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- Herausgeber: Science & Technology Publishing
- Kategorie: Fachliteratur
- Sprache: Englisch
A Speech on the Principles of Finance is a significant historical work delivered by William Huskisson in the House of Commons on February 25, 1813. This book captures Huskisson’s influential address during a critical period in British economic history, as the nation grappled with the financial strains of the Napoleonic Wars. In his speech, Huskisson meticulously examines the foundations of public finance, focusing on the management of national debt, the importance of fiscal responsibility, and the necessity of maintaining public credit. He articulates the dangers of excessive government borrowing and the long-term consequences of unsound financial policies, advocating for transparency, accountability, and prudent economic management. The speech is notable for its clarity, logical structure, and persuasive arguments, reflecting Huskisson’s deep understanding of economic principles and his commitment to the public good. Through detailed analysis and historical references, Huskisson addresses the challenges facing the British government, offering practical recommendations for reform and sustainable financial practices. A Speech on the Principles of Finance remains a valuable resource for students of economic history, public policy, and political science, providing insight into early 19th-century debates on fiscal policy and the enduring principles of sound financial governance.
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Transcriber’s Note:
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
A SPEECHON THE PRINCIPLES OF FINANCE,
A SPEECH ON THE PRINCIPLES OF FINANCE,
MONEY! IS IT A PRINCIPLE OR A PROPERTY?
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MONEY! IS IT A PRINCIPLE OR A PROPERTY?
To the careful student of history, there is a very great deal more to be considered than the mere political facts that stand as landmarks along the path of progress which the nations have traversed since the plains of Iran poured forth their hosts westward. These facts are the mere externals that adorn the pages of historic lore, and embellish the memories of the great men who have lived in and moved the world at various times in various nations, or which clothe the lives of tyrants and usurpers with their just reward.
The superficial student of history cares only for the results of the evolution of nations—for the fact that Sesostris was the greatest of Egyptian kings; or that Semiramis rose by her military sagacity from the rank of a mean official’s wife to be, first, the Queen of Ninas, and afterward, to be the Assyrian Queen, who should march an army of three millions men across the Indus to conquer the Indian King. Running down the course of events, he traces the rise and fall of nations—after Assyria then Egypt, next Persia, Greece, Rome and then the Dark Ages, out of whose womb was evolved modern Europe; and, lastly, the birth, development, struggle and recovery of the most remarkable nation which has yet arisen in the world.
Behind these facts, which are but results, lie the real motor powers of history; and they are deeper, broader and more important than is that which they evolve. There is an external and an internal phase to everything existent in the world. Up to this generation the external has apparently borne the more prominent part in determining what should be next. But now the analytic age has begun, wherein facts do not suffice; wherein new systems, new theories, new philosophies and even new religions are constructed, not by an examination of the errors of what has been, but by the discovery and application of the principles, the powers, which underlie those errors.
Heretofore there has been no inquiry made by the rulers of the people into the general principles of government. It was sufficient that there was a government maintained, the governors caring for little but the power to compel the people to do their bidding. But it is beginning to dawn upon the minds of those who have something more than a selfish interest in humanity that there is a science of government; aye, even that there is a science of society: and such minds are endeavoring by the deepest researches to discover the principles of these sciences.
In our government, the principle of individual rights is theoretically held, though in its application government still interferes with those rights. The legitimate functions of a government, based upon the rights of every individual over whom its power is exercised, are limited to the duties that will best subserve and protect the interests of individuals. The proper understanding and practice of these functions is the most important thing for a people to arrive at, but, having arrived at this as the basis of all the relations of the people, the scientific construction of the various departments of the complete superstructure which is to cover all the public interests of all the people, as well as to maintain their private interests intact, can be begun.
After the general principles of government are properly formulated in Constitutions and vitality given them by laws, a correct, a scientific financial system stands next in importance. If a country have a true system of government, and do not have a true system of finance, it can never attain to any permanent prosperity. Literally speaking, finance is a part of government; since, in organizing it, means for its support are among the first considerations. Hence it is plain, if there are principles of government, so must there also be principles of finance.
It has never been pretended, so far as I know, even by the profoundest political economists, who are sticklers for the gold standard, that any financial systems the world has ever known were developed by the scientific application of self-evident truths, which is the nature of principles.
The various systems of which use has been made were simply experimental, devised for politic reasons, as the best methods to meet the exigencies of the times in which they were required. Instance the Greenback, the necessity for which was such as to shake the nation to its very centre, and to fill the minds of all patriots with a dread foreboding.
If there have been no scientific money systems in vogue, and it now comes out that the world has arrived at that degree of advancement wherein policy should give way to principles, even in finance, there can be nothing gained by going back to review the errors, failures and fallacies of the past. Nothing valuable can be gained by wading through the almost innumerable statistics which have accumulated to a sufficiently great extent to bewilder the most comprehensive intellects. Having for ten years been deeply engaged in studying the principles of government, I learned that no system of government could be perfect unless its financial department was perfected; therefore I have frequently endeavored to solve the financial problems which statistics propose, but invariably failed to learn anything that even promised to look well as a basis for a new and improved system, to say nothing of its promises in operation.
The conclusion was inevitable, that there have been no acknowledged or even known, fundamental principles of finance operating in any of the many systems of the many nations, and that the so-called money of the world is not now, nor ever was, money, in the scientific sense of that term.
