Winds of Change E-Book

• Herausgeber: Saqi Books
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2019

Beschreibung

Recent developments in the Middle East and North Africa have radically destabilised the region, which is beset with rising religious and political tensions, sectarian conflict and terrorism. Though in crisis and suffering from a paralysis of will, the region is also vastly rich in culture, and vital for the stability of the international order. There is an urgent need for an accurate understanding of these complex developments. What does the future hold for this geopolitically critical region? In this vital multidisciplinary volume, leading Middle Eastern and Western scholars present constructive, long-term solutions to endemic socio-cultural, economic and political issues facing the MENA region - issues which require a fundamental transformation of the current system of values and patterns of thought. They offer expert analysis on critical facets of the region, including globalisation, the environment and sustainability, education, nonviolence, human rights, inter-religious coexistence, Islamic social principles, and Qur'anic ethics. Enriching our understanding of the contemporary affairs of the MENA region, Winds of Change is essential reading for achieving peace, socio-cultural progress and prosperity in the region.

Leseprobe

SAQI BOOKS

26 Westbourne Grove

London W2 5RH

www.saqibooks.com

Published 2019 by Saqi Books

Copyright © Cyrus Rohani and Behrooz Sabet 2019

Copyright for individual texts rests with the contributors.

Cyrus Rohani and Behrooz Sabet have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work.

This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.

ISBN 978 0 86356 388 1

eISBN 978 0 86356 125 2

A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library.

Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

www.burhaninstitute.org

Contents

Foreword

Preface

1. Towards a Discursive Framework of Change

Behrooz Sabet & Cyrus Rohani

2. Culture for Openness and Coexistence: How Can We Create It?

Abdul Hamid Al-Ansari

3. Guiding Principles of Leadership for the Twenty-First Century

Cyrus Rohani

4. Confronting Violence through Policies of Dialogue: Towards Establishing a ‘Citizenship that Incorporates Diversity’ in the Post-ISIS Era

Saad Salloum

5. Nonviolence and the Challenges in the Middle East

Ramin Jahanbegloo

6. Religion of Peace: Islamic Principles of Good Governance

Christopher Buck

7. Traditionalist and Reformist Discourses Pertaining to Islamic Revival

Armin Eschraghi

8. Defining Islamic Social Principles

Christopher Buck

9. Women’s Rights in the Middle East

Nazila Ghanea

10. Reason in Islam: Taking Back Their Own

Ian Kluge

11. ‘Be Just’: Qur’anic Ethics as Benchmarks for Islamic Law

Christopher Buck

12. Education in the Middle East

Behrooz Sabet

13. Globalisation and the Middle East: Reflections on a Conceptual Reorientation

Shahrzad Sabet

14. Environment and Sustainability in the Middle East

Arthur Lyon Dahl

15. Connecting Electronically to the Public Forum during the Arab Spring

Deborah Clark Vance

Index

Foreword

THE BOOK THAT YOU ARE NOW ABOUT TO READ, Winds of Change: The Challenge of Modernity in the Middle East and North Africa, is an interdisciplinary anthology of contributions by academics and independent scholars on various facets of the contemporary Middle East. This multi-author work is the first in a series of books that explore topics of interest and social concern with respect to the pivotal role of that region in the modern world. A major goal of this project is to enrich the understanding of the Middle Eastern affairs – along with coincident and underlying interpretations of Islam that inform Muslim public opinion and that animate governmental policies – on the part of all communities of interest. It also aims to stimulate thought and discussion, and to promote empathy, understanding, dialogue and cooperation – even consensus, where possible – as to the progress of Islam in the world today and as to the advancement of society as part of this process. Towards this end, a number of experts in Islamic studies have been invited to contribute their expertise by way of the invited papers that make up this multi-author volume.

The essays that appear in this first volume encompass such wide-ranging topics as the future of the Middle East; the Middle East and globalisation; environment and sustainability in the Middle East; education in the Middle East; nonviolence and the challenges facing contemporary Middle East; human rights in the Middle East; inter-religious coexistence; a framework of Islamic change; traditionalist and reformist discourses contributing to Islamic revival and reform; human rights in the Middle East; defining (and redefining) Islamic social principles; Islamic principles of good governance; Qur’anic ethics; and other related topics.

With the emergence of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011, winds of change that have been felt worldwide raise the question of democracy within the contemporary Muslim world. This surge of public activism, whatever the results, represents a clear sign that public opinion matters. The downside of democracy is that it can devolve into its own tyranny of ‘mob rule’, especially if the populace is relatively uneducated and unenlightened as to the social issues of concern. Public opinion is most productive when it is informed opinion. The current project aims to provide resources for educating the reading public on the issues listed above, and more.

An innovative, possibly unique approach in this project is to invite both Muslim and non-Muslim experts to contribute their respective insights and expertise. To clarify, this is not an ‘orientalist’ approach to Islam – not in the least. Rather, this project disclaims any intention or claim to speak for Muslims. Instead, the basic orientation of this initiative is to recognise the reality that the present and future state of Islam impacts, to varying degrees, the world at large. This means that there are Muslim and non-Muslim ‘communities of interest’ in these issues of concern. The perspectives and voices of each community should be respectful, interactive and productive. It is hoped that the essays in the present volume will stimulate thought, reflection and dialogue; and that as a result, generally speaking on each and every one of these issues of pressing concern, it will have a positive influence.

The potential for significant change within the contemporary Muslim world implicates not only Muslims at large, but also the non-Muslim populations that are affected. Therefore, non-Muslim communities of interest should be invited to the round-table as well. If nothing else, non-Muslim perspectives may offer a kind of reality check and social mirror as to the social impact of any given policy pursued in the name of Islam. Specifically, the interested non-Muslim public needs to be better educated and informed on all things Islamic. There is a great need for qualitative authentic information regarding Islam in the broadest sense. A healthy and vigorous discussion of contemporary Islam and the options available for its future course are sorely needed.

The future of the Middle East implicates geopolitics and international relations, yet the current project focuses on policy questions rather than partisan concerns. At the level of principle, policy issues can be divisive or, if shared values are involved, can create some much-needed consensus and common ground. However, political leadership sets policy, and short-term, fundamental shifts in public opinion can create a sea change in outlook. Criticising political leadership may be the subject of editorials, but long-term visions of progress can benefit from the expertise. For instance, President Woodrow Wilson was the only US president to have a PhD, which was in political science. He was credited with having been the first to articulate and establish a policy of America’s world role. In a sense, world peace was the overarching strategic objective, which went above and beyond a narrow focus on America’s national security interests.

This analogy shows that enlightened self-interest by actors in the Middle East, when aligned with a collective goal such as peace in the Middle East, will contribute greatly to the problem-centred orientation, in which policy outcomes may be expected to follow suit. Consultation, not confrontation, is a formula for success. Easy to say, hard to do. Nonetheless, that which is difficult may be that which is most necessary. As the saying goes, when there’s a will, there’s a way. For this to work, however, there must be goodwill and respect among political leaders. Offering constructive ideas instead of trading insults should be the order of the day.

In the context of the Middle East’s politics, the shifting sands in the arid geopolitical landscape are the ever-changing power configurations, which are in a state of constant flux. Efforts to promote peace and global security greatly depend on peace brokers in the region and abroad. The peace-brokers themselves must articulate and promote policy proposals that have their own ideological charisma and can attract consensus. Middle East peace remains an elusive objective of international relations. Middle Eastern affairs, after all, implicate world affairs. Economic impacts are bellwethers in themselves. Other barometers apply, such as migration, environment, education, and so on.

Four of the fourteen chapters in Winds of Change in the Middle East: Crisis, Catharsis, and Renewal focus on Islam. Islam matters: locally, nationally, internationally. For good or ill, the name of ‘Islam’ appears practically every day in world news, whether by way of terrorist attacks by so-called radical Islamists, or as a result of sweeping reforms, as in Saudi Arabia, in the name of ‘moderate Islam’. Almost everyone will agree that radical Islamism has greatly tarnished, if not blackened, the fair name of Islam, and can be seen as a catalyst of Islamophobia in the West. The subject of Islam, however misunderstood, has attracted the attention of people the world over.

In an increasingly globalised, multi-racial/multi-ethnic and religiously pluralistic world, Islam is part of the mix. Such seemingly intractable issues of sectarianism, treatment of women, rights of religious minorities, inter-communal conflict, Islamophobia, secularism, materialism – and a host of other ‘hot topics’ – not only present questions of heightened concern, but raise challenges as to how best to solve these pressing social problems. Each of these problems, in its own way, threatens peace and security, whether locally or globally. Related issues – such as poverty, gender inequality, human rights violations, corruption in government, and other seemingly intractable ills afflicting the body politic – are universal. As such, the contemporary Islam world is buffeted by this social maelstrom and has felt the ‘winds of change’ as a result. These problems not only are as persistent as they are pernicious, they are so inextricably interconnected as to form a perfect storm of social upheaval, with potentially devastating and catastrophic consequences.

Islam has often been described as the ‘religion of peace’. The problem is that the rise of the so-called Islamic State and other ‘radical Islamist’ organisations flatly, flagrantly and often brutally contradict that assertion. Assuming that Islam, in its essence, either is or aspires to be a religion of peace, much work is to be done in reassessing fundamental Islamic doctrines of jihad (holy war) – as one example. The reassertion of the sharia (Islamic law code, according to various ‘schools’ of Islamic law) raises further issues of concern, especially with respect to the challenge of modernity, and in regard to the rights of minorities in majority Muslim countries. Reciprocally, the rights and responsibilities of Muslims who are religious minorities in their respective countries is an equally valid concern.

Islamic religious values, for those who regard them as sacred, are just as much a part of the solution as they may be part of the problem. Deep and abiding beliefs in all things Islamic can serve as a powerful motivation for making this world a better place in which to live. Muslims, whether a majority or a minority in any given part of the world, inhabit and enliven the social landscape and represent significant demographics.

The fundamental sources of authority for Islam are the heart and centre of these discussions. With the possible exception of the Bible, the Qur’an may well be the most influential book in history. It is a sacred text that commands respect, whether one is a Muslim or not. The Qur’an is the natural place to begin, as it takes us to the very beginnings of Islam. The Qur’an is the heart and soul of Islam. Therefore the Qur’an is the natural and logical point of departure that ideally should inform discussion of all Islamic topics.

The hadith literature (traditional sayings attributed to the Prophet Muhammad) represents the second primary source of authority in Islam. Therefore the hadith is another major area of inquiry. Some have proposed what is called ‘hadith criticism’, where certain traditions may be studied in light of the cultural norms that existed at the time. There is also the question of the authenticity of important hadith traditions that have formed the basis for much of the Islamic law code.

A more fundamental question is whether strict adherence to hadith-based Islamic laws should be viewed from the standpoint of their spirit rather than their letter. In other words, the question arises as to whether the continued practice of traditional Islamic laws – as codified in sharia laws – is practical in the modern context, or even desirable. Alternative ways of fulfilling the principal purpose of specific Islamic laws, such as modesty, can be a fruitful area of discussion.

With the dissolution of the Caliphate in 1924, there is no longer a central authority that speaks for Muslims globally. This historical and contemporary fact presents its own challenge – one that invites, if not requires, extensive consultation which, in a sense, is a democratic process, without a firm commitment to any particular democratic system. For consensus to emerge, a workable framework for discursive thought and dialogue on all aspects of contemporary Islam – including social, gender-related, moral, economic, environmental, and political dimensions, to name the most obvious – can and should be addressed.

Lest there be an inordinate focus on the challenge of modernity as it impacts the modern Middle East and contemporary Islam, there should also be an appreciation for the enormous contributions by Islam to world civilisation (including Western civilisation). In other words, a holistic approach to Islam should recognise and take note of all that Islam has contributed, and continues to contribute, to the spiritual health – and moral and social vitality – of societies the world over.

Above all, respect for Islam and for Muslims generally is the sine qua non of meaningful public discourse on all things Islamic, without which there can be no significant social focus. Such respect, for instance, should characterise public discourse generally, and all forms of interfaith dialogue. Of course, this is easier said than done. But this is the pervasive ethic that informs the current project, and the books to follow. Respect for Islam is an orientation and ethic that inspires and informs the contributions that comprise the present multi-author work.

This book, Winds of Change in the Middle East: Crisis, Catharsis, and Renewal, aims to enrich and to enliven public discourse on topics of concern within the contemporary Islamic world, especially regarding those issues that have broader impact on the world at large. The contributors, it should be said by way of disclaimer, are expressing their own individual viewpoints, and do not necessarily represent any platform that may be attributed to the Burhan Institute itself. As a think tank, the Burhan Institute ‘regards its mission as a milieu for social change through education’ in ‘advancing ideas for peace and prosperity in the Middle East’. This volume is offered in this spirit of constructive and productive dialogue.

Christopher Buck

Preface

THE PURPOSE OF THIS BOOK is to present the interdisciplinary thoughts, observations and analyses of diverse scholars and educators on the unfolding events in the Middle East – events spanning from the Iranian Revolution in 1979 to the grassroots upheavals of the Arab Spring. Furthermore, it is intended to shed light on the challenges and opportunities that these tumultuous events have created in the region and throughout the world as a whole, and to suggest potential scenarios for a peaceful and prosperous way out.

Our assertion that the Middle East is in crisis and suffering from a paralysis of will should not be interpreted as ignorance of the fact that there are, and have been, high-minded individuals, groups and institutions making genuine and sacrificial efforts to bring peace and prosperity to the region. These significant efforts are, in fact, a beacon of light and hope for the future of the Middle East. Therefore, if statements made in this book appear to be broad generalisations, they are not meant to group all people into one category; rather, the critical review offered in this book is focused on highlighting the categories or patterns of thought that are exerting the broadest influence on the current crisis, despite any lack of support from the silent majority.

The motivation for the development of this book, and the ideas behind it, stem from an interest in the history and culture of the region as well as the worrisome prospect of ever-increasing terrorism and the outbreak of civil war and sectarian conflict in the Middle East. The rise of the so-called Arab Spring was, at first, a source of excitement that gave us hope for real change in the region; however, the demise of the initial signs of progress, and the crises that swept the region following these revolutionary waves, have provided even more resolve to pursue this project. The Middle East, vastly rich in culture and geopolitically critical for the stability of the international order, demands to be the focus of continual study and analytical inquiry.

As events are rapidly changing in the Middle East, the approach and orientation of a book, or even an advanced research project, can become out-dated in a very short span of time. Therefore, in light of the urgent need for a true and honest understanding of the ongoing and complex developments in this region, one must also appreciate its cultural and historical lineage and the effects these events have not only on the Middle East, but also on a global level. In response, we have established a research institute that will address these needs through interdisciplinary study and in-depth research, providing an interactive venue for real-time analysis. Our online site will publish the results of timely research and relevant commentary on the latest developments in the region; present webinars with ensuing dialogue; offer podcasts on pertinent and current topics; host and present international conferences; and provide an environment for dialogue, free of partisan politics.

These efforts can generate meaningful discussion on the critical issues of the day – discussion supported by discoveries gleaned from scholarly research and global discourse, which can ultimately benefit the people of the Middle East, regardless of their nationality or religious affiliations. These endeavours are intended to maintain an interdisciplinary orientation that will accommodate the complex and multi-faceted concerns and challenges of the Middle East currently intertwined with the labyrinth of global events. We believe that broad and inclusive studies are essential for any meaningful understanding of the history, culture and politics of the Middle East, particularly the geopolitics of the region in relation to the global system. Admittedly, these efforts may still prove to be inadequate in attempting to address the many pressing needs facing this region.

The focus of this book incorporates both conceptual and practical aspects of the challenges Middle Eastern societies are now experiencing; however, the practical aspects are not focused on the day-to-day shifts in the political landscape of the region. Critical and timely reviews are offered, but suggested in a more general sense, without involvement in the partisan issues currently rending the region with internal conflict. The focus of this book is on long-range approaches that will require a fundamental transformation of the current system of values and patterns of thought. The ideas and perspectives discussed in this forum are not meant to suggest interim procedures for the immediate needs of the region. The menacing chaos and hostility that has seeped into the reality of the Middle East will require long-term solutions that will involve the entire region as well as an ever-increasing network of global interdependency.

Throughout this book, we have attempted to maintain neutrality and objectivity. Articles are focused on discussing and offering constructive solutions to endemic issues, and the various sociocultural, economic and political problems of the region. Regarding political events, cultural norms, and systems of governance, we offer critical reviews that are based on scientific data as well as reports released by institutions such as the United Nations and other comparable international organisations. Sensitive issues are critically reviewed: however, with an attempt to ensure that the language and methods of expression used are respectful to religious sensibility. Considering the delicate nature of events in the Middle East, and the looming spectre of sectarian and political conflicts in the region, carefully considered parameters have guided the method by which the content of our book is written and presented. These parameters are intended to exert a unifying influence on the volatile political condition of the region, rather than creating more controversy and further division.

Cyrus Rohani & Behrooz Sabet

1

Towards a Discursive Framework of Change

Behrooz Sabet & Cyrus Rohani

I

AN ACCELERATING CHAIN of social disruptions has permanently changed the fortunes of the Middle East, accentuated by three major events: the Islamic revolution in Iran; the 11 September terrorist attack, triggering the Western invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq; and the uprisings that led to the birth of the Arab Spring. These events have radically destabilised the region, galvanised international tension and widened the fault lines of civilisation to an alarming level. The complex, non-linear and unpredictable challenges that the Middle Eastern societies are now experiencing can hardly be captured or even summarised in one book. To grasp even a rudimentary understanding of what is happening in the Middle East would require an in-depth examination of the foundational issues that constitute its social, economic, political, cultural and religious life. Furthermore, globalisation and matters related to democracy, modernity and the dynamics of social change should also be considered when analysing the events in this volatile region.

The following outline is an attempt to describe the ideas and assumptions that have shaped our conceptual framework, and to summarise the topics, questions and orientations that are integrated into this project. Our conceptual framework has helped us to identify and organise the main challenges of the Middle East, and to establish points of emphasis or areas of concern that must be viewed as a priority. We recognise that the limited number of topics selected for this book fail to cover all the essential areas of study that a project of this magnitude requires; nevertheless, we are hopeful that through ongoing consultation we may be able to expand the breadth and depth of this inquiry.

Challenges vary from one Middle Eastern society to another: variances and commonalities

The formidable geopolitical situation in the Middle East, and its vast cultural ties with the major world religions and civilisations, engenders heightened sensitivity in global affairs. Moreover, the rapid changes that have characterised the region in recent years require the constant review and reconfiguration of old concepts and perceptions. The Middle East stands in the middle of profound waves of change uncommon in history and reminiscent of the totality of social disruptions in Europe over the past 500 years. A brief survey of the events in the Middle East will reveal three distinct layers of sociocultural change: renewed religious friction; the increasing conflict of faith versus reason; and the battle for freedom and a sense of democracy. The resurgence of the contrast of religious impulses, reminiscent of the Reformation, are being played out once more as demonstrated by the conflict between fundamentalists and those who want to bring Islam into the modern age. Social disruption, fuelled by a perceived dichotomy of reason and faith, evokes memories of the Enlightenment; and the recurring revolts for freedom, challenging the authoritarian systems governing the Middle East, are similar to those the modern world went through to recognise and safeguard its political values of democracy.

It is not difficult to see that the Middle East is in a critical period of social change, when values and modes of thinking are experiencing a paradigm shift, creating agonising pain and crisis. The words of former President of the Czech Republic Václav Havel, while receiving the Liberty Medal at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, may aptly be applied to interpret the events of the Middle East: ‘Many things indicate that we are going through a transitional period, when it seems that something is on the way out and something else is painfully being born. It is as if something were crumbling, decaying and exhausting itself, while something else, still indistinct, were arising from the rubble.’1

The dynamics of social change in the Middle East have created a dichotomous tension between opposite social forces, pitting one against the other. This pervasive strain can be felt between religion and secularism; tradition and modernity; continuity and novelty; absolutism and relativism; local values and universal values; tribalism and globalism; faith and reason; exclusive and inclusive truths; democracy and theocracy; technology and culture; and in the finality and continuity of religious, social and legal doctrines. These binary oppositions demonstrate the contrasting reflections of cultural and religious fault lines, which can be observed throughout many sociocultural environments. In the Middle East, however, the fault lines have taken a sharp downward turn towards sociocultural turmoil, violence and radicalism.

The Burhan Institute intends to address these binary oppositions as dialectical tensions that inevitably lead to the emergence of a more unifying framework for social transformation. The unfolding of events in the region is interpreted and given context by utilising the logical machinery of dialectical opposition, operating between the opposing social processes of fragmentation and integration. The social processes of integration involve normative premises, beliefs and values that are peace-orientated, progressive and universally accepted by the faith traditions of humanity. Inversely, the social processes of fragmentation include normative premises, beliefs and values that have historically caused division and sectarianism, which have kept the region in stagnation and prevented the Middle East from joining the dynamic forces of modernisation and progress that have characterised the modern world. Our approach contends that the tumultuous collision of fragmentation and integration will inevitably result in a greater awakening, a shift from the current crisis, to the future transformation of the region.

Desired social change

Social change and development must come from within the communities of those who want change, and the desire for change is often generated by crisis itself. At that point, an imperative and earnest search for peace and justice will begin. Furthermore, social change requires integrated, multi-dimensional and interdisciplinary approaches that will take into account all sociocultural, economic and political needs as well as the particular challenges of a country or geopolitical entity. The Middle East needs a sustainable framework for social progress that is both pragmatic and visionary. This framework needs to bridge the gap between a realistic assessment of the present condition, and an attainable future that is devoid of the grandiose sense of global superiority. It is a well-known saying that, ‘where there is no vision, the people perish’ (Proverbs 29:18); however, traditional milieus such as the Middle East are disproportionately immersed in experiencing the world through supernatural visions and religious orientations. Therefore, a balancing act seems to be in order so that these societies may be able to temper their spiritual vision with the tempo of modern pragmatism and this-worldly orientations.

In the Middle East, there are life-enhancing values that need to be rediscovered; however, a rediscovery of traditional values does not mean a perpetual and obsessive return to the past. Social progress involves continuous change and flux. On the one hand, societies are the product of history and tradition; and on the other hand, they hold the potential for change and future possibilities. Likewise, history and traditions comprise the collective memory of the Middle East; and since societies cannot perpetually dwell in the past, the Middle Eastern nations would do well to unseal and demythologise their repository of past experiences, and re-examine its content with ongoing processes of critical thinking, problem solving and creativity. That is to say, traditional patterns of behaviour need to be continually modified to reflect constructive accommodations to the dynamics of sociocultural change; otherwise, without modification and refinement, they will crystallise into stagnant and dysfunctional dogmas.

II

Recent world changes – an overview

The world has experienced profound changes, particularly since the second half of the twentieth century. These changes have heralded political freedom, pluralism, civil society, respect for human rights, and the elimination of prejudices against women, and ethnic and religious minorities. In the 1960s, the youth movement in Europe and the United States – anti-war protests and anti-establishment movements – as well as the struggle for civil liberties for African Americans in the United States, created a new political environment. In the 1970s, years of struggle against colonial policies resulted in freedom for many countries that had been ruled by colonial governments for centuries. In the late 1980s and 1990s, with the collapse of the Iron Curtain and communist dictatorships, the Cold War was ended and a new chapter in global order began. The world could see how communist propaganda had created nothing but a mirage of prosperity. Meanwhile, the collapse of the apartheid regime in South Africa, as well as the downfall of military dictatorships in South America and other countries such as the Philippines, increased the influence of the democratic movement and respect for human rights internationally. Changes made to international law resulted in actual punishment for crimes against humanity, creating a profound new state of mind in the global conscience.

It is noteworthy to mention that the consequences of the Cold War have gradually faded away. As a result, the conditions that determined the politics of the 1960s and 1970s are now incompatible with the conditions of a multilateral, post-Cold-War era. During the Cold War, the two superpowers were seeking to support either left- or right-leaning dictatorships, using whatever means allowed them to compete and increase their sphere of influence. With the collapse of the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European socialist regimes, a new agenda has arisen in international affairs – new economic powers have emerged, and profound changes have occurred in former satellites of the United States and the Soviet Union. Today, the governments that have political stability and enjoy the results of efforts in economic development, have found a more significant role in international affairs. Through the emergence of new spheres of power, and the democratisation of many countries that were once under dictatorial regimes for centuries, the old order has changed to the extent that a superpower can no longer have the last word.

Nevertheless, throughout all these years, the Middle Eastern countries have remained virtually impervious to such changes. However, it is clear that they cannot remain outside the sphere of global developments. Global trade and international communications have brought peoples and countries closer, and the internet and social media have created a new degree of international resourcefulness that cannot be suppressed by censorship and oppression.

Throughout history, we have observed a dynamic relationship between the use of technology and its effect on social and economic changes. For example, the prehistoric Neolithic Revolution, the Islamic Agricultural Revolution (eighth–thirteenth centuries), and the eighteenth-century Agricultural Revolution in Europe have affected many civilisations and exerted significant influences on their economic production, political structures and social life. Likewise, the development of the printed word had an immense impact on cultural change and the universalisation of education, while the Industrial Revolution played a significant role in the evolution of capitalism. Furthermore, the electronic revolution has created a new world that is erasing national borders and establishing a global communication system conducive to the requirements of a global village, where political upheaval and oppression cannot be hidden from the eyes of the international community. In today’s world, events happening in every corner of the planet can be seen as they unfold, almost simultaneously. It is no longer possible for dictatorial regimes to hide the suppression of their people or use their police states to quash the desires for democratic change.

The roots of the Arab Spring

The Arab Spring, the revolutionary wave of revolt that ran through the countries of the Arab nations from late 2010, was heralded by demonstrations and protests prompting millions of people to flood the streets. These extreme demonstrations of anger and frustration can be traced to issues of poverty, unemployment, economic problems and subsequent indignities affecting a proud people. In these nations you will find an unprecedented number of young people between the ages of twenty and thirty who see no future for themselves. They have experienced nothing but increasing alienation, isolation and destitution. For example, half of Egypt’s population have an income of less than two dollars per day, and one-fourth of its people are illiterate. Income inequality, economic corruption, and the lack of financial and legal institutions that are necessary for the consolidation of an economic system, are issues that have besieged most of the Middle Eastern countries. Economic favouritism and unholy alliances between business people and government officials (sometimes known as ‘crony capitalism’), run rampant in these countries. The business landscape is systemically conditioned towards illegal dealings with corrupt government officials who benefit from under-the-table transactions; hence, the privileged minority pays less tax and enjoys more benefits. In this context, free competition does not exist; on the contrary, those holding the reins of power can influence the market, creating a system of oligarchic capitalism.

In recent years, countries such as Egypt and Tunisia have experienced some measure of economic progress; however, these efforts have failed to respond sufficiently to the demands and needs of the young and underprivileged. Economic growth – that is to say, production of goods and services – has increased; nonetheless, factors that determine authentic human development, such as education, public health and a safe environment, as well as civil liberties, have not evolved correspondingly. Economic growth requires precise and comprehensive planning, which must take place outside the domain of any political and ideological influences. Unfortunately, sustainable economic planning has not materialised in the Middle East, on any systematic basis. Consequently, governments have used methods such as financial leverage, tax policies and fiscal incentives as a kind of shock therapy, to compensate for the lack of a sustainable economic plan. These random policies have often failed to yield any progress and have, instead, increased inflation. It is quite apparent that the role of the global economy and its influence on creating economic disruptions in the Middle East cannot be denied. As an example, the great recession of 2008, an economic crisis that began in the United States and reached its peak in 2009, had global implications that impacted the economies of the Middle East, despite their not having any active partnership in the world economic network.

Another factor that has contributed to the popular uprisings and revolutions of the region has been the lack of political freedom. In many Middle Eastern countries, totalitarian regimes have been in power for decades. Despite any attempts to implement democratic decision-making, these measures, for the most part, have been solely cosmetic, influencing exiguous sectors of the society, and only to a limited extent. Admittedly, in some countries elections have been held; however, the forces of traditional, authoritarian decision-makers have continued to exert influence through calculated measures that bring parliament and other executive powers under their sphere of influence, ultimately failing to bring prosperity to any country.

Cultural factors have also played a part in contributing to the uprisings in the Middle East. One major source of tension has been the struggle between traditional society, with its norms and values, and modern society, bearing the results of modernity and pluralism. This tug-of-war of tradition versus modernity was intensified by the effects of the Cold War and its aftermath, resulting in a cultural and identity crisis for the Middle East.

By way of illustration, let us consider the example of Egypt during the reign of Gamal Abdel Nasser, when nationalistic tendencies, fused with socialist policies and a concentration on Arab identity, shaped the entire nation’s political discourse. After Nasser’s death, during the presidency of Anwar Sadat, Egypt began a shift towards Western nations, in an attempt to advance a peaceful resolution with Israel, in place of conflict and violence; however, authentic and lasting changes in the political structure of the country failed to develop. At the same time, Muslim fundamentalists who had been denouncing socialist and capitalist models and nationalist tendencies since the beginning of the twentieth century, were calling for the unification of Islamic ummah, advocating an Islamic model as a sweeping remedy for all social, political, economic and cultural problems. The movement campaigned for a regime change and the institution of sharia. It advocated the replication of the same anti-Western tendencies that had been propagated by Marxism, simply rephrasing Marxist propaganda using the terminology of fundamentalist Islam. Instead of the Marxist ideology of a classless society, a doctrine of final salvation and heavenly rewards was feverishly delivered; the concept of sin was epitomised by comparing it to Western liberal democracies, further advancing the fundamentalist agenda and promoting the theory of jihad. Naturally, in a vacuum created by the collapse of socialist and nationalistic ideologies, they were able to attract large numbers of individuals, particularly among the youth.

III

Poverty and corruption – the sole culprits?

The stimuli for the tumultuous uprisings in the Middle East are far more complex than can be made manifest by simply pointing a finger at poverty and political corruption – although elements of both can be identified. These events cannot be viewed as mere episodes within the boundaries of a particular ideological framework; rather, they must be looked at as the results of profound psychosocial alienation, as acting out a desperate desire for awakening and a longing to join the forces that are shaping the content of the global world.

In recent years, attempts have been made to revive the Islamic world’s flourishing sociocultural era that had reached its height in the years between 750 and 1250 CE. For example, during the intense period of enlightenment that started in Egypt and Lebanon towards the close of the nineteenth century, many Egyptian and Lebanese scholars who had travelled to the West, returned to their homes to revolutionise the political life and educational system of their regions. The culmination was Egypt’s adoption of the modern constitution.

The creation of universities in Cairo and Alexandria gave birth to a luminous chapter in history – one that subsequent events could not eclipse. At the beginning of the twentieth century, writers, poets and philosophers, such as Kahlil Gibran, made historic departures to the West, and as a result brought significant contributions to global understanding and intercultural communication. In the area of business and economy, financial giants like the Egyptian economist Talaat Harb – founder of Banque Misr and its many subsidiary companies, including Misr Air – permanently transformed the industrial and financial sectors of the Middle East. In terms of gender equality, the women of Egypt made significant strides. For example, some became pilots (a typically male-dominated profession) even before in many European countries. In the political arena, Anwar Sadat is still regarded as having been years ahead of his time; however, despite his contributions to Egypt’s political and economic tenets, and his efforts to make peace with Israel, his fatal mistake seems to have been in supporting the Islamists against the liberals, because the latter camp contained his Marxist enemies who wanted to disqualify him as successor to President Nasser. Unfortunately, Egypt’s many attempts at renewal have come up against forces of stagnation, resulting in social stasis, with very few attempts leading to systemic change. Despite sporadic efforts to implement reforms, the region has made only anaemic contributions to the global community in terms of scientific progress, technological innovation, cultural refinement and social theory.

For some time, the Middle Eastern countries have merely been consumers of goods, services and ideas from the outside world. Illiteracy and cultural stagnation have caused deep psychological humiliation. These countries have a desire for progress, but see themselves unable to come to terms with the general trends in science, technology and trade that are dominating the global scene. Perhaps one reason why radical ideologies have garnered such appeal is due to a kind of collective psychological defence mechanism. Nostalgic feelings for the past, compounded with a literal, unequivocal and puritanical version of Islam, may seem to be the easiest way for the region to return to the glory of bygone ages. Anti-Western tendencies among radical groups are a by-product of the same psychological mechanism – a way for these groups to project their problems onto outside forces instead of introspectively trying to find the causes within their own beliefs and values.

On the other hand, there are legitimate reasons for anti-Western sentiments to exist in the Middle East. Years of colonial rule, as well as capitalistic interventions fuelled by the desire to expand the market, have left bitter and suspicious impressions in the psyche of the Middle Eastern countries. Furthermore, during the Cold War, both superpowers attempted to exploit the Middle East for their geopolitical agendas. However, the colonial period and the era of the Cold War have now ended, and the world, as a global community, needs to conduct itself and behave in accordance with a new set of rules.

This is not to say that the world has entered into a paradise of altruistic behaviours; selfish tendencies continue to dominate international affairs, and despotic power and force dictate politics in a great number of countries throughout the world. Nevertheless, this new set of rules or code of conduct that has emerged for the developing international order requires the preservation of national interests, while continuing to maintain a state of relative equilibrium and peaceful coexistence among all nations of the world. The countries of the Middle East need to re-evaluate their internal condition in light of the emerging multilateral development of global cooperation, and conduct an honest assessment of the issues that have impeded both their cultural revival and their countries’ social and economic development. This process of self-discovery is the most urgent step that must be taken to find the proper and effective ways out of the current crisis. Blaming the West, or other outside sources, cannot resolve the internal issues confronting these countries.

Three reactions to Western influences

Generally speaking, when societies outside the Western hemisphere encounter Western influences, they react in three distinct ways. First there is a sense of fascination and total absorption in Western values to the point of complete disregard for their own culture, identity and history. Second, their initial attraction encounters serious setbacks, resulting in a kind of raw, anarchic and aimless awakening. The third reaction involves a basic awakening that creates a desire and will to resist the Western influence. Middle Eastern countries have typically used nationalistic and socialist ideologies to withstand this global impact of the West; however, both nationalism and socialism have proved to be unreliable tools in their efforts to keep the West at bay, maintain national identities, and move along the path of progress and modernisation.

Furthermore, the Islamic identity of the region has been hijacked by radical interpretations of Islam resulting in widespread influence of militantly exclusive and sectarian ideology. The Islamic identity has also not been able to offer a unifying vision of what it means to be part of an ever-changing global environment. The principle issue is a question of identity, which is being debated and exercised – the beginning of a healthy and much-needed trend. However, the missing element in these internal discussions is a thorough realisation that we are living in an interdependent world. The quest for identity, or the rediscovery of bygone values while living in the twenty-first century, is inherently intertwined with the search for a common global identity and a purpose. Without this realisation, there exists a vacuum of misunderstanding which may derail the conversation about identity in the Middle East.

Resisting Western influence should not be equated with insistence on preserving dogmatic ideologies. Progress in today’s society is defined by scientific and technological development, consolidation of the rule of law, development of a progressive educational system, creation of a civil society and advancement of democratic principles. In this process, it is reasonable and entirely legitimate to adopt the causes of social progress from other countries; but the necessary condition for adapting principles of social progress lies in the internal awakening of the people, rather than the imposition of manufactured models of growth from the outside. The nation, by itself, must reach a degree of social maturity, able to accept change and transformation as a whole.

Two dimensions of modernity

Modernity and social reform consist of two dimensions. The first dimension involves the willingness to make changes in patterns of thinking and have a greater inclination towards universal values. Modernity advances the notion that social progress is continuous, and that it requires increased susceptibility towards new modes of thinking about how the world works and how we can proceed in the face of increased entropy in our environment. Furthermore, social progress tends to eliminate social barriers and intensify interactions among people. This, in turn, requires the adaptation of a set of values that is genuinely universal and capable of assuming a unifying influence. In an increasingly interrelated social environment, conflict and hostility will inevitably prevail unless a set of unifying values is in place.

The second dimension refers to material progress through technological innovation. The Middle Eastern countries have been somewhat amenable to incorporating modern technology into their lifestyle; however, the necessary shifts in thought, and the value system that must accompany technological progress in order to ensure lasting advancements, have not been established on a consistent basis. Cultural and material dimensions of social progress need to evolve concurrently. If these two essential components of progress do not move forward in cooperation and with reciprocity, the pace of social progress could occur incoherently and result in a punctuated equilibrium, hampered by excessive reliance on material progress, or by outbursts of cultural extremism in one form or another.

Cultural reform takes place on a continuum. It changes its character through the dialectical relationships of continuity and progress, taking shape through innovation and novelty. If cultural values remain bereft of dynamic change, they will inevitably insist on obsessive returns to the past, and eventually metamorphose into dogmatic ideologies. Preservation of continuity has been the Middle East’s dominant response to outside influences, perhaps more than any other factor, and particularly towards Western hegemony. The social discourse has even referred to the Western influence as a cultural war, or the ‘velvet revolution’, instigated solely to destabilise the countries of the region. It has been perceived and propagated throughout the Middle East that Western influence, due to its permissive nature and secular orientation, can destroy the region’s traditional values as well as its religion.

There are certain fallacies in this argument. First, it ignores the vast contributions of Western culture to social norms, scientific developments, technological innovations, artistic expressions, freedom of conscience, and ethical values of democracy and the respect for human rights. Second, the argument implies a level of moral superiority over Western ethical practices, while in reality Western societies have demonstrated respect for individual rights and freedom more than any other civilisation in recorded history.

Personal ethics and the judgement of character are difficult to measure, as moral conflict does not recognise East or West; rather, it is simply a universal human phenomenon. Furthermore, moral laxity in the West is discussed in the public domain, while it is shrouded in hypocrisy in the Middle East. And finally, while it is true that Western hegemony has been able to expand its frontiers throughout the world, it is also true that its expansion has, on occasion, been intertwined with imperialistic policies. However, by the end of colonialism and the Cold War, a new political system had emerged – a multi-layered system that required expanding levels of international cooperation and consensus building. This new system was created as a result of the institutionalising of international organisations, the rise of new economic and political powers, and the profound changes in global consciousness with regard to human rights, social justice and collective security.

IV

A ‘quick read’ of recent Middle East history: myths versus reality

At the turn of the twentieth century, the Ottoman Empire had collapsed, followed by colonial rule and the creation of arbitrary geographical boundaries. The region suffered from the sting of defeat compounded by a prevailing sense of insecurity. The challenges of modernity, democracy and secularism, as well as robust developments in science and technology, further disrupted the region. Furthermore, the impact of the Cold War, as well as the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, contributed considerably to the feverish sense of alienation and suspicion towards a world perceived as hostile and controlling. The West was viewed as a corrupt enemy, on the move to exploit the natural resources of the region and destroy its moral fabric. The ‘oil factor’ also played a role in anti-Western sentiments, as Western powers employed policies of greed and expansionism to secure cheap oil so as to advance their emerging economies. Consequently, this cheap oil was sent to the West in exchange for weapons and military equipment, which only served to consolidate local dictatorial rule. As a result, it took decades for the oil market to find a reasonable degree of equal trade. The lack of modern education, scientific thinking and critical analysis furthered the sense of insecurity and alienation, and contributed to the emergence of various conspiracy theories. As mentioned earlier, the rising resistance movements used nationalistic and Islamic sentiments to incite the masses. They also employed Marxist critique of the capitalist West to formulate a worldview on how the world works and how the region has come under attack from the outside.

In the twentieth century, failed worldviews had a strong presence in Middle Eastern countries. Conspiracy theories have often been used to fill the gaps in worldviews that lack compatibility with the ever-changing conditions of the modern world. This was done in an effort to fill the political vacuum and compensate for the inadequacies of worn-out ideologies. Conspiracy theories have also been used to explain the void that was created by the collapse of traditional societies in the Middle East, and to conjure up enemies that are summoned to destroy Islam, undermine the moral fabric of the society and cause the countries of the Middle East to disintegrate. The primary culprits or conspirators have traditionally been identified as Zionists and Western imperialists.

It is true that the existing international order is far from being just and equitable. Nations and governments incessantly compete to grab greater and greater political power and economic superiority; however, attempts to pursue political power and expand the sphere of influence are explicable within historically conditioned logic and norms of conduct. The premises of this logic are determined within the parameters of the international order at any given time. The oppressed nations obviously possess the desire and the responsibility to seek out a greater share of power and a more just order, but successful attempts to compete with lesser or greater powers requires a two-fold policy: 1. Adherence to the rules for pragmatic engagement; and 2. Respect for international peace through world-governing laws. A perfect illustration of the application of these policies is the example set by Gandhi when he resisted and ultimately defeated British colonialism by using the logic of pragmatic engagement and nonviolent (peace-orientated) resistance.

One important facet of conspiracy theories is a belief that governments and agents of power have colluded, on a global scale, to undermine Middle Eastern countries by invoking secret political power and evil intentions that exceed accepted tenets of scientific inquiry in history, religion, psychology, sociology and political sciences. Books are written, children are raised, and educational systems are designed with the notion that hidden and mysterious reasons – reasons that seem to defy ordinary explanations – are behind the social stagnation in the Middle East. Self-righteousness and a perceived sense of moral superiority can also cause people to formulate conspiracy theories. This attitude of superiority tends to divide the world between us and them, creating the righteous and the wicked. Furthermore, this attitude of moral superiority causes people to become incapable of seeing their faults and taking responsibility for their demise.

A conspiracy theory tends to ignore intellectual standards of inquiry and scientific evidence, which in turn allows it to establish the existence of malevolent forces that have planned and committed a crime and covered it up with deceitful propositions. Conspiracy theories may begin with a minor suspicious proposition, but later lead to considerable paranoia and thoughts of persecution. Dubious theories usually find fertile ground in societies that are in transition, or where social changes have challenged old norms and created new social realities. Social change tends to create a sense of instability that may eventually be followed by existential anxiety. Human beings cherish stability and consistency; anything that may pose a real or perceived threat to essential characteristics of physical or mental security can create a strong sense of resistance. In this context, conspiracy theories can be viewed as a trusted and valued defence mechanism against change.

V

Radical Islamism – root causes and remedy

Nationalist and socialist political orientations have had a somewhat transitory existence in the political life of the Middle East. These political movements tend to rise and fall, leaving the region with an ideological vacuum. Meanwhile, in the absence of democratic institutions, radical Islamism, with essentially an underground existence, has been able to take advantage of this ideological vacuum and move from the margins to the mainstream of political life. The adherents have clothed themselves in the mantle of Islamic righteousness and declared the advent of Islamic rule over the world.

Furthermore, they have used a dark eschatological ideology, gathered from interpretations by the most aggressive and strict among Muslim theologians, to justify brute terror. Sadly, the region has endured years of corrupt politics, violent dictatorships, contemptuous attitudes towards democracy and modernity, and an educational system devoid of independent thinking, steeped in endeavours to defend dogmas. The result has been the creation of a fertile ground for the voiceless populace and the alienated youth; they have found the ideology of terrorism to be a meaningful alternative for achieving Islamic glory on the earth and securing a place in heaven after engaging in violent confrontation with the infidels.

The ideology of terror must be confronted and defeated on three fronts: economic, ideological and collective force. Economic power should provide satisfactory employment and decent life prospects for young people who are susceptible to terrorist propaganda – more so than any other age group. Even though it has been shown that economic factors are not the main culprit in attracting individuals to terrorist organisations, poverty and unemployment can certainly contribute to an environment of social alienation, where terrorist ideologies may appear to be more appealing.

As for an ideological front, a compelling argument must be drafted to combat terrorist ideologies. This ideology cannot be manufactured in a think tank or within a politically biased frame of reference. It requires a global effort on the part of families, religious leaders, educational systems, political institutions and leaders of thought to develop a culture of peace and coexistence. The unfolding events in the Middle East have raised a central question as to the role of Islam in the economy, polity and society. Furthermore, the rising influence of terrorist groups exemplifies cases in which Islam is used to justify violence, dictatorial rule and the violation of human rights. The core of an ideological counteraction consists of renouncing violence in the name of religion and declaring it as a doctrine of the past that has lost its utility in the modern world. Terrorism needs to be defeated primarily through meaningful consensus building, an effort to collectively discover ideas that would create a new mind-set and system of values; however, this new mind-set must be supported by the socio-economic infrastructure that would give opportunities to young people to develop their potential and find prospects for a meaningful life. Nonetheless, this must be predicated on their pursuit of an education, assiduous work, and their demonstration of respect for others as responsible citizens.

Clearly, ideological and socio-economic changes take time, requiring long-term strategic planning; however, in the short run, terrorism could be defeated by the dynamic force of a universal treaty, signed by governments around the world, and implemented through the mechanism of collective security and economic sanctions. The impact of this treaty would be infinitely more effective if the global coalition comprised countries with diverse political and cultural differences. Undeniably, this collective force should involve a wide alliance of regional countries, backed by the support of legitimate international institutions such as the United Nations.

To whom will the future belong?

In the long run, terrorist groups have no chance of succeeding. Although the fault lines of international order may provide a fertile ground for temporary access to power, the forces of terrorism are struggling against the dynamism of progress and the march of history. Undoubtedly, the situation in the Middle East – geopolitically one of the most sensitive areas in the world – could get worse. For example, the economic crises in these countries may engulf the global economy, worsening international relations even further and ultimately providing an environment for terrorist groups to advance their agenda; however, any ascendancy by these groups will not last. First, those who adhere to violent interpretations of Islam stand against the majority of Muslims who believe in a peaceful vision of Islam for their lives.

Second, a careful review of the historical and sociological conditions of the international order of the twenty-first century clearly reveals that despotic and violent ideologies have minimal chances of survival in a world that is increasingly moving towards global interdependency and collective security. Also, despite the negative trends of increased radicalism, violent confrontation and sectarian conflict, there are positive developments marking the emergence of a progressive future for the Middle East. For example, women are becoming more educated and consequently demanding their equal rights; civil societies, as well as youth and labour movements, are voicing their united fronts; and social media and the proliferative use of the internet have exerted significant influence on the establishment of communication between peoples of the Middle East and the world as a whole, creating a free flow of information that cannot be stifled by censorship or a temporary blockage of the internet. Freedom of expression is mediated by technology, which is virtually unstoppable.

VI

Islam: cause of crisis, or source of hope and rehabilitation?

Islam plays a significant role in shaping the political and cultural life of the Middle East; however, in international discourse, Islam is perceived to be the primary cause of both the crisis in the Middle East and the hope for, or source of, rehabilitation of the region as a whole. In fact, the very social and cultural fabric of the region is deeply interwoven with Islamic teachings and worldview. It is naïve, counterproductive and contrary to the dynamics of social change to believe that Islam can be considered separate from the future of the Middle East. Humanity cannot ignore the role of Islam in history and its significant impact on ethics, the arts and sciences, and social development. Islam is certainly capable of contributing to the moral and spiritual fabric of today’s civilisation; however, this lofty goal cannot be achieved through the resurrection of religious fanaticism, or the use of violence and sectarian conflict.

Modern history indicates that serious challenges to the traditional definition of religion have been created by the rise and development of a highly efficient, robust and established scientific and secular interpretation of the world. History shows us that any religion that is incapable of adapting itself to change, and instead crystallises into dogmatic patterns of behaviour, runs the risk of failure. As A.N. Whitehead laments, ‘Religions commit suicide when they find their inspirations in the dogmas.’2

The critical consideration is that Islam’s contribution to the progress of the world does not necessarily reside in controlling the organs of political power. Political authority and military conquest may not be considered the most significant contributions of Islam to the world. On the contrary, the most impressive moments of Islam in history are those that are defined by expressions of tolerance, promotion of knowledge and the refinement of character.

There are certain teachings in Islam, in accordance with recognised sources, which may constitute the necessary consensus to authorise the adaptation of the religion to change. The consensus (ijma) should involve the entire Muslim world and find inspiration in the teachings of Islam regarding mercy, compassion and the promotion of a culture of peace. The hermeneutics of reform must be compelled to link the traditional definition of ijma to modern discourse on consultative-participatory consensus building. This act will revitalise the definition and practice of ijma. A new perspective on Islam – one based on rational consensus – must emerge so that it can bring peace and unity to the region and to the world as a whole. This notion then raises the question: what characteristics of a reformed Islamic perspective are needed to bring about a peaceful and unified Middle East?

Islam as a source of hope and rehabilitation: universalism is indispensable