring a Complete Regeneration to Your Land

June 13th, 1923, Palazzo Municipale, Iglesias, Sardinia

As We Have Regained the Mastery of the Air, We Do Not Want the Sea to Imprison Us

June 19th, 1923, balcony of the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence

I Promise You—and God Is My Witness—That I Shall ContinueNow and Always to Be a Humble Servant of Our Adored Italy

June 19th, 1923, historical Salone dei Cinquecento, Florence

The Victory of the Piave Was the Deciding Factor of the War

June 25th, 1923, Palazzo Venezia, Rome

The Relations Between Italy and the United States

Speech by the American Ambassador to Rome

The Italian Prime Minister’s Reply

The Greatness of the Country Will Be Achieved by the New Generations

July 2nd, 1923, Palazzo Venezia, Rome

The Situation on the Ruhr and Other Questions of Foreign Policy

July 3rd, 1923, Council of Ministers, Rome

The Electoral Reform Bill

July 16th, 1923, Chamber of Deputies, Rome

The Massacre of the Italian Delegation for the Delimitation of the Greco-Albanian Frontier

August 29th, 1923, Chigi Palace, Rome

Letter From Tommaso Tittoni

Rome

April 24th, 1923

My Dear Baron,

I gladly accept the dedication of your English edition of the speeches of Benito Mussolini.

I have always held in great esteem the sobriety of the world that does not sound alone, but, by creating, strikes home and leaves a deep mark in the mind of the listener. And such are the clear, incisive, impetuous words—disdainful of any showy rhetoric—of Benito Mussolini, the man in whom are united faith, energy and willpower, the qualities necessary to begin and carry out the reconstruction of Italy by restoring the public finance and the authority and prestige of the State. When listening to the words of Benito Mussolini, that which Dante says of the stream of Purgatorio is recalled to mind: “Tutte l’acque che son di qua più monde / parrieno avere in sé mistura alcuna / verso di quella, che nulla nasconde.”1

With all good wishes for the success of your work, I remain—

Yours Sincerely,

Tommaso Tittoni

Introduction: A Note on Italian Fascism

In an interesting article published last year in our press, Ettore Ciccotti shows that Italian Fascism does not represent an absolutely new political event, but is part of the general historic development of nations. In the first years of its appearance, it was compared to the krypteia of Sparta, to the eterie of Athens, and to similar phenomena, which are repeated as a manifestation of self-defense of strong and active groups or classes, uniting and forming centers of resistance; exercising thus, by their extended action, general functions of State in a period in which its protection is weak or inefficient, and shows signs of disintegration or degeneration. Other examples of this phenomenon can be found in the history of the Church and in the Italian Communes, in England, Germany, in the Clubs of the French Revolution, and in the rest of Europe. When in a nation that shows such signs that this form of vitality does not exist, we witness the general collapse of that nation, as in Russia at this moment, where only the radical uprooting of Bolshevism might lead to the general resurrection of the country.

The after-war period in Italy, as elsewhere, had caused complete apathy, slackness and disorder in Parliamentary State functions, characterized by many elaborate programs, but few facts. The Italian working classes, moreover, had been hypnotized by the nefarious gospel of Lenin, which had powerfully contributed to bring about the grave state of affairs in Italy in 1920, when the Communist peril had reached its acute stage. The continued strikes in all industries had caused prices to rise at a tremendous pace; the production of commodities had been reduced to a minimum; the enormous deficit in the railway and postal departments, the debt, and the general budget of the State were alarming, while foreign exchanges had reached fantastic figures. The arrogance of the Communist elements had become unbearable, and officers at times were obliged to dress in plain clothes in order not to be attacked by Bolshevists, while soldiers, Carabineers, and Guardie Regie were frequently insulted and in some instances even killed by Communists.

But the gallant fighters of the Trentino, of the Carso, and of the Grappa, the volunteers who had saved Italy and arrested the advance of the enemy on the Piave could not reconcile themselves to this state of affairs,2 to the idea of watching with folded arms the complete loss of the fruits of victory for which half a million men had left their lives on the battlefields. These brave youths, with an indomitable courage, ready to face all, full of the purest ideals and passionate love for our country, representing a new force and a new Italy, had already in April 1919 grouped themselves together in a fascio (bundle), as the Fascio Nazionale dei Combattenti (National Fasces of Combatants), under the leadership of Benito Mussolini, who was the inspirer and organizer of the movement and had himself been their comrade at the front.

They became stronger every day and dealt the initial blow to Communism in 1921, when the first encounter took place between Fascists and Communists at Bologna, which marks the waning of Bolshevism and the rise of Fascism.

But it was not an easy matter for the new movement to make its way, as in its laborious progress it met with endless difficulties, and above all had to fight the apathy of the people and the general skepticism regarding it. Fascism had to deal with peculiar mentalities, to fight various organizations, including the State, which felt itself being undermined by this new political group, while its chief enemy, the Bolshevist faction, had made endless victims among its rank and file during the past.

It was not possible, however, for the Fascists to deal with the Communists otherwise than by using violence, as normal means would have been entirely inadequate against the seditious elements (made all the more arrogant by the manifest impotence of the State and the laissez faire attitude of public opinion), in view of the daily increasing number of crimes committed against property and peaceful individuals.

Fascists, moreover, started a strong movement against the composition of the Chamber, maintaining that it no longer represented the nation, that it had grown prematurely old and must, therefore, be quickly dissolved and a new appeal to the electors be made as soon as possible. They had been deeply concerned, on the other hand, with the Italian economic crisis, which, according to Edmondo Rossoni, the able organizer and Secretary-General of the Syndicalist Corporations, could not be overcome without an increase in the production of commodities to be obtained by a more rigorous discipline in the labor question; thus, an economic victory followed the victory on the battlefields. The masses of the working classes, many of them previously Socialists and Communists, enrolled themselves among the Fascist syndicates scattered all over Italy and were able to settle various important disputes.

The alleged dissension between Fascism and the Italian Monarchy had always been a favorite weapon in the hands of the anti-Fascist elements. The Hon. Mussolini, in his speech at the great Fascist Mass Meeting at Naples on October 24th of last year (1922), clearly manifested his party feeling in the matter, as can be gathered by his own words uttered there.3 The attitude of Fascism toward Monarchy clearly defined by its leader was very opportune, and contributed to the greater popularity of the movement throughout the country, where this institution rests on a solid base, represents Italian unity, and is today associated with its illustrious representative, King Victor Emmanuel III, an example of domestic virtue in private life, one of the most cultured men of our times, beloved by all classes, who at the front proved himself the first soldier among soldiers and gained the popularity of the whole nation.

The Army was secretly or openly greatly in favor of Fascism, the successful efforts of which to save the country from the Social-Communist factions it could not forget. The soldiers could, therefore, never have marched against the Fascists—who represented Italian patriotism. The very generals of the regular Army, such as Generals Fara, Ceccherini, Graziani, de Bono, and other Blackshirts, themselves directed the famous March to Rome.

With reference to religion, Mussolini’s Government promised to respect all creeds, especially Catholicism. At Ouchy he said to the Press, “My spirit is deeply religious. Religion is a formidable force that must be respected and defended. I am, therefore, against anti-clerical and atheistic democracy, which represents an old and useless toy. I maintain that Catholicism is a great spiritual power, and I trust that the relations between Church and State will henceforward be more friendly.” And while the Minister for Public Instruction, Senator Gentile, has introduced compulsory religious instruction in the elementary public schools, the Under-Secretary of the same Ministry, Hon. Dario Lupi, one of Mussolini’s closest friends, issued, as one of his first acts, a timely and peremptory order to the school authorities requesting the immediate replacement of the crucifix and the picture of the king.

Fascism, which during the last months of 1922 had seen its membership increasing by leaps and bounds, finally won with a note of fanaticism the very heart of the country from the Alps to the southern shores of Sicily. Latterly it had exercised the functions of State almost undisturbed, and did not spare either institutions or individuals in the pursuit of its end. It had demanded and successfully obtained the dismissal of the pan-Germanist Mayor of Bolzano, Herr Perathoner; it had occupied the Giunta Provinciale of Trento, causing the removal of the Italian governor, maintaining that he had been too weak in his attitude toward arrogant pan-Germanists in that region; and had acted successfully as arbitrator in the labor dispute between Cantiere Orlando of Leghorn and the Government itself. It was no wonder, then, if after the big October meeting of last year at Naples and the March to Rome with the famous Quadrumvirate formed by General Cesare de Bono, Hon. Cesare Maria de Vecchi, Italo Balbo, and Michele Bianchi, then Secretary-General of the Party, Mussolini, the creator of this mighty movement, was summoned by the king to form the new Fascist Cabinet.

It might be a cause of surprise to the superficial observer, this sudden ascent to power of a party that, a few days before it took the Government into its hands, had been threatened with martial law, an order that the king wisely refused to sign, thus avoiding civil war. But whoever has followed the development and progress of Fascism during the last four years, considers its great strength and power in the country, its formidable membership (now over a million strong) compared with that of any other party (the Socialists are reduced to seventy thousand), and takes into account the high and patriotic principles on which this movement is founded will not wonder that the party got to power through an extra-parliamentary crisis. We cannot and must not forget that these Blackshirts—as the Fascists are called—have really saved Italy from Bolshevism, which was sucking her very life-blood, and that they are thereby entitled to the gratitude of our country and of the world at large. As Lord Rothermere writes:

The Moscow conspirators, whose object was the overthrow of Western civilization, swept with a wide net. They made great headway in Germany, especially in Berlin; they seized Budapest under the direction of a convicted thief, but it was upon Italy they counted most, and when Mussolini struck against them in Italy, he was fighting a battle for all Europe.4

I do not think—and the Hon. Mussolini agreed with me in one of the conversations I had with him—that people abroad, especially in England and the United States, know much about Fascism. It had been diagnosed as a sporadic revolutionary movement, which sooner or later would be put down by drastic measures. Not many have realized that in this after-war period there is no more important historical phenomenon than Fascism, which, as our Prime Minister said, “is at the same time political, military, religious, economic and syndicalist, and represents all the hopes, the aspirations and requirements of the people.” The popular air “Giovinezza” (Youth), the official song of the Fascists, with its thrilling notes, which magnetized the heart of the people; the characteristic Blackshirts with the shield of the fascio on their breasts; the gagliardetti (Fascist standards)—all these have largely contributed toward rousing a delirium of enthusiasm among the masses for the great cause.

But three other important elements account for the success of the National Fascist Party (as it is now officially constituted, with its Grand Council of Fascism), namely its military organization, its powerful press, and, above all, the personality of Mussolini himself, Il Duce, as he is called. The military organization is entirely on Roman lines, with Roman names of legion, consul, cohort, senior, centurion, decurion, triari, etc. The symbol of Fascism is the same as that of the lictors of Imperial Rome—a bundle of rods with an axe in the center—and the Fascist salute is that of the ancient Romans—by outstretched arm. The coins being struck bear on one side the king’s head and on the other the Roman fascio; in the same way special gold coins of one hundred lire will be issued shortly, to celebrate the first anniversary of the March to Rome. There is the most rigorous discipline, and the motto “No discussion, only obedience” has proved of immense value in all the sudden mobilizations and demobilizations carried out, often at a few hours’ notice, which could give points to the best organized army in the world. On the occasion of the mass meeting preceding the March to Rome, which was attended by over half a million men, in less than twenty-four hours forty thousand left the town in perfect order and without the slightest hitch.

Fascism possesses a large press, which comprises five dailies, a large number of weekly, fortnightly, and monthly publications, a publishing house in Milan.

But the decisive factor in the great victory of Fascism is due to the personality of the great leader of this army of Italy’s salvation, the very soul of this mighty movement.

Few public men of our time have had a more rapid, brilliant, and interesting career than Benito Mussolini, the son of a blacksmith. He is the youngest of his predecessors in this office, as he was born only forty years ago at Predappio, in the province of Forli, where the villagers still call him simply Our Benit. He was deeply attached to his mother, Rosa Maltoni, and her death caused him intense sorrow. He has one sister, Edvige, and a younger brother, Arnaldo, who, since the elder one has become Prime Minister, has taken his place as editor of Il Popolo d’Italia. Mussolini first worked in his father’s forge and then, having occupied for a time the position of village schoolmaster, immigrated to Switzerland, from which country he was, however, expelled on account of articles he had written advocating the Marxist doctrines. Returning once more to Italy, he became an active member of the Socialist Party and finally editor of its organ, the Avanti!. Upon the outbreak of war in 1914, with his keen political insight, Mussolini saw the necessity of Italian intervention and in consequence was forced to leave the official Socialist Party, giving up all the positions he held in it. He founded his Popolo d’Italia and began fiercely to sound the trumpets of war, inciting his country to abandon her neutral attitude and to throw in her lot with the Allies. He gained his end, and in 1915 he went to the front as a simple soldier in the 11th Bersagliere Regiment. In 1917, as the result of the bursting of a shell, he received thirty-eight simultaneous wounds; he was obliged to go to the hospital, promoted on the field, and invalided out of the Army. He then returned to Milan, and having resumed the editorship of his paper, Il Popolo d’Italia, began his political battles and continued to fight through its columns, spurring his countrymen on to final victory.

With no exaggeration it can be stated that since the advent to power of Mussolini every day has seen a steady advance in the direction of the rebuilding of the country within and a notable enhancement of our prestige abroad. His strenuous everyday work is inspired by an indomitable determination to make Italy worthy of the glories of Vittorio Veneto, strengthened and disciplined, and he will spare neither himself nor those around him in his attempt to bring about its realization.

He wishes to secure Italy’s rightful position in the world. Mussolini’s foreign policy of dignity, honesty, and justice has already been outlined in his opening speech before the Chamber, and can be summarized thus: “No imperialism, no aggressions, but an attitude that shall do away with the policy of humility that has made Italy more like the Cinderella and humble servant of other nations. Respect for international treaties no matter what cost. Fidelity and friendship toward the nations that give Italy serious proofs of reciprocating it. Maintenance of Eastern equilibrium, on which depends the tranquility of the Balkan States and, therefore, European and world peace.”

It is enough to cast an eye on the numerous legislative and administrative work accomplished by Mussolini’s Government in these first eleven months to convince oneself that he is in deep earnest as to the vast program of reconstruction he means to carry through. With reference to domestic matters, the Fascist Government has passed a great number of bills and projects of laws concerning the Electoral Reform Bill approved by the Chamber last July: radical reform of the entire school system; institution of the National Militia; abolition of the Guardie Regie (which was a poor substitute for the Carabineers); industrialization of public services (posts, telegraphs, railways); abolition of death taxes between near relations; enactment of Decree on the Eight-Hour Work Bill; reformation of the Civil Law Codes; reduction of Ministerial departments, now only nine, which formerly were sixteen; formation of the recent Ministry of National Economy, under which are grouped various others, Industry, Agriculture, Labor, etc.; and reduction of the national debt by over a billion, a comforting contribution toward the balance of the Budget, as is gathered by the speech delivered in June, at Milan, by the Minister of Finance, Hon. De Stefani.

Mussolini has established a real discipline (there are no more strikes since the Fascist Government is in power), fully restored the authority of the State, and has shown himself to be the most practical anti-waste advocate the world has yet known. As to foreign policy, he has adhered to the Washington Disarmament Conference, signed conventions relative to the laying of cables for a direct telegraphic communication with North, Central, and South America, negotiated important commercial treaties with Canada, Russia, Spain, Lithuania, Poland, Siam, Finland, Estonia, etc., and exercised beneficial influence in the Ruhr conflict and in the Lausanne Conference, being an element of equilibrium for the new afterwar international policy in the world.

The selection of his speeches contained in this volume is not a mere translation, since, in fact, the exact equivalent of this book as it has been arranged, classified, and edited is not to be found in any other language. These speeches, with the addition of the valuable prefatory notes, almost all of which have been supplied to me by one who has been closely associated with Mussolini during the whole of his political career, serve, in my opinion, as could no biography, to reveal the mind, character, and personality of Mussolini himself. Delivered at intervals throughout the various stages of his career, from Socialist to Fascist Prime Minister, they enable the reader to follow intimately the events that led up to the Fascist Revolution and its leader’s attainment of his present strong position. The forcible and sober style of his character, shorn of every unnecessary word, betrays the dynamic force and intense earnestness of this man, who has been compared to Cromwell for his drastic and dictatorial methods in the Chamber and to Napoleon for his eagle-like perception, for his decisiveness, and his marvelous power of leadership.

Mussolini is a volcanic genius, a bewitcher of crowds. He seems a regular warrior, with an indomitable daring, great physical and moral courage, and he has seen death near him without wavering. He is the real type of Roman emperor, with a severe bronzed face, but which hides a kind and generous heart. He is what people call a real self-made man and is a great lover of the violin and of all kinds of sport: fencing, cycling, flying, riding, and motoring. Mussolini gets all he wants and quickly, and, as all his party do, knows exactly what he does want.

Apart from all that has been said, the present collection of speeches, besides showing Mussolini’s strong hand in the difficult art of statesmanship, displays clearly in almost every page (and so, possibly, the book may also appeal to others than politicians) additional important elements that are not usually found in a volume of political speeches, namely a richness of sympathy for mankind, a blunt straightforwardness, a gentleness of soul together with exceptional moral strength, and pure idealism, which lift him not only above party politics, but also high above the average of mankind.

Such is the builder of New Italy, and the enthusiasm and deep confidence that Mussolini has inspired in our country, and the unanimous approval his work has prompted abroad, are a good omen for Italy’s future fortunes and for the welfare of the world at large.

Bernardo Quaranta di San Severino

Siena, Via S. Quirico, N.1.

October 1923

Manifesto Issued by Mussolini After He andHis Party Succeeded to the Government

National Fascist Party

Fascists of all Italy!

Our movement has been crowned with success. The leader of our Party now holds the political power of the State for Italy and abroad. While this New Government represents our triumph, it celebrates, at the same time, our victory in the name of those who by land and by sea promoted it; and it accepts also, for the purpose of pacification, men from other parties, provided they are true to the cause of the Nation. The Italian Fascists are too intelligent to wish to abuse their victory.

Fascists!

The supreme Quadrumvirate, which has resigned its powers in favor of the Party, thanks you for the magnificent proof of courage and of discipline you have given, and salutes you. You have proved yourselves worthy of the fortunes and of the future of your Fatherland.

Demobilize in the same perfectly orderly manner in which you assembled for this great achievement, destined—as we firmly believe—to open a new era in the history of Italy. Return now to your usual occupations, as, in order to arrive at the summit of her fortunes, Italy needs to work. May nothing disturb the glory of these days through which we have just passed—days of superb passion and of Roman greatness.

Long live Italy!

Long live Fascism!

The Quadrumvirate

Italo Balbo, Michele Bianchi, Emilio De Bono,and Cesare Maria De Vecchi

P A R T IMUSSOLINI THE SOCIALIST

Do Not Think That by Taking Away My Membership Card You Will Take Away My Faith in the Cause

November 25th, 1914, Milan

Before the meeting of the Milanese Socialist Section, which haddecreed Mussolini’s expulsion from the official Socialist Party

In the fearless militarism of the dramatic speech with which this volume begins, the Socialistic activity of Benito Mussolini ends—of Benito Mussolini, who from the autumn of 1914 could have been considered the recognized and acclaimed leader of the Italian Socialist Party. He had attained with giant strides the highest rank in the Party’s hierarchy, namely the editorship of the Avanti!, the chief organ of the political and syndicalist movement. He had been a clever and aggressive writer in a weekly provincial paper of Forli, called La lotta di classe (Class struggle), and an ardent Sunday orator for the ville of Romagna. He had revealed himself a comrade of tremendous power at the Congress of Reggio Emilia, held in the summer of 1912, where he delivered a memorable speech bitterly criticizing the flaccid mentality of Reformism then dominating the Party.

It was within two months of his success at Reggio Emilia that the revolutionary leaders, feeling the need of strong men, entrusted to Benito Mussolini the editorship of the Avanti!, which was the most powerful weapon of the Party.

The following speech was delivered before a furious crowd of not less than three thousand holders of membership cards, who hastened from other centers adjacent to Milan, amid a diabolical tumult in an atmosphere of organized hostility, which was the more violent by contrast with the fanatical devotion Benito Mussolini had evoked during the two years in which he had been the undisputed mouthpiece of the Party.

This atmosphere of intolerance and hatred had been fostered by the neutralist adversaries who had succeeded to the management of the Avanti! after the present head of the Italian Government had left the Party.

As is known, the excited meeting held in the spacious hall of the Casa del Popolo closed with a resolution for the expulsion of the new heretic, which was passed, except by a negligible minority of about fifty supporters, who afterwards stood by Mussolini in the victorious campaign for intervention.

My fate is decided, and it seems as if the sentence were to be executed with a certain solemnity. (Voices: “Louder! Louder!”)

You are severer than ordinary judges who allow the fullest and most exhaustive defense even after the sentence, since they give ten days for the production of the motives of appeal. If, then, it is decided, and you still think that I am unworthy of fighting any longer for your cause—(“Yes! yes!” is shouted by some of the most excited among the audience)—then expel me. But I have a right to exact a legal act of accusation, and in this meeting the public prosecutor has not yet intervened with regard either to the political or to the moral issues. I shall, therefore, be condemned by an “order of the day,” which means nothing. In a case like this, I ought to have been told that I was unworthy to belong any longer to the party for definite reasons, in which case I should have accepted my fate. This, however, has not been said, and a great many of you—if not all—will leave this room with an uneasy conscience. (Deafening voices: “No! no!”)

With reference to the moral question, I repeat once more that I am ready to submit my case to any Committee that cares to make investigations and to issue a report.

As regards the question of discipline, I should say that this has not been examined, because there are just and fitting precedents for my changed attitude, and if I do not quote them it is because I feel myself to be secure and have an easy conscience.

You think you are signing my death warrant, but you are mistaken. Today you hate me, because in your heart of hearts you still love me, because. . . . (Applause and hisses interrupt the speaker.)

But you have not seen the last of me! Twelve years of my party life are, or ought to be, a sufficient guarantee of my faith in Socialism. Socialism is something that takes root in the heart. What divides me from you now is not a small dispute, but a great question over which the whole of Socialism is divided. Amilcare Cipriani can no longer be your candidate because he declared, both by word of mouth and in writing, that if his seventy-five years allowed him, he would be in the trenches fighting the European military reaction that was stifling revolution.

Time will prove who is right and who is wrong in the formidable question that now confronts Socialism, which it has never had to face before in the history of humanity, since never before has there been such a conflagration as exists today, in which millions of the proletariat are pitted one against the other. This war, which has much in common with those of the Napoleonic period, is not an everyday event. Waterloo was fought in 1814; perhaps 1914 will see some other principles fall to the ground, will see the salvation of liberty, and the beginning of a new era in the world’s history—(loud applause greets this fitting historical comparison)—and especially in the history of the proletariat, which at all critical moments has found me here with you in this same spot, just as it found me in the street.

But I tell you that from now onwards I shall never forgive nor have pity on anyone who in this momentous hour does not speak his mind for fear of being hissed at or shouted down. (This cutting allusion to the many prominent absentees is understood and warmly applauded by the meeting.)

I shall neither forgive nor have pity on those who are purposely reticent, those who show themselves hypocrites and cowards. And you will find me still on your side. You must not think that the middle classes are enthusiastic about our intervention. They snarl and accuse us of temerity, and fear that the proletariat, once armed with bayonets, will use them for their own ends. (Mingled applause, and cries of “No! no!”)

Do not think that in taking away my membership card you will be taking away my faith in the cause, or that you will prevent me from still working for Socialism and revolution. (Hearty applause follows these last words of Mussolini, uttered with great energy and profound conviction. He descends from the platform and makes his way down the great hall.)

P A R T I IMUSSOLINI THE MAN OF THE WAR

For the Liberty of Humanity and the Future of Italy

December 13th, 1914, Scuole Mazza, Parma

This speech was delivered under the stress of great excitement. The most ardent supporters of active neutrality were assembled at Parma, a citadel of revolutionary syndicalism, which opposed Party Socialism, and the majority of whose members, after the outbreak of the European War, sided against the Central Empires and in defense of intervention. Among these we remember Giacinto Menotti Serrati, then editor-in-chief of the Avanti!, and Fulvio Zocchi, a ridiculous and malignant demagogue, now removed from political life.

But, notwithstanding this pressure from outside, the people of Parma, mindful of their Garibaldian and anti-Austrian traditions, sided enthusiastically with Mussolini and Alceste De Ambris, the leader of syndicalism and member of Parliament for the city, who had been the first to support the section of the extremists.

Citizens, it is in your interest to listen to me quietly and with tolerance. I shall be brief, precise, and sincere to the point of rudeness.

The last great continental war was from 1870 to 1871. Prussia, guided by Bismarck and Moltke, defeated France and robbed her of two flourishing and populous provinces. The Treaty of Frankfurt marked the triumph of Bismarck’s policy, which aimed at the incontestable hegemony of Prussia in Central Europe and the gradual Slavization of the Balkan zones of Austria-Hungary. One recalls these features of Bismarck’s policy in trying to understand the different international crises that took place in Europe from 1870 up to the bewildering and extremely painful situation of today. From 1870 onwards there were only remoter wars among the peoples of Eastern Europe, such as those between Russia and Turkey, Serbia and Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey, or wars in the colonies. There was, in consequence, a widespread conviction that a European or world war was no longer possible. The most diverse reasons were put forward to maintain this argument.

Illusions and Sophisms. It was suggested, for example, that perfecting the instruments of war would destroy its possibility. Ridiculous! War has always been deadly. The perfecting of arms is relative to the progress—technical, mechanical, and military—of the human race. In this respect the warlike machines of the ancient Romans are the equivalent of 420 mm caliber mortars. They are made with the object of killing, and they do kill. The perfecting of instruments of war is no hindrance to warlike instincts. It might have the opposite effect.

Reliance was also placed on “human kindness” and other sentiments of humanity, of brotherhood and love, which ought, it was maintained, to bind all the different branches of the species “man” together regardless of barriers of land or sea. Another illusion! It is very true that these feelings of sympathy and brotherliness exist; our century has, in truth, seen the rapid multiplication of philanthropic works for the alleviation of the hardships both of men and of animals, but along with these impulses exist others, profounder, higher, and more vital. We should not explain the universal phenomenon of war by attributing it to the caprices of monarchs, race-hatred, or economic rivalry; we must take into account other feelings, which each one of us carries in his heart, and which made Proudhon exclaim, with that perennial truth that hides beneath the mask of paradox, that war was of “divine origin.”

It was also maintained that the encouragement of closer international relations—economic, artistic, intellectual, political, and sporting—by causing the peoples to become better acquainted, would have prevented the outbreak of war among civilized nations. Norman Angell had founded his book upon the impossibility of war, proving that all the nations involved—victors and vanquished alike—would have their economic life completely convulsed and ruined in consequence. Another illusion laid bare! Lack of observation. The purely economic man does not exist. The story of the world is not merely a page of book-keeping, and material interests—luckily—are not the only mainspring of human actions. It is true that international relations have multiplied, that there is, or was, freer interchange—political and economic—between peoples of different countries than there was a century ago. But parallel with this phenomenon is another, which is that the people, with the diffusion of culture and the formation of an economic system of a national type, tend to isolate themselves psychologically and morally.

Internationalism.Side by side with the peaceful, middle-class movement, which is not worth examination, flourished another of an international character, that of the working classes. At the outbreak of war this class, too, gave evidence of its inefficiency. The Germans, who ought to have set the example, flocked as a man to the Kaiser’s banner. The treachery of the Germans forced the Socialists of the other countries to fall back upon the basis of nationality and the necessity of national defense. The German unity automatically determined the unity of the other countries. It is said, and justly, that international relations are like love; it takes two to carry them on. Internationalism is ended; that which existed yesterday is dead, and it is impossible to foresee what form it will take tomorrow. Reality cannot be done away with and cannot be ignored, and the reality is that millions and millions of men, for the most part of the working classes, are standing opposite one another today on the blood-drenched battlefields of Europe. The neutrals, who shout themselves hoarse crying “Down with war!” do not realize the grotesque cowardice contained in that cry today. It is irony of the most atrocious kind to shout “Down with war!” while men are fighting and dying in the trenches.

The Real Situation.Between the two groups, the Triple Entente and the Austro-German Alliance, Italy has remained neutral. In the Triple Entente there is heroic Serbia, who has broken loose from the Austrian yoke; there is martyred Belgium, who refused to sell herself; there is republican France who has been attacked; there is democratic England; there is autocratic Russia, though her foundations are undermined by revolution. On the other side there is Austria, clerical and feudal, and Germany, militarist and aggressive. At the outbreak of war Italy proclaimed herself neutral. Was the “exception” contemplated in the treaties? It seems as if it were so, especially in view of the recent revelations made by Giolitti. If the neutrality of the Government meant indifference, the neutrality of the Socialists and the economic organizations had an entirely different character and significance. The Socialist neutrality intended a general strike in the case of alliance with Austria, no practical opposition in the case of a war against her. A distinction was made, therefore, between one war and another. Further, the classes were allowed to be called up.

If the Government had mobilized, all the Socialists would have found it a natural and logical proceeding. They admitted, therefore, that a nation has the right and duty to defend itself by recourse to arms, in case of attack from outside. Neutrality understood in this way had necessarily to lead—with the progress of events, especially in Belgium—to the idea of intervention.

The Bourgeoisie is Neutral. It is controversial whether Italy has a bourgeoisie in the generally accepted sense of the word. Rather than the bourgeoisie and lower classes, there are rich and poor. In any case, it is untrue that the Italian middle classes are, at the moment, jingoist; on the contrary, they are neutral and desperately pacifist. The banking world is neutral, the industrial classes have reorganized their business, and the agrarian population, small and great, are pacifists by tradition and temperament; the political and academic middle classes are neutral. Look at the Senate! There are perhaps exceptions, young men who do not wish to stagnate in the dead pool of neutrality, but the middle classes, taken as a whole, are hostile to war and are neutral. As a conclusive proof, compare the tone of the middle-class papers today with that shown at the time of the Libyan campaign and note the difference. The trumpet-call which then sounded for war is muffled now. The language of the middle-class press is uncertain, wavering, and mysterious, neutral in word but, in effect, in favor of the Allies. Where are the trumpets that summoned us in September 1911? The secret is out, and ought to make the Socialists, who are not stupid, stop and think. On the one side are all the conservative and stagnant elements, and on the other the revolutionary and the living forces of the country. It is necessary to choose.

We Want the War!But we want the war and we want it at once. It is not true that military preparation is lacking. What does this waiting for the spring to come mean?

Socialism ought not, and cannot, be against all wars because in that case it would have to deny fifty years of history. Do you want to judge and condemn in the same breath the war in Tripoli and the result of the French Revolution of 1793? And Garibaldi? Is he, too, a jingoist? You must distinguish between one war and another, as between one crime and another, one case of bloodshed and another. Bovio said, “All the water in the sea would not suffice to remove the stain from the hands of Lady Macbeth, but a basinful would wash the blood from the hands of Garibaldi.”

Guesde, in a congress of French Socialists held a few weeks before the outbreak of war, declared that, in case of a conflagration, the nation that was most Socialist would be the victim of the nation that was least. To prove this, notice the behavior of the Italian Socialists. Look at them in Parliament. Treves lost time by quibbling. At one moment he exclaimed, “We shall not deny the country.” In fact the country cannot be denied. One does not deny one’s mother, even if she does not offer one all her gifts, even if she does force one to earn one’s living in the alluring streets of the world. (Great applause.)

Treves said more: “We shall not oppose a war of defense.” If this is admitted, the necessity of arming ourselves is admitted. You will not open the gates of Italy yet to the Austrian army, because they will come to pillage the houses and violate the women! I know it well. There are base wretches who blame Belgium for defending herself. She might have pocketed the money of the Germans, they say, and allowed them a free passage, while resistance meant laying herself open to the scientific and systematic destruction of her towns. But Belgium lives, and will live, because she refused to sell herself ignobly. If she had done so, she would be dead for all time. (Great applause, and cries of “Long live Belgium!” The cheering lasts for some minutes.)

The War of Defense.When do you want to begin to defend yourselves? When the enemy’s knee is on your chest? Wouldn’t it be better to begin a little earlier? Wouldn’t it be better to begin today when it would not cost so much, rather than wait until tomorrow when it might be disastrous? Do you wish to maintain a splendid isolation? But in that case we must arm, arm and create a colossal militarism.

The Socialists, and I am still one, although an exasperated one, never brought forward the question of irredentism, but left it to the Republicans. We are in favor of a national war. But there are also reasons, purely socialist in character, which spur us on toward intervention.

The Europe of Tomorrow.It is said that the Europe of tomorrow will not be any different from the Europe of yesterday. This is the most absurd and alarming hypothesis. If you accept it, there is some absolute meaning for your neutrality. It is not worthwhile sacrificing oneself in order to leave things as they were before. But both mind and heart refuse to believe that this spilling of blood over three continents will lead to nothing. Everything leads one to believe, on the contrary, that the Europe of tomorrow will be profoundly transformed. Greater liberty or greater reaction? More or less militarism? Which of the two groups of Powers, by their victory, would assure us of better conditions of liberty for the working classes? There is no doubt about the answer. And in what way do you wish to assist in the triumph of the Triple Entente? Perhaps with articles in the papers and “orders of the day” in committee? Are these sentimental manifestations enough to raise up Belgium again? To relieve France? This France which bled for Europe in the revolutions and wars from 1789 to 1871 and from 1871 to 1914? Do you then offer to the France of the “Rights of Man” nothing but words?

Against Apathy.Tell me—and this is the supreme reason for intervention—tell me, is it human, civilized, socialistic, to stop quietly at the window while blood is flowing in torrents, and to say, “I am not going to move, it does not matter to me a bit”? Can the formula of “sacred egoism” devised by the Hon. Salandra be accepted by the working classes? No! I do not think so. The law of solidarity does not stop at economic competition; it goes beyond. Yesterday it was both fine and necessary to contribute in aid of struggling companions; but today they ask you to shed your blood for them. They implore it. Intervention will shorten the period of terrible carnage. That will be to the advantage of all, even of the Germans, our enemies. Will you refuse this proof of solidarity? If you do, with what dignity will you, Italian proletarians, show yourselves abroad tomorrow? Do you not fear that your German comrades will reject you, because you betrayed the Triple Entente? Do you not fear that those in France and Belgium, showing you their land still scarred by graves and trenches, and pointing out with pride their ruined towns, will say to you: “Where were you, and what did you do, O Italian Proletarians, when we fought desperately against the Austro-German militarism to free Europe from the incubus of the hegemony of the Kaiser?” In that day you will not know how to answer; in that day you will be ashamed to be Italian, but it will be too late!

The People’s War. Let us take up again the Italian traditions. The people who want the war want it without delay. In two months’ time it might be an act of brigandage; today it is a war to be fought with courage and dignity.

War and Socialism are incompatible, understood in their universal sense, but every epoch and every people has had its wars. Life is relative; the absolute only exists in the cold and unfruitful abstract. Those who set too much store by their skins will not go into the trenches, and you will not find them even in the streets on the day of battle. He who refuses to fight today is an accomplice of the Kaiser and a prop of the tottering throne of Franz Joseph. Do you wish mechanical Germany, intoxicated by Bismarck, to be once more the free and unprejudiced Germany of the first half of last century? Do you wish for a German Republic extending from the Rhine to the Vistula? Does the idea of the Kaiser, a prisoner and banished to some remote island, make you laugh? Germany will only find her soul through defeat. With the defeat of Germany the new and brilliant spring will burst over Europe.

It is necessary to act, to move, to fight and, if necessary, to die. Neutrals have never dominated events. They have always gone under. It is blood that moves the wheels of history! (Frantic bursts of applause.)

Either War or the End of Italy’s Name as a Great Power

January 25th, 1915, Milan

The progress of Milanese, which is to say of Italian interventionalism, thanks to the authority and the influence of the Lombard metropolis, the throbbing heart of the country, begins with the meeting held in the great hall of the Istituto Tecnico Carlo Cattaneo. At this meeting there were present forty-five “fasci” called Fasci d’Azione Rivoluzionaria,5 formed almost entirely in the principal regional and provincial centers. Among the most notable supporters were a group of soldiers of the 61st and 62nd Infantry, the poet Ceccardo Roccatagliata Ceccardi, and the old Garibaldian patriot Ergisto Bezzi, called the “Ferruccio” of the Trentino.

I thank you for your greeting and am happy and proud to be present at this meeting, which represents, perhaps, in these six months of a neutrality of commercialism and smuggling, branded with Socialism, a new fact of the utmost importance and significance.

While listening to the reports made here, my mind carried me back to the congresses of the First International, when the representatives of the various sections of the different countries prepared written reports that gave full details as to the situations of their respective peoples. This was a splendid means of coming to a closer understanding. I pass now to speak of the international state of affairs.

The diplomatic and political situation cannot be spoken of without the military. The military situation is stationary, although, today, it is clearly in favor of the Germans, who occupy the whole of Belgium, with the exception of 880 square kilometers, who hold ten rich and populous departments of France, and a great part of Russian Poland. Besides, the recent attack upon Dunkirk and the activity of the submarines and dirigibles show that the Germans are still full of fight and wish to carry the war on literally to the utmost limits of their powers of attack and defense. Thus the intervention of Italy is not late. I think the right moment has come now, when the military situation hangs in the balance. There is neither advance nor retreat on either side, for which reason it would be a good thing to decide the game by the introduction of a new factor, the intervention of Italy and Romania.

The principal international events of this week have been the Berchtold resignations, the consideration of intervention by Romania, and the treaty of the Triple Entente for the regulation of Russia’s financial difficulties.

Russia. It really seems to me that there was a moment of slackness in the pursuit of the war on the part of Austria and Russia. It is enough to call to mind a short paragraph in an official Russian paper, the Russkoe Slovo, in order to realize that there was a time when Russia wavered.

“It is true,” says the paper, “that on September 4th, Russia, France, England, Belgium, and Serbia undertook not to make peace individually; but this pledge brings with it the necessity of supporting the expenses of war in common, especially now that Turkey has come to the help of the Central Powers. Our treasury is empty. Where can we obtain that money which is more important than men? If England refuses, we shall be obliged to end the war in any way convenient to Russia.” Really threatening words these, of which England, however, understood the meaning and immediately took steps to prevent their realization by launching the loan of 15 billion in favor of Russia to be subscribed to in the capitals of the Triple Entente. And, in fact, immediately after the announcement of the loan, the tone of the official papers changed, and there was no more talk of making a separate peace.

Austria. There were other symptoms of restlessness in Austria. Clearly, up to the present, Austria has been sacrificed the most. She has lost Galicia and been defeated by the Russians and Serbs.

It may be then that the resignation of Berchtold is an indication that Austrian politics are taking a new direction. In what sense? I do not think in the pacifist sense. Austria is tied to Germany, and Germany leans upon Austria and Hungary. Burian’s journey to the German General Staff was made, I think, with the object of obtaining military aid for Hungary. Austria and Hungary are preparing themselves against Romania, because this nation will probably intervene before Italy.

Romania. Romania has 4 million men concentrated in Transylvania under the rule of Austria-Hungary; she is a young nation with a perfect army of 500,000 men, and she will be obliged to end her hesitation, probably owing to the fact that the Russians are at her frontier. Nothing would embarrass the Romanians as much as this, since they remember that in 1878 the Russians occupied Bessarabia. When the Russians, therefore, are in Transylvania, the intervention of Romania will be decided at once.

Vlorë. One fact that has a certain importance where Italy is concerned is the occupation of Vlorë, which has come about in curious circumstances with the occupation of Sazan and the landing of the marines before the Bersaglieri.6 I do not think that there are really rebels in Albania; and I think that Italy will stop at Vlorë. I do not think either that Vlorë will run any serious risk, because the Albanians have rifles but no artillery. Albania does not exist in the true sense of the word, as the Albanians are divided both by race and tribe, and I do not think that an organized movement is to be feared.

Switzerland. One point that we must take into consideration is the position of Switzerland—a point, to my mind, rather obscure. It is true that we can feel, to a certain extent, reassured by the fact that the president of Switzerland at the moment is an Italian.7 But without a doubt a restless state of mind prevails among the German element there. The voice of race calls louder than the voice of political union: the German Swiss lay down laws; they circulate pamphlets that say “Let us remain Swiss”; they go in search of the Swiss spirit, but I think that it would be difficult to find it. In any case, it is certain that they make acid comments on the articles in Popolo d’Italia! Taken as a whole it can be said that a Pan-German movement has developed in German Switzerland, which manifests open sympathy toward the Central Powers.

Zahn, a Swiss writer, in this way published an ode and sent money to the German Red Cross. A political personality of Basel sent information about the troops and the Swiss defense to the Frankfurter Zeitung. The novelist Schapfer, of Basel, went to Berlin to extol Germany and to sing “Deutschland Über Alles” at a public meeting. The journalist Schappner advocated in the Neues Deutschland that Switzerland should abandon her neutral position in order to help Germany and have as compensation Upper Savoy, the Gex region, and a part of Franche-Comté so that she might form an advanced post of Germany toward the south, declaring at the same time an alliance with Austria-Hungary, which would enable Switzerland to extend her boundaries also toward Italy.

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