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- Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
- Kategorie: Religion und Spiritualität
- Sprache: Englisch
In these times of rising tensions between Christians and Muslims across the world, the need for harmony and peace has never been more urgent. As one of the world’s leading advocates of interfaith dialogue, Craig Considine introduces readers to the provocative idea of the Synthesis of Civilizations, a theory that pushes beyond dialogue to show where and how Western and Islamic civilizations have been – and continue to be – in a deeper union with one another.
With an open mind and a deep appreciation of the Abrahamic tradition, Considine takes readers on a fascinating journey across history and the current state of Christian–Muslim relations in seven “battleground” regions of the world. Alongside the undeniable tensions between Christians and Muslims, the book presents and applies an interfaith community-building tool – DEUCE – focused on dialogue, education, understanding, commitment, and engagement. With unprecedented civilizational scope and sweeping sociological insight, Considine does full justice to the religious and social bonds between Christianity and Islam.
While daily headlines highlight the shared fear, persecution, and violence experienced by Christians and Muslims worldwide, Beyond Dialogue is intended to inspire interfaith bridge builders who are passionate about defending and promoting civility, humanity, and pluralism on the world stage.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2024
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CONTENTS
Cover
Table of Contents
Dedication
Title Page
Copyright
Introduction
DEUCE
The Clash, Dialogue, and Synthesis of Civilizations
Structure of the Book
Note
Chapter 1 – Humanity
Wahhabism and the House of Saud
De-Wahhabization and Mohammad bin Salman
The Abraham Accords
Sheikh Zayed’s Vision and the Year of Tolerance
Saint Mary’s of Dubai and DEUCE in Emirati History
Restoring Humanity and the Spirit of Mosul
Reviving the Spirit of Mosul
The Abrahamic Family House in Abu Dhabi
Islamic Civilization and Spaces of Light
Notes
Chapter 2 – Hybridity
Closing the Drawbridge to Fortress Europe
The Crusaders in the Holy Land
Christian–Muslim Alliances at the Battle of Vienna
The Gates of Vienna and the Great Replacement Theory
The New Europe and the Schengen Zone
Coexistence and Conflict at the Cathedral-Mosque in Córdoba
Sicilian Synthesis in Medieval Times
Berlin’s House of One and Tbilisi’s Peace Cathedral
European Identity in the Twenty-First Century
Notes
Chapter 3 – Heterogeneity
Triumph and Transformation at the Hagia Sophia
The Conversion of the Hagia Sophia
Discrimination Against Christians in Modern-Day Turkey
Political Islam and the AKP
The Rise of Neo-Ottomanism and the Muslim Brotherhood
Cyprus – An Island Divided
Greek Angst in the Aegean Sea
The Gülen Movement
The Millet System and Eastern Christians Under Ottoman Rule
Tanzimat Tolerance in the Ottoman Empire
Kemalism and the Separation of Religion and State
Transcending Neo-Ottomanism
Notes
Chapter 4 – Honor
The Case of Asia Bibi
Dishonoring Pakistani Christians
Islamism and Pakistani National Identity
Sir Sayyid and Maududi – The Search for a “Modern Muslim Country”
The Quaid-i-Azam and the Politics of Theocracy
“Love For All, Hatred For None” – The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
“Peace With All” at Akbar the Great’s Court
Religious Syncretism and the House of Worship
The Future of Honor in Pakistan
Notes
Chapter 5 – Harmony
Nigeria – The Eye of the Storm of Christian Persecution
Managing Religious Diversity in Nigeria
An Eternal Struggle – The Copts in Egypt
The Europeanization of Egypt
“Religion is For God, and Egypt is For All”
The Muslim Brotherhood and the Politics of the Arab Spring
The Mali Empire and the Manuscripts of Timbuktu
Preserving the Manuscripts of Timbuktu
A Guardian Angel in Plateau State
Ubuntu in Action
Notes
Chapter 6 – Healing
Bilali Muhammad and the War of 1812
Islam at Mount Vernon
“Creeping Sharia” and Islamophobic Hate Crimes
“Islam Hates Us” or Pinckney’s Oath?
The Controversy over Jefferson’s Qur’an
America’s “Magnanimous Friend” in its Darkest Hour
The “Friend of Mankind” and Islamic Values
Healing and E Pluribus Unum
Notes
Chapter 7 – Holiness
The Balfour Declaration and the Partition of the Holy Land
The Controversy over the American Embassy in Jerusalem
Squeezed Between Israel and Palestine – Christians in the Holy Land
Abraham’s Sanctuary in Hebron
The Pact of Umar and the Jerusalemite Christians
The Keys to Peace – Muslim Allies at the Holiest Site in Christendom
Blessed Are the Peacemakers
Abraham’s Tent and Tikkun Olam in the Twenty-First Century
Holy Land, Holy People
Notes
Conclusion
DEUCE and the Synthesis of Civilizations
The Seven H’s – Summary of Chapters
Call to Action
References
Index
End User License Agreement
Guide
Cover
Table of Contents
Dedication
Title Page
Copyright
Introduction
Begin Reading
References
Index
End User License Agreement
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Dedication
To Michael O’Brien, for all your help
Beyond Dialogue
Building Bonds Between Christians and Muslims
Craig Considine
polity
Copyright © Craig Considine 2025
The right of Craig Considine to be identified as Author of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published in 2025 by Polity Press
Polity Press65 Bridge StreetCambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press111 River StreetHoboken, NJ 07030, USA
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-5528-4
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2024936851
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IntroductionDEUCE and the Synthesis of Civilizations
Working in the field of Christian and Muslim relations is not for the faint-hearted. Since time immemorial, Christians and Muslims have engaged in a litany of cruel and inhumane actions towards one another. Engrained in the collective consciousnesses of both populations is a memory of the other as an invading force that seeks converts, power, and resources. Issues pertaining to civilizational expansion and empire building have marked these relations since the Arab-Byzantine wars of the seventh century.
The unresolved geopolitical entanglements between the West and the Ummah (the global community of Muslim believers) have created cultural, religious, and social dynamics that are complex and difficult to resolve. The relationship between these civilizations is contentious, highly politicized, and represents many threats to peaceful coexistence on the world stage. Those like me who advocate for peace and pluralism face resistance from those who consider any kind of synthesis between Christians and Muslims as antithetical to their respective traditions. Extremists on both sides consider themselves to be the formal custodians of not only civilization, but God, and they see their civilizations and religions as commanding the subjugation of anyone who is deemed to be an outsider or threat.
Given the state of Christian and Muslim relations today, the naysayers point to the saying “get real, there will never be peace.” This book challenges that claim by showing how “getting real” also means working toward coexistence and human flourishment. Positive examples do exist and have existed throughout history. In finding the common routes to peace, we see Christians and Muslims abiding by the best elements of their respective civilizational values and faith traditions.
For Christians and Muslims to settle their differences and live in harmony, there is an urgent need for attitudinal changes, paradigm shifts, and creative solutions. Put another way, as Pope Francis once said, they need to bequeath to their children a culture that is capable of “devising strategies of life, not death, and of inclusion, not exclusion.” Solutions are contained within the Christian and Islamic traditions themselves and the histories of the civilizations born of them. I do not see these solutions as hopelessly idealistic or utopian. In fact, I have witnessed them in action, as this book will show. I hope that readers take the models and examples to heart and learn from them.
DEUCE
This book presents the acronym DEUCE as a mechanism to build more bonds between Christians and Muslims, and subsequently between the West and the Ummah. DEUCE stands for Dialogue, Education, Understanding, Commitment, and Engagement (Considine 2017a: 177). It can be used as a general concept to explain effective interfaith work, or it can be used as an actual step-by-step process to deploy in local communities.
Dialogue, the first element of DEUCE, is about initiating contact and starting conversations with other human beings. In my lectures around the world, I often tell audiences that this initial stage of dialogue should focus on “being human” rather than simply “being Christian” or “being Muslim.” Focusing on shared identities and our common humanity – on issues like being a son, father, dad, husband, friend, or citizen – helps to foster connections across both real and perceived divides. I also tell audiences that “effective listening” is a lost art, but one that is essential for effective communication, and eventually understanding. Ceremonial exchanges – like enjoying a meal, organizing a book club, or co-hosting an interfaith event – are useful tools in engaging in meaningful dialogue.
Human beings are able to efficiently engage in Education, the second element of DEUCE, once dialogue establishes rapport and trust. Education involves a more serious and structured dialogue to generate “sympathetic intelligence” on topics like cultural practices, national identities, religious beliefs, sacred texts, and theological doctrine. The purpose of education is not to “convert” other participants to their religion or political ideology. Participating in educational endeavors also does not ask Christians or Muslims to compromise their religious beliefs or agree on the lowest common denominators about the respective traditions of the other. Rather, it is to enhance knowledge of each other’s identities, lived experiences, realities, and views. Education is about gaining a more nuanced and thorough understanding of the various issues that typically divide two or more populations.
The third element of DEUCE – Understanding – refers to a state of being which is achieved by deliberate efforts to form friendships with other human beings. Understanding is synonymous with the idea of “finding consensus” in complex and fluid environments. It is also akin to “seeing eye to eye” or agreeing to move toward common goals even if there might be differences or disagreements. Understanding also should be differentiated from “knowing.” While the two are related, knowing is static while understanding is active. If Christians and Muslims are able to understand one another, they are more likely to make sense of each other’s decisions in a given situation. They would also be more likely to predict how people might respond to certain situations, which is a form of conflict resolution.
Commitment is the fourth element of DEUCE. It points to being dedicated or loyal to a particular cause, movement, or relationship. By committing to common goals and agreeing to a similar vision for society, Christians and Muslims are able to demonstrate camaraderie, care, and trust, all of which are critical to building bonds in a given society. Commitment to civil projects is particularly critical to a community’s overall health and well-being. Unless Christians and Muslims commit themselves to a common set of principles, then both populations will continue suffering from human maladies like discrimination, racism, and xenophobia.
The fifth and decisive step of DEUCE is Engagement, which refers to Christians and Muslims being physically and socially active and committed to working together on projects bigger than themselves or immediate communities. Engagement might entail building multi-faith complexes, establishing a network of centers, leaders, and organizations, and jointly facilitating events for the common good. Instead of waiting for changes, there are Christians and Muslims that have taken – and are taking – responsibility in making the societal changes that they desire. This book brings their stories and teachings to life.
The Clash, Dialogue, and Synthesis of Civilizations
I will be addressing DEUCE through a theoretical framework that includes three concepts – the Clash of Civilizations, the Dialogue of Civilizations, and – my unique contribution – the Synthesis of Civilizations.1 The latter term refers to Christians and Muslims working together by using the best of their cultural resources and religious traditions to create a new kind of community, and a new way of understanding the relationship between Christianity and Islam.
It is important to note that “synthesis” does not refer to a religious synthesis, or what some scholars refer to as “religious syncretism.” I am not advocating for a new religion that combines principles of Christianity and Islam. To be clear, I am advocating for a “civic synthesis,” whereby diverse groups of people work together in the public realm to build a new kind of multi-ethnic and multi-religious community.
The Synthesis of Civilizations is tied to the title of this book – “beyond dialogue.” My theory is that there is indeed something beyond the framework of the Dialogue of Civilizations, and that DEUCE is a useful tool to use in furthering deeper bonds between Christians and Muslims.
The Dialogue of Civilizations is currently the world’s major trend in interfaith dialogue, sponsored by the efforts and teachings of Pope Francis, whose papacy outlined the need for a Culture of Encounter between Christians and Muslims, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government, with whom he has worked closely. While the Dialogue of Civilizations welcomes Christians and Muslims to engage the other, there is no guarantee that their encounters will lead to fruitful developments between the populations. My point here relates to a popular criticism of interfaith dialogue – that it fosters tolerance, which is a good thing, but that it does not foster pluralism. The latter is the process whereby human beings of diverse backgrounds embark upon the “energetic engagement” with religious diversity. On this point, it differs from tolerance, which passively accepts diversity without actually engaging it. Pluralism, on the other hand, embraces diversity and stresses the importance of meaningful relationships for the betterment of the public good.
Both the Synthesis of Civilizations and the Dialogue of Civilizations are antithetical to the Clash of Civilizations. This concept argues that the primary source of conflict in the world is rooted in culture and religion. Its proponents claim that the West and the Ummah are mutually incompatible because of their different belief systems, civilizational values, and historical experiences. The Clash of Civilizations gained credibility following the attacks of 9/11, which – for many Westerners and Muslims worldwide – was another event in a long war between Christians and Muslims. It manifested in recent development like the United States’ “Muslim travel ban,” terrorist attacks by Muslim extremists on the European continent, and the tumultuous end of US engagement in Afghanistan.
But this pessimism about positive interfaith relations does not depict the full extent of Christian and Muslim relations. Positive encounters between Christians and Muslims have a history that long predates the “War on Terror.” While the chapters of this book do not shy away from addressing the very real conflicts between those acting in the name of Christianity and Islam, we would be foolish to think that they capture the truth.
Structure of the Book
Beyond Dialogue will provide a historical and contemporary overview of Christian and Muslim relations in seven key geographical areas of the world, in the following order – the Arabian Peninsula, Europe, Asia Minor, South Asia, Africa, the United States of America (USA), and the Holy Land. Each of the seven chapters begin with the letter “H,” and every chapter serves as a sociological concept that guides my analysis. These seven “H’s” are Humanity, Hybridity, Heterogeneity, Honor, Harmony, Healing, and Holiness. Throughout the book, readers will see examples of DEUCE woven into real-life examples from across the globe and through the centuries. My hope is that readers will see the value of DEUCE and gain a better understanding of the potential for better relations between Christianity and Islam, the two biggest religions in the world.
In each chapter, I focus on specific “borderlands,” a term that was inspired by the work of Gloria Anzaldúa (d. 2004), an American scholar of cultural theory. These locations represent the physical, spiritual, and symbolic boundaries that separate the West and the Ummah. By focusing on borderlands, readers are given a glimpse into the tense relations between Christians and Muslims, but also cultural hybridity, as these sites are susceptible to collaboration and mixing. To analyze the borderlands, I turn to the concept of the Grey Zone, which is a metaphor for the physical spaces of coexistence. These spaces are threatened by extremists in the West and the Ummah, who both view the world as divided into two camps – Christians or Muslims – and share the goal of destroying spaces of harmony and humanity.
My own lived experiences and personal observations will be recurring themes in the following pages. In some ways, I am similar to Louis Massignon (d. 1962) – the French Catholic priest and scholar – who once described himself as “standing at the crossroads, on the terrain of spiritual contact between Christianity and Islam” (Moncelon 1990: 537). I am not French like Massignon, but I am Catholic, and I have also stood at diverse sites of contact between Christians and Muslims.
This is my latest contribution to the body of knowledge as I continue my interfaith work. I am confident that DEUCE can be a utilitarian approach to bridging real or perceived differences that is able to greatly enhance harmony between Christians and Muslims.
Note
1.
To my knowledge, the term Synthesis of Civilizations has not been deployed by academics who study Christian and Muslim relations or the relationship between the West and the Ummah.
CHAPTER 1HumanityThe Arabian Peninsula
There are few places in the world more difficult to be a Christian than Saudi Arabia. Consider the story of Fatima, a Saudi woman who converted to Christianity from Islam in her mid-twenties. After her conversion, she started blogging under the pseudonym Rania, the Arabic woman’s name meaning “eye-catching” or “noticeable” (Open Doors Australia 2013). Fatima was certainly both.
Her first blog post had a comment posted to it, which read – “You worship a foolish, crucified, cursed Lord. We are not honored by Saudi Arabian Christians. If I had you in my hands, I would slaughter you twice.”
Gracefully, Fatima responded by referencing the eighth beatitude of Jesus, who declared, “Blessed are those who are persecuted for righteousness’ sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.”
Things spiraled downwards for Fatima after her first post. Her brother went into a fit of rage when he found out that she had converted to Christianity. One day, in fear for her life, Fatima locked herself in her bedroom and started blogging. The title of that particular post was “I am in big trouble.”
Fatima was right. Her brother, disgusted by her conversion to Christianity, eventually mangled her face by throwing acid on it. He then cut out her tongue. She later died from her injuries.
Fatima’s story raises concerning questions on the presence of DEUCE and the well-being of humanity in Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of Islam. I define humanity as the quality of being benevolent, hospitable, inclusive, kind, and sympathetic towards one’s fellow human beings, who constitute one human race. The opposite of humanity – inhumanity – is the state or quality of being cruel, exclusive, extreme, monstrous, and even violent towards one’s fellow human beings, let alone one’s sibling.
Today, Saudi Arabia ranks as the thirteenth most difficult country in the world to live in as a Christian (Open Doors USA n.d.a.). There is not a single official church in the country. Handing out Bibles is illegal. Converts to Christianity, foreign-born Christians, and native-born Christians all face systematic discrimination, intolerance, and prejudice, all of which fester in societies steeped in extremism and supremacy.
How, exactly, did Christianity become virtually intolerable in Saudi Arabia?
PART ONE – THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS
Wahhabism and the House of Saud
The eyes of the world turned to Saudi Arabia in the days following 9/11. Fifteen of the hijackers, who launched their terrorist attacks by crashing commercial flights into the Twin Towers in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington D.C., were Saudi nationals. The attacks killed 2,977 people (9/11 Memorial and Museum n.d.). It was the single largest loss of life resulting from a foreign attack on American soil in the history of the USA.
My previous book The Humanity of Muhammad – A Christian View (Considine 2020) started with my personal experience on that fateful day. As a fifteen-year-old junior at Needham High School in Massachusetts, I had little context – and a lack of education or understanding – to make sense of the terror-driven media narratives about Islam and Muslims. I had no Muslim friends, I had never visited a mosque, and I never learned about Islamic history in Catholic school or public school. I had a lot of questions as to what happened on that day.
Naturally, the American government had questions, too. It started pointing the blame at Al-Qaeda – a transnational terrorist network – and the Taliban – an Islamist government – in Afghanistan. Most Americans had never heard of either group at the time. Questions also swirled on whether Muslim-majority countries around the world may have assisted the terrorists in their attacks.
Clarity on the perpetrators’ identities was provided in December 2002, when a joint House of Representatives and Senate intelligence committee provided evidence of possible links between the government of Saudi Arabia and some of the fifteen Saudi citizens involved in the attacks (Ottaway 2016).
Osama Bin Laden (d. 2011), the Saudi-born founder of the pan-Islamic terrorist organization known as Al-Qaeda, emerged as the ringleader of the attacks of 9/11. In May 1998, when interviewed in Afghanistan by ABC, he outlined his vision for the Clash of Civilizations, stating:
It is far better for anyone to kill a single American soldier than to squander his efforts on other activities … We believe that the worst thieves in the world today and the worst terrorists are the Americans. Nothing could stop [Muslims] except perhaps retaliation in kind. We do not have to differentiate between military or civilian. As far as we are concerned, they are all targets (Public Broadcasting Service n.d.).
The Clash of Civilizations is a term that captures the perceived antagonistic relationship between Christians and Muslims. It was popularized by Samuel P. Huntington (d. 2008), the former political scientist from Harvard University, following the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. He argued that the primary source of future conflicts will be rooted in “cultural values” rather than “economic values” (like capitalism versus communism) (Huntington 1993: 22). To drive home his thesis, Huntington’s book publisher – Simon and Schuster – created a book cover that juxtaposed two flags – the American flag (representing the West) and the white crescent placed against a green backdrop (representing the Ummah).
Bin Laden was famous for spreading discontent and resentment in the West by calling the American-led “War on Terror” a greedy and immoral war designed to bolster Western oil interests. He referred to Saudi Arabia as a “colony” of the USA and Saudi leaders as the “puppets” of Western leaders for allowing American military bases inside the birthplace of Islam.
Many media commentators suggested that 9/11 was the result of Wahhabism, which is recognized as a primary driver of “Islamic terrorism” and the “catchall term to describe all forms of Islamic militancy” (Pew Research Center 2005). In the West, Wahhabism is synonymous with extremism. In the Ummah, it is synonymous with the conservative Hanbali school of jurisprudence and the strictest interpretation of the Sharia. It has been identified as the only form of religion that can be openly taught or practiced in Saudi Arabia (Rohmaniyah and Woodward 2012: 3).
Wahhabism is named after Muhammad Ibn Abd Al-Wahhab (d. 1792), a jurist and theologian of the eighteenth century. He saw himself as a mujaddid, or a “restorer of the faith,” and encouraged a literal interpretation of the Qur’an and ahadith. Al-Wahhab was a strict proponent of tawhid, the Arabic term meaning the “oneness of God” or the “unity of God.” For those who may not be familiar with the term, tawhid celebrates Allah as indivisible, monolithic, and singular (Phillips 2018). For Al-Wahhab, it was incompatible with the Trinity – the Christian doctrine claiming that the Father (God), the Son (Jesus), and the Holy Spirit represent the true essence of God. From a Wahhabi perspective, the Trinity is the “ultimate evil” (Abdul-Rahman 2023). It positions Christians as “unsaveable,” or victims of what Pope Francis called the “throw-away culture,” in which human beings are discarded and excluded as outcasts and potential villains because they do not align with hegemonic worldviews.
Christians, it should be noted, do not worship three gods. Worshipping three gods amounts to polytheism. Rather, Christians typically worship one God who they believe exists as three distinct, co-equal, co-eternal persons, sharing all the attributes of deity, agreeing completely in will and purpose, and existing eternally in divine, loving relationships with one another (Phillips 2018). There also are Unitarian Christians who adhere to a strict monotheism in the unitary nature of God. An understanding of these distinctions and views is important for furthering constructive dialogue and beneficial engagement between Christians and Muslims.
Al-Wahhab was particularly harsh in maintaining a puritanical view of religious sites. He eschewed bid’ah – the Arabic term meaning “innovation” – including practices like decorating graves, mysticism, and worshipping saints. He considered all these practices to be shirk, or the sin of polytheism.
Al-Wahhab encountered problems while living in Iran in 1736 and then again in his birthplace of Al-‘Uyayna in 1744. He ended up finding refuge in Diriyah, an agricultural settlement that was then emerging as a commercial center.1 There, he was granted protection by Saud Bin Muhammad Al-Muqrin (d. 1725), an emir of the Nejd region of the Arabian Peninsula. Ibn Saud has been described as an ambitious and competent warrior. He is the progenitor of the current line of the Saudi royal family. His ally Al-Wahhab provided the House of Saud with military support and guidance on matters of religion and statecraft. Their connection was deepened when Al-Wahhab’s daughter married Abdul-Aziz, a son of Ibn Saud.
Few would contest that Al-Wahhab shaped the present-day country of Saudi Arabia. It is commonly believed that he turned the House of Saud from limited rulers of a middle-sized settlement with a talent for business and diplomacy, into the guardians of Islam’s Holy Places. His legacy, however, is a mixed bag (Crawford 2014). He is either remembered as a “pious religious activist” who fought to establish a regime of Islamic godliness, or a “hateful figure” who condemned Christianity, Sufism, and Shiaism.
Wahhabism has been the dominant force in Saudi Arabia since the days of Al-Wahhab and Al-Muqrin. Abdulaziz Bin Abdul Rahman Al-Saud (d. 1953), who founded Saudi Arabia, revived his dynasty’s support for Wahhabism in the years before World War II by founding a militant tribal organization known as the Ikhwan (Britannica n.d.c.). Wahhabis also seized control of the Grand Mosque of Mecca in 1979, rose up in rebellion in the mid-1990s, kept women from driving cars until 2018, and preached incessantly against the opening of the kingdom to secular Western culture (Ottaway 2021).
The Saudi government, nonetheless, has been undertaking a radical and rapid restructuring of its country, the most far-reaching changes since the creation of Saudi Arabia in 1932. There are initial signs that Saudi Arabia is embracing the core principles of DEUCE.
De-Wahhabization and Mohammad bin Salman
Leading Saudi Arabia’s transformation is Mohammad bin Salman, colloquially known as MBS, who is the Saudi Crown Prince, the prime minister, and de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia. He has won plaudits from Western leaders for his reforms that push for a “moderate Islam” to modernize Saudi Arabia.2
MBS lambasted his kingdom’s Wahhabi establishment in a speech during Ramadan in 2021. In language never used by a Saudi monarch, he called into question the “enslavement” of Saudi religious leaders due to the prevalence of Wahhabi indoctrination:
If [Al-Wahhab] were with us today and he found us committed blindly to his texts and closing our minds to interpretation and jurisprudence while deifying and sanctifying him, he would be the first to object to this. There are no fixed schools of thought and there is no infallible person. We should engage in continuous interpretation of Qur’anic texts, and the same goes for the traditions of the Prophet (see Hassan 2022).
MBS added that a fatwa – or an authorized Islamic legal ruling – “should be based on the time, place, and mindset in which they are issued.” With these words, he declared that the prevailing Wahhabi tradition is faulty and out of date. “We cannot grow, we cannot attract capital … we cannot progress with [their] extremist thinking in Saudi Arabia,” he said at the end of his speech.
Part of MBS’s de-Wahhabization efforts includes welcoming a stream of Western male and female artists, bands, dancers, and singers to enhance understanding of the West in Saudi Arabia. He has engaged with Jewish Americans and Christian Americans on tours of historical sites relating to the Abrahamic tradition in Saudi Arabia. One of the Christians, the evangelical Pastor Joel Richardson, became the first person in the history of Saudi Arabia to give a “Christian tour” of the Arabian Peninsula (Bostock 2021).
While MBS’s efforts are revolutionary, one could say that the first signs of DEUCE and de-Wahhabization in Saudi Arabia occurred under the rule of His Majesty King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz (d. 2015). In 2006, he issued the Confirmation of Policies with the USA, which stated that Saudi Arabia would commit itself to “[guaranteeing] and [protecting] the right to private worship for all, including non-Muslims who gather in homes for religious practice” (Human Rights Watch 2012). Six years later, in partnership with the governments of Austria and Spain, he founded the King Abdullah Abdul-Aziz International Centre for Interreligious and Intercultural Dialogue (KAICIID), otherwise known as the International Dialogue Center, in Austria. This unique intergovernmental organization, which includes Austria, the Holy See (Vatican), Saudi Arabia, and Spain, was founded to promote the concepts of DEUCE (King Abdullah Abdul-Aziz International Centre for Interreligious and Intercultural Dialogue n.d.). The KAICIID envisions a world where there is cooperation, justice, understanding, reconciliation, and respect between the civilizations of the world. The organization also works to end the abuse of religion to justify oppression, violence, and conflict.
Despite these humane developments, there remains an elephant in the room – Saudi Arabia is a theocracy, a form of government that demands conformity to a state-sponsored religion. Its constitution says that the country is “a sovereign Arab Islamic State. Its religion is Islam. Its constitution is Almighty God’s Book, The Holy Qur’an, and the Sunna (Traditions) of the Prophet (PBUH)” (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia n.d.).
Several articles in the Saudi Arabian Constitution might be seen as problematic for Christians advocating for more religious freedom. Article Seven of the Constitution states that the Saudi state derives its authority from the “Book of God” – the Qur’an – and the ahadith, the collection of sayings by Prophet Muhammad. The article adds that these are the “ultimate sources” of references for the laws of Saudi Arabia. Article Nine of the Constitution states that the Saudi people shall be raised in the “Islamic creed.” Article Ten states that the Saudi state will aspire to promote “family bonds and Arab-Islamic values.” While this is not overtly discriminatory toward Christians, it leaves little – if any – space for the freedom of religion for Christians and other religious populations in the country.
Nevertheless, there are civilizational changes emerging around the Arabian Peninsula. Saudi Arabia is reckoning with its history of Wahhabism. That bodes well for today’s Christians in Saudi Arabia, a country that holds promise and potential in terms of practicing DEUCE in the years ahead. Their greater acceptance of DEUCE represents a potential pathway for the country’s evolution, which will also benefit other countries around the Arabian Peninsula as their transformation develops.
PART TWO – THE DIALOGUE OF CIVILIZATIONS
After decades of isolation and rigidity, the Saudis appear to be in favor of DEUCE-friendly concepts like interfaith dialogue, educational reforms, cross-cultural understanding, and interethnic engagement. The latter is best illustrated by their interest in joining the Abraham Accords, an American-sponsored peace agreement that normalized relations between Israel and several Arab countries, one of which – the UAE – has emerged as a global center for the Dialogue of Civilizations.
The Abraham Accords
Hope for a regional peace around the Arabian Peninsula was on the horizon before 7 October 2023, the day that Hamas – a Palestinian Islamist political group and terrorist organization according to many Western countries – crossed the border from their stronghold in the Gaza Strip and killed 1,200 people in southern Israel. In the months before that day, there were movements towards a potential normalization agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia, as MBS noted in an interview with Fox News. “Every day, we get closer [to normalizing with Israel],” he said (Al-Jazeera 2023). The inclusion of Saudi Arabia in the Abraham Accords was envisioned as a “tectonic shift in Middle East geopolitics,” the likes of which have not been seen since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War in 1989 (Kurtzer-Ellenbogen et al. 2023).
Caroline Glick, a Jewish American and Israeli author and journalist, attended the official signing of the Abraham Accords at the White House in 2020.3 For her, the ceremony was a “moving and jarring” experience (Glick 2020). It occurred at the same location where the Oslo Accords were signed in 1993.4 To Glick, the Oslo Accords were nothing more than “political theatre” and constituted a “fake peace” with the Palestinians. For her, the Abraham Accords signaled a “genuine peace,” because Arab countries recognized Israel’s right to exist. “You cannot make peace with people who justify your murder and seek your destruction,” Glick rightly noted, “You can only make peace with those who accept you as you are for what you are.”
Others praised the Abraham Accords for ushering in a “culture of peace” and a “new dawn in interfaith relations and security alliances in the Middle East” (Alketbi 2022). This new dawn, as the signees of the Abraham Accords committed themselves to, would be ushered in by offsprings of DEUCE, including academic initiatives, cultural exchanges, interfaith dialogue, people-to-people programs, and scientific progress between the nations of the accords. The signees also committed themselves to countering extremism, which they agreed promotes division, hatred, and terrorism in the region and around the world.
I had the opportunity to witness first-hand the significance of the Abraham Accords during my tour of Qasr Al-Watan, the presidential palace of the UAE. As I was marveling at the palace’s majestic Great Hall, particularly its 37-meter diameter dome, a male tourist asked me to take a picture of him and his wife. He handed me his phone and I quickly noticed the Hebrew language on his screen. I proceeded to ask him about his experiences in the UAE and he told me that he loved the country for its hospitality and openness. He also mentioned that it was “unthinkable” just years before that Israelis would be welcomed as visitors to an Arab nation. These transformations were made possible by the UAE’s promotion of DEUCE principles.
It is fair to say that the Abraham Accords drastically altered relations between the UAE and Israel, whose relations have never been stronger. For the first four months of 2023, bilateral trade between the UAE and Israel was valued at $990.6 million, with an expectation that it would reach $3 billion for the year and $3.45 billion for 2024 (Feierstein and Guzansky 2023). Between 2020 and 2023, bilateral trade between the two countries exceeded $6 billion.5 The partnerships formed by Emiratis and Israelis point to the vital role that economic integration plays in promoting peace and security. They also point to the idea that long-standing divisions can be resolved through collaboration (commitment and engagement) and diplomacy (dialogue, education, and understanding).
The Abraham Accords also cemented ties between the UAE and Israel in the defense industry. The Israelis supplied the Emiratis with air defense systems after missile and drone attacks in Abu Dhabi, the Emirati capital, were conducted by the Houthis, a Yemeni party identified as a terrorist organization by Western countries, in 2022. The UAE’s air defenses against the Houthis are backed by the American military forces, who – alongside the Saudis and Emiratis – are concerned with the rise of Islamist groups like the Muslim Brotherhood6 in Yemen specifically, and other parts of the world.
The Abraham Accords are not without their fair share of critics. One criticism is that they did almost nothing to advance a resolution between the Israelis and the Palestinians. One journalist said that the agreements left the Palestinians “more alienated than ever” and that they represented “bitter lemons for [them]” because it “ripped up any residual solidarity that Arab nations once sought to convey for [their] plight” (Scheindlin 2022b). Palestinian leaders themselves spoke of the betrayal of their Arab allies for reaching an agreement with Israel without first making progress toward creating the State of Palestine (Pamuk and Lewis 2021). They added that Arab Muslim countries had set back the cause of a just peace by abandoning the demand that Israel return land to the Palestinians (Holland 2020).
A second criticism is that the Abraham Accords were not designed to further Abrahamic relations, but rather to counter Iran, a common enemy of both the UAE and Israel. The Houthi-dominated government in Sana’a, the capital of Yemen, is backed by the Iranian government. The UAE, on the other hand, supported the former Yemeni government by deploying its own troops to Yemen alongside Saudi Arabian forces. The joint Emirati-Saudi mission was to restore the Sunni-led government driven out by the Houthis. These political entanglements point to a wider proxy war in the region between Saudi Arabia, Israel, the UAE, and their allies on one side, and the Houthis, the Iranians, and their allies on the other. The dynamic represents a Clash within Civilization as much as it points to the need for the Dialogue of Civilizations.7
In addition to being recognized as an opponent of Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood, the UAE is known for opposing Islamist political movements that are backed by Turkey and Qatar (Fiore 2020). Over the last few decades, the UAE adopted opposite stances to Turkey and Qatar toward the Muslim Brotherhood. The Emirati approach to the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies is driven largely by the country’s response to the Arab Spring, suspecting that the movement might embolden those dissidents seeking political reform (Baskan 2019). To prevent these reforms from taking shape, the UAE started cracking down on the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 and later launched a punitive campaign that culminated in its 2014 declaration of the Muslim Brotherhood as a “terrorist organization.”
A third criticism is that the Abraham Accord signees are undemocratic countries that undermine democratic values both at home and in international relations (Scheindlin 2022a). This is a fair criticism. Tools for measuring democratic quality show that Bahrain, Morocco, the UAE, and Sudan all score low on “democracy” (Democracy Matrix 2023). Israel performs well alongside other Western democracies, but international organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch also accuse it of orchestrating an “apartheid” against the Palestinians.
While opposition to the Abraham Accords stems from the Clash of Civilizations, it also stems from the fear of “religious syncretism,” a potential byproduct of engaging in the Dialogue of Civilizations. The idea that Christians and Muslims (and Jews) are forming a “single community” has prompted critics to raise their concern about the possible emergence of a new religion – dubbed “Abrahamism” – which has been described as “straight out of a dystopian movie” and a composite of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. One journalist argued that although the term Abrahamic sounds bright and merciful, its actual content is dark and misleading, because it uses religion in the service of American foreign policy and Israel in the Middle East (Sharqawi 2022).
Even Christians advocating for the Dialogue of Civilizations have stressed their opposition to “Abrahamism.” His Holiness Pope Tawadros II, the leader of the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria, described it as “categorically unacceptable” because it is a political idea rather than a religious one (Egypt Today Staff 2022). He added that the Abrahamic religion is “set out to destroy the constants” of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Similarly, in a Russia Today Arabic interview, Egyptian General Khairat Shukri claimed that “Abrahamism” is “no less dangerous than Zionism” (Mirza 2021). Even Sheikh Ahmed El-Tayyeb, who co-authored “A Document on Human Fraternity” with Pope Francis, agreed with Pope Tawadros II and General Shukri’s claim that merging Judaism, Christianity, and Islam is not advisable. He stated:
… it is impossible for humankind to concur in one religion, given differences among people in colors, creeds, minds, languages and even fingerprints. All this is a historical and scientific fact, and before this it is a fact confirmed by the Holy Qur’an (Al-Sherbini 2021).
Sheikh El-Tayyeb, nonetheless, kept the door open for DEUCE by stating that dialogue and education are important in promoting human fraternity, which is crucial in preserving peace, security, and stability (Egypt Today Staff 2022).
Pope Francis has himself been accused of promoting “Abrahamism.” His advocacy for the Dialogue of Civilizations has been described as “equalizing religions” and directly contradicting the historical Catholic Church position that Catholicism is the only “true religion” (Sammons 2023). By conflating Catholicism and Islam, the critics claim, Pope Francis and Sheikh El-Tayyeb endorse religious indifference and a potentially tyrannical “one world religion.”
In defense of Pope Francis’s promotion of the Dialogue of Civilizations, Bishop Miguel Ayoso Guixot, the President of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue, stated, “It is not about creating a ‘melting pot’ in which all religions are considered equal,” he noted, “but [recognizing] that all believers, those who seek God, and all people of good will without religious affiliation are equal in dignity.” Bishop Guixot added that engaging in Abrahamic initiatives “invites us to reflect upon and value our own identities, without which authentic interreligious dialogue is impossible” (Watkins 2019). His comments are critically important to understanding a key takeaway of this book – that the Synthesis of Civilizations is not intended to fuse religions together in the hope of creating a new religion, but rather to foster a stronger “civic-community” that allows the five principles of DEUCE to flourish.
Few countries have committed themselves more to Abrahamic initiatives than the UAE. The Hamas–Israel conflict has only temporarily hampered the impact of the Abraham Accords. It is likely that they will survive the conflict and flourish in the years ahead. Adopting an understanding of DEUCE will help to build improved bridges on the pathway to peace.
Sheikh Zayed’s Vision and the Year of Tolerance
Understanding the UAE’s embrace of the Abraham Accords is impossible without understanding the life and vision of Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al-Nahyan (d. 2004), the founding father of the UAE. Sheikh Zayed was the youngest son of Sheikh Sultan Bin Khalifa Al-Nahyan, the ruler of Abu Dhabi from 1922 to 1926. At that time, Abu Dhabi was a poor and underdeveloped city. Its economy was primarily based on fishing and pearl diving, and simple agricultural settlements were scattered across the oases.
While serving as the ruler of Abu Dhabi in the late 1960s, Sheikh Zayed welcomed the UK’s decision to withdraw from the Arabian Gulf in 1971. In the subsequent years – with the assistance of Sheikh Rashid Bin Saeed Al-Maktoum (d. 1990) – Sheikh Zayed called for a federation of seven emirates, all of which united to form the UAE on 2 December 1971. Before his death, he renamed the Sheikh Mohammad Bin Zayed Mosque in Al-Mushrif, a district in the capital Abu Dhabi, as Mariam, Umm Eisa, which translates from Arabic to “Mary, the mother of Jesus.”
Sheikh Zayed’s vision – grounded in benevolence, compassion, and unity – has been illuminated over the years in the UAE’s pursuit of peace. His vision reached a climax in 2019, the year that his son – Sheikh Khalifa Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan (d. 2022) – designated the Year of Tolerance. This initiative was designed to confirm and solidify the UAE as a global capital of tolerance and a bridge of communication between people of diverse cultures (United Arab Emirates Government Portal 2022). It had five primary goals – to deepen values of coexistence and tolerance; to host a series of dialogues and projects between various cultures and civilizations; to launch cross-cultural programs; to focus on policy-oriented issues regarding dialogue, cross-cultural communication, and tolerance; and to promote tolerance in the media. All of these initiatives are clear manifestations of DEUCE in action.
The Year of Tolerance witnessed a landmark visit by Pope Francis, the first pope to ever arrange a papal visit to the Arabian Peninsula. In Abu Dhabi, he led a public mass for an estimated 180,000 people at the Zayed Sports City stadium. According to the Vatican, people in attendance hailed from 100 countries. They included asylum seekers and migrants, many of whom previously hailed from the Philippines and South America.
Pope Francis’s visit to the UAE also included another important milestone – the signing of “A Document on Human Fraternity for World Peace and Living Together,” which I mentioned previously. He signed it in tandem with Sheikh El-Tayyeb. The document was praised around the world for its commitment to humanism. Miguel Moratinos, the High Representative for the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC), called it a “blueprint for humanity,” namely in that it reaffirms “the dignity and worth of every human being regardless of this person’s religion, belief, ethnicity, gender, or culture” (Moratinos 2021). A part of the “Document on Human Fraternity” reads:
In the name of God and of everything … Al-Azhar al-Sharif and the Muslims of the East and West, together with the Catholic Church and the Catholics of the East and West, declare the adoption of a culture of dialogue as the path; mutual cooperation as the code of conduct; [and] reciprocal understanding as the method and standard (A Document on Human Fraternity for World Peace and Living Together 2019).
These words captured what Pope Francis referred to as the Culture of Encounter, which encourages people to engage with one another in the vast spaces of humanity, society, and spirituality, in the hope that more emphasis on DEUCE concepts could lead to a potential lasting mutual peace between conflicting communities. These spaces are sites for potential collaboration and knowledge building, as well as hope for a more peaceful future.
In addition to these humanitarian offerings, “A Document on Human Fraternity” made it clear that freedom of religion is a prerequisite to any healthy and thriving community or nation. The agreement guarantees the protection of places of worship for all religious populations. It added that any violent or terrorist attack on a place of worship is a “deviation” from the teachings of Christianity and Islam, as well as a clear violation of human rights and freedom of religion, which are unattainable without a recognition of the importance of DEUCE.
The years preceding the Year of Tolerance also revealed elements of the Dialogue of Civilizations in the UAE. In 2016 His Highness Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al-Maktoum, the current prime minister and vice president of the UAE and the Ruler of Dubai, made structural changes to his cabinet by creating the post of Minister of State for Tolerance and Coexistence. His Highness Al-Maktoum ushered in this change in the spirit of the UAE’s commitment to eradicate cultural, ideological, and religious bigotry in society (United Arab Emirates Government Portal 2022). Furthermore, on the International Day of Tolerance in November 2017, Al-Maktoum named the pedestrian bridge over the Dubai Canal as the “Tolerance Bridge,” a move that symbolized tolerance as “a fundamental value in the UAE community where people from over 200 nationalities live in harmony without racism, discrimination, or intolerance” (United Arab Emirates Government Portal 2022).
Critics, nevertheless, have claimed that the Emirates – along with other Gulf states – engage in superficial interfaith outreach as part of its broader alignment of political interests between them and Israel, which share a common foe in Iran (Associated Press 2020). Critics also question the UAE’s commitment to freedom of religion because Emirati Christians themselves are unable to express their Christian faith publicly. There are strict laws against proselytization by non-Muslims in the country. Those who engage in proselytization or conversion can face harsh punishments. The UAE also does not allow Christians to pray in public, although churches across the country are able to display crosses. Emirati Muslims who convert to Christianity risk losing inheritance and parental rights, being forced to marry, being fired, or placed under pressure to work for “free” (Open Doors USA n.d.c.). There is also widespread media censorship in the UAE and dozens of activists are in jail for speaking out against the Emirati government. Political parties also are banned.
Despite these issues, the UAE has long welcomed Christianity and Christians to their country. Christian news outlets such as Christian Broadcasting Network and Trinity Broadcasting Network operate in the country. Christian literature and media are available in bookstores in leading Emirati cities like Abu Dhabi, Dubai, and Sharjah. Contemporary Christian bands and musicians have also performed in the country. At the institutional level, the Emirati government recognizes various Christian denominations, including Catholics, Orthodox, and Protestants. Other smaller denominations include several Evangelical and Pentecostal churches and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, whose followers are known as Mormons.
As of 2023, there are a total of ten Catholic churches in the Emirates. Of all the Christian denominations in the UAE, the Catholics have the largest and most historically significant presence in the country. I have visited two of their churches – the Saint Francis Church (which I return to later in the chapter) and Saint Joseph’s Cathedral. In my visit to the latter, I was struck by the faithfulness and energy of Abu Dhabi’s small but growing Catholic population, which has had a presence in the UAE for decades.
Saint Mary’s of Dubai and DEUCE in Emirati History
In 1966 – the year oil was discovered in Dubai – His Highness Sheikh Rashid Bin Saeed Al-Maktoum donated a small portion of land to a Roman Catholic mission led by Father Eusebio Daveri, who eventually established – with the permission of Emirati leaders – a church named Church of the Assumption. The Catholic community in Dubai dedicated the church to Mary, the mother of Jesus, during an inauguration in which His Highness Al-Maktoum hosted His Eminency Monseigneur Magliacani. The Comboni Missionary Sisters,8 who are known for their cultural diversity and intercultural lifestyles, expanded Saint Mary’s by creating a Catholic school in 1976 to accommodate the growing Christian community in the city.
Although the original church was demolished in 1989, the community built a new church that they named Saint Mary’s Roman Catholic Church.9 Choosing the mother of Jesus as the name bearer of the church is an affirmation of the shared views on Mary in the Christian and Islamic traditions. The Qur’an, like the Bible, recognizes her purity, virginity, and wisdom. Many stages of Mary’s life are verified in the Islamic holy book, including the Annunciation, her pregnancy, Jesus’s miraculous birth, and her death. Mary, in short, is a bridge between Christianity and Islam.
Saint Mary’s accommodates 2,000 persons and hosts dozens of services in languages including Arabic, English, Malayalam, and Urdu. It is located near a busy four-lane road in central Dubai. As of 2023, it has over 2,000 students and is considered one of the best English-medium schools on the Arabian Peninsula (Saint Mary’s Catholic Church Dubai n.d.). It is the school through which many Emirati youth graduate. It provides a comprehensive education that incorporates interreligious principles and moral sciences within its curriculum. That kind of curriculum encourages the benefits of DEUCE concepts between students of diverse backgrounds and teaches young people how to achieve coexistence and justice in an increasingly globalized and multicultural world.
The Christian members of the Saint Mary’s community contribute to the broader culture of peace in the UAE. The school’s intercultural curriculum improves cultural awareness, empathy, and well-being for not only its members, but for the wider Emirati society. It also encourages conversations that can create deeper human connections, which is key to actualizing the Synthesis of Civilizations.
