Clare and the Great War E-Book

Joe Power

• Herausgeber: THP Ireland
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 649

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2015

Beschreibung

Aristocrats and itinerants, unionists and nationalists, Catholics and Protestants – the Great War united thousands of Clare men and women to a cause for which many of them would go out to fight and die. Their motives varied from a sense of duty to 'king and country' to concern about the fate of 'poor Catholic Belgium'; from mercenary motives, fuelled by poverty, to the moral duty to fight for civilization against the 'savage Huns'. Some followed 'Redmond's call' to secure Home Rule, while others enlisted for sheer adventure. The work attempts, for the first time, to understand what really happened in County Clare during the Great War, how its economic and political life was radically transformed during this terrible conflict, and how the contribution of those who gave their lives was largely written out of history.'

Leseprobe

Private Patrick Halloran, saying goodbye to his mother and sister at Ennistmon railway station. (Courtesy of Ger, ‘Guss’, O’Halloran)

I dedicate this work to the memory of all those who suffered during the Great War, especially my two uncles, Private John Power, Clare Castle, Royal Dublin Fusiliers, who was killed during the Battle of the Somme on 13 November 1916; and Private Timothy Power, Clare Castle, Royal Army Medical Corps, who never recovered from ‘shell-shock’ suffered on the battlefields of the Western Front.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to acknowledge the contribution of many people who have assisted me in this project. First of all, I am grateful to Mrs Edel Glynn and family of Kilrush for allowing me access to their valuable records, which give a huge insight into the role of recruitment organisers such as C.E. Glynn during 1915 and 1916. My thanks are also due to the following people who helped and assisted my researches: the family of the late Peadar MacNamara of Inch, who generously shared his research into the First World War in Clare, along with photographs and other records; Dr Michael Linnane, Shannon, who gave me some of the Linnane papers and a copy of a portrait of his grandfather, Councillor P.J. Linnane, JP; Eric Shaw, Clare Castle, has kindly shared many photographs and newspaper clippings and a prison letter from George Perry; Jane Tottenham, Mount Callan, gave me information about Capt. Tottenham; Paul O’Brien, Kilrush, drew my attention to some photos in the Glynn Collection; Ada and Frank Power, Clare Castle, reminded me of family letters and photographs; Brian Honan, Cappa, Kilrush, showed me his extensive collection of First World War memorabilia and gave me some relevant postcards from prisoners of war. Besides these, thanks are due to the following: the staff of Clare County Research Library, Ennis; Mr John Rhattagan, curator of the Clare Museum, Ennis, for information on Jack Barrett; the staff of the National Library, Kildare Street, Dublin; the staff of the National Archives, Bishop Street, Dublin; Bishop O’Reilly for allowing me access to the Killaloe Diocesan Archive, Westbourne, Ennis; the librarian and staff NUI, Galway; the staff of Limerick Diocesan Archives, especially David Bracken; and the staff of Mary Immaculate College, Limerick, have all been very helpful. The staff of Kilrush Community School have been very helpful, especially Colleen Galvin, who has helped enormously in storing my researches safely; Oliver Hawes, Cobh, generously gave me information and photographs of his grandfather Joe Hawes, leader of the Connaught Rangers Mutiny, 1920; Con Woods, Newmarket-on-Fergus, gave me information on Jack Fox; Sean Spellissy, Ennis, has generously allowed me to use his photographs of old Ennis; David Browne gave the photos of the Clare Hunt at Buncraggy per Eric Shaw; Gerard ‘Guss’ O’Halloran, Ennistymon, kindly allowed me to use the photo of Patrick Halloran of Ennistymon; Cormac O’Comhrai sent me a photo of Capt. Tom Corry DCM; I am greatly indebted to John Power, Clare Castle, for his invaluable help with photographs; Gerald Dunne of Quin also helped with me greatly with photographic services; I am very grateful to the Hon. Grania Weir (née O’Brien), for allowing me to see and use her family papers, especially, the war diary of her father, the Hon. Donogh O’Brien, later 16th Baron Inchiquin; Dr Hugh Weir gave me information on the current status of the Church of Ireland in County Clare; and Dr Ger Browne, Ennis, has been very generous in sharing his knowledge and research into the Great War; I am very grateful to the Galvin family, Ennis, for the photo of Nurse Nellie Galvin, MM, and some information on her career; I wish to express my sincere thanks to Ronan Colgan and Beth Amphlett of The History Press Ireland for accepting and publishing my work. Finally, I must thank my wife Fionnuala and my daughters, Maria, Rachel and Bronwyn for their support during my researches and writing of this labour of love.

CONTENTS

Title

Quote

Acknowledgements

Introduction

1.    Prelude to War: ‘A Nation Once Again’

2.    ‘For the Freedom of Small Nations’

3.    Propaganda, the Western Front and Gallipoli

4.    Recruitment and Rebellion

5.    The Spirit of 1916

6.    From Conscription to Armistice

7.    In Memoriam

Conclusion

Postscript: ‘Better to Wear Out than to Rust Out’

Appendix One

Appendix Two

Appendix Three

Appendix Four

Appendix Five

Bibliography

Copyright

INTRODUCTION

This study of the Great War in County Clare examines the impact of the war upon the people of Clare during these crucial years in Ireland’s history. The political, social, economic and cultural effects of the war are studied to show how the war affected the people of Clare and how they reacted to the conflict. The study is organised on a chronological basis, highlighting the major political and military developments, both at home and abroad, during each year of the conflict.

In ‘Prelude to War’ the political state of the county in 1914 is examined, with the hopes of the nationalists, expecting Home Rule in 1914, contrasting with the fears of the unionist minority that Home Rule would bring sectarian conflict. Many people genuinely feared that the introduction of Home Rule would spark off a civil war in Ireland.

The significant question of recruitment for the war is studied in detail and the role of the local press, of government propaganda, of the Catholic and Protestant Churches, of John Redmond’s Home Rule Party, of local recruitment officers, and of Sinn Féin are all examined.

Local newspapers were hugely significant in forming public opinion at that time, as David Fitzpatrick, citing a British intelligence report, states: ‘Owing to the fact that the standard of education is very low, the press has great influence in the country districts; the views of the people being drawn from the local paper, the priest and the national schoolmaster.’ The Clare Champion and its opposition papers, the Saturday Record and the Clare Journal, were the main local papers circulating in the county. Of course, other papers, such as the unionist Irish Times and the nationalist Irish Independent and the Freeman’s Journal, were also sold in the county, but were probably only bought by a much smaller clientele, representing the middle and upper classes. These local papers, both nationalist and unionist circulating in the county are examined thoroughly to see how they moulded public opinion.1

The involvement of Clare soldiers in the major military engagements in several theatres of war is recorded mainly through letters they sent home to family and friends in Clare, some of which were published in the local papers, though they may have been heavily censored, while others were used for propaganda purposes. Although Dungan noted, ‘few ordinary soldiers wrote diaries or memoirs or even letters deemed worthy of being kept,’2 the letters from a couple of Clare priests, especially those from Fr Moran of Tulassa, to his friend, Councillor P.J. Linnane, JP of Ennis, are most informative of the terrible conditions of war faced by the men of Clare. His letters also give a very good insight into the faith and morale of the men at the front, who faced death on a daily basis.

A few significant people had enormous impact upon public opinion in the county, men such as the previously mentioned Councillor P.J. Linnane, JP, chairman of Ennis Council; the MPs for West and East Clare, Col Arthur Lynch, MP, and Mr Willie Redmond, MP; the Catholic Bishop of Killaloe, Dr Michael Fogarty, and his friend, Dr E. O’Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick; and the Church of Ireland Bishop of Killaloe and Kilfenora, Dr T. Sterling Berry. Besides these politicians and churchmen, the role of prominent members of the unionist community in Clare, such as Lord Inchiquin of Dromoland, President of the Clare Unionist Club, is highlighted and contrasted with that of significant republican activists, such as Michael Brennan of Meelick. Wealthy business people such as the Glynns of Kilrush, especially H.R. Glynn and his brother C.E. Glynn, who was recruitment officer for West Clare, had a significant impact on recruitment during 1915 and 1916.

The crucial impact of the 1916 Rising is scrutinised, examining the reaction of the local media and the opinions of the local bishops, politicians, and other significant people in the county to the Rising. The major sea-change in Irish political life afterwards, ‘the spirit of 1916’, is reflected in the famous East Clare by-election of 1917, caused by the death of Willie Redmond, MP, resulting in the election of Eamon de Valera. The 1916 Rising also caused a sharp decline in recruitment.

There was a real fear of famine, and this, combined with the growing power and influence of Sinn Féin, with widespread ‘cattle drives’ and other agrarian agitation, made County Clare virtually ungovernable and subject to martial law in 1918. The conscription crisis galvanised all shades of public opinion to resist its introduction. The sinking of the SS Leinster in October caused the deaths of at least eight Clare civilians, including six women. Towards the end of the war the devastating impact of the ‘Spanish Flu’ brought more heartbreak and deaths to the county.

The penultimate chapter looks at the way in which the men who fought were largely ignored and forgotten by Irish society after independence, until fairly recent times; though some of the survivors in Clare honoured their dead comrades in Remembrance Day ceremonies for many years afterwards. This chapter also scrutinises the great amnesia in the historiography of the war in County Clare by local historians and journalists.

The concluding chapter summarises the main developments over the four-and-a-quarter years of the conflict and the impacts of the war on the people of Clare, with analysis of mortality etc. It shows how the county was radically transformed and politically convulsed during these years of the Great War.

The Towns and Villages of County Clare

Notes

1.  Fitzpatrick, David, Politics and Irish Life 1913-1921 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1977), p.90.

2.  Dungan, Myles, Irish Voices from the Great War (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1995), Chapter 1.

1

PRELUDE TO WAR:‘A NATION ONCE AGAIN’

The Holy season of Christmas was celebrated with all due solemnity befitting such an occasion. Walking through the streets on Christmas Eve one was impressed by the absence of drunkenness and the orderly behaviour and manner of the people. Looking around the thronged streets you here and there espied a batch of men chatting and the merry ring of their voices, coupled with the beautifully decorated and well-lighted windows, impressed one with the hope that there are brighter days for Ireland. It was truly a happy Christmas in every sense of the word happy, because the demon of intemperance was banished from our minds, and the men and boys of Ennis, especially the labour element, deserve to be congratulated for their sobriety and the good example they have shown.

This editorial in the Clare Champion of 3 January 1914 described a peaceful time in Ennis during the Christmas season of 1913 and the editor expressed the hope that there would be ‘brighter days for Ireland’ in the coming year. Little did the editor realise that the ‘happy’ Christmas of 1913 was to be the last ‘happy’ Christmas for many years to come because of the Great War and the War of Independence in Ireland. The hopes for ‘brighter days in Ireland’ were to be dimmed by a looming crisis over the Home Rule Bill for Ireland. Furthermore, while the ‘demon of intemperance’ may have been absent from the streets of Ennis on Christmas Eve and during the Christmas season, the demons of war were unleashed upon the people of Ireland in August 1914, with horrific consequences for many Clare people over the next ten years.

While the joys and happiness of Christmas with goodwill to all may have been genuinely felt and expressed, there was, beneath the veneer of Christmas cheer, a simmering and volatile political tension in Clare liable to explode at any time due to the forthcoming Home Rule Bill.

Religious Tolerance

County Clare was one of the most Catholic counties in Ireland. The vast majority of County Clare people were Catholic and nationalist. The Census of 1911 records a population of 104,232, of whom 98.14 per cent were Catholic. There were 1,709 Episcopalians, 166 Presbyterians, 38 Methodists and 14 of other religions in the county, totalling 1,932 non-Catholics, comprising only 1.84 per cent of the population. Though they were small in number, the Protestants were an elite group in society, composed of the old landed gentry, and much of the professional elite of the county, being prominent in law, county administration, the local magistracy, banking, trade and medicine. The majority of County Clare people, about 65 per cent, worked in primary industries, especially farming.

While the vast majority of the population of Clare may have desired Home Rule and may have been eagerly anticipating its introduction in 1914, concerns were expressed by some of the unionists, who had reservations about their future under a Home Rule administration. Some business interests were also concerned about their economic prospects after independence.

When the Third Home Rule Bill was proposed in 1912, the Protestants and unionists of Clare were alarmed and they held several meetings in January to voice their concerns and to oppose the Bill. The meetings were held at Dromoland Castle and were chaired by Lord Inchiquin, while Henry V. MacNamara, JP, DL, of Ennistymon acted as secretary to the Clare Unionist Club. Lord Inchiquin and Lord Dunboyne of Knappogue Castle were elected respectively as president and vice-president of the Clare Unionist Club.

At the meetings Henry V. MacNamara, DL, defended the speeches that were made by himself and other members of the Clare Unionist Club, including Col George O’Callaghan Westropp and Revd Mr McLaurin, at a Unionist Party meeting in Hollywood, County Down during late 1911, which he said were misrepresented in the press. Nevertheless, the Clare unionists, by their presence and their speeches against Home Rule, fomented northern Protestant prejudices in Ulster. Mr MacNamara claimed that the Protestants of Clare were being persecuted by the Land League and not, as was stated in ‘malicious press reports’, by the Catholics of some isolated districts in Clare and elsewhere. MacNamara stated that the people of outlying districts, both Catholics and Protestants, were being persecuted by the United Irish League and if the Protestants did not bow to the dictates of the United Irish League, then their lives were made unbearable. MacNamara was referring to ‘cattle drives’ (when cattle and other animals were driven off the lands by people seeking to force the break-up of the estates and the division of the estates among the tenant farmers) and other agrarian outrages committed against the landlords of Clare, which were common at that time in Clare as part of the Land War. It was also asserted at the meeting by Mr W.W. Fitzgerald that the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH) was a disloyal, secret, sectarian organisation led by Mr Joseph Devlin, MP, a prominent member of the Home Rule Party.

These assertions of sectarianism in Clare against the Protestant minority were repudiated by several prominent Protestants over the next few years, but, despite these assertions, the allegations did not go away and were still deeply felt and believed by some Protestants. Mr Charles MacDonnell, JP, DL, a landlord from New Hall, near Clare Castle stated:

I have read a report of the Unionist Party meeting at Hollywood and what was said there by my fellow Clare unionists. In justice to the people of Clare, I consider that I, a Protestant, am in duty bound to make public the fact that during that part of my lifetime I spent in this county, no Roman Catholic has ever in any way interfered with, or upbraided me, on the subject of my religion – and I know of others who will say the same … I consider this county remarkably free from religious intolerance. I have never experienced it myself, nor have I known a co-religionist to suffer from it.

The secretary to Clare County Council, F.N. Studdert, a Protestant, testified in the ClareRecord of 14 October 1911:

Adverting to previous letters written on above subject, I would like to state publicly as a county official of fourteen years standing, that the word ‘religion’ has never been mentioned to me, officially, or otherwise by any Roman Catholic in this county … I am proud to state that I have as many sincere and true Roman Catholic friends as Protestant friends.

Mr H.B. Harris, JP, a prominent member of the Protestant community in Clare, who was elected as vice-chairman of Ennis Town Council in 1899-1900, wrote to the press on 15 November 1911:

I fear Ireland is becoming almost intolerable just now, especially in the south and west, owing to these discussions on religious intolerance. If there were any justification for such a cry one would not feel so much, but residing as Protestants in the County Clare, in the midst of a Catholic population, we are living evidence of their good sense, good nature, and kindly disposition. My best friends, outside my own family circle, are Catholics, and it is indeed painful for me to meet my neighbours with this charge of intolerance appearing in the public press from day to day, and made by those who should know better.

There are hundreds of business people scattered all over Ireland who could not succeed without the patronage of their Catholic neighbours … and having such a vast area as Clare in the occupation of Catholics, we still enjoy life, free from annoyances, meeting with our Catholic neighbours in fair or market, dealing in this, that or other shop without any friction, sitting together on the bench to administer the law, and all meetings at marriage functions, christenings, and funerals, just as if we belonged to the same church, giving honour to whom honour is due, no matter what his or her creed or politics might be.1

Another Protestant, Mr A. Capon of Church Street Ennis, stated that he had lived in Ennis for twenty-nine years and had been in business for fifteen years, with most of his customers being Catholic. The fact that he had been elected to the Ennis Urban Council for nine years was proof, he said, that there was no sectarianism in Clare. Mr Doherty, who was elected to Kilkee Town Council, and Mr James Greer, who was elected in Kilrush, both Protestant, asserted vigorously in letters to the Saturday Record in January and February 1914 that there was no sectarianism in Kilkee or Kilrush or in Clare.

Mr Doherty from Kilkee wrote:

I feel it a duty to protest against the false charges of intolerance made by unionist speakers in Ulster and elsewhere against Irish Catholics. I am a Protestant living in West Clare, which has a population of 98% Catholic, yet, this community, intensely Catholic as it is, has elected me for six years as a member of Kilkee Town Commissioners. In one of the contests for this body, I was elected at the head of the poll. A greater honour still has been conferred by unanimously electing me for the fourth time, chairman of Kilkee Town Commissioners, the only Protestant member of that body.

Never have I known a Protestant to be injured in person, property, position or repute because of his religion. It is a vile slander of Irish Catholics to accuse them of intolerance and I challenge the accusers to prove their charge, even by one solitary case of intolerance.

I ask my co-religionists in the west and south of Ireland to come out manfully and condemn these wicked slanders of our Catholic fellow countrymen. We have lived without religious differences amongst Catholics and they have always treated us with respect. I certainly think it is a duty of every self-respecting Protestant to speak out now and put an end to a campaign of malice against a generous and kindly Catholic people.

About a week later, Mr Green emphatically stated that he had never experienced sectarianism in Clare either:

I cannot allow this opportunity to pass without again vindicating the high reputation for toleration and friendliness enjoyed by my Catholic neighbours in this county. This has been markedly evidenced last month in my election to Kilrush Urban Council at the head of the poll by a substantial majority … as a matter of fact religion is rarely mentioned here except by Protestants … Religious intolerance is a thing with which, during my ten years sojourn here, I have never met. In conclusion, there never was a greater scandal against the Catholics of the south (so far as Clare is concerned at any rate), than the charge of religious persecution.2

Despite these assertions of religious toleration in Clare and that the Protestant minority should not fear the prospect of Home Rule, the matter was again raised in controversial circumstances in April and May 1914 when Canon S.C. Armstrong, rector of Kilrush, wrote an article that was published in the April edition of the Howth Parish Magazine, dealing with the life and work of a Church of Ireland clergyman in the west of Ireland. In this article Canon Armstrong stated that the local branch of the AOH in Kilrush had shown ‘open hostility’ towards the Protestants of the town. It is worth quoting the article in full as it gives a Protestant perspective on life in West Clare in 1914 as a Church of Ireland minister. He outlines the challenges facing the declining Protestant community and their fears of ‘Rome rule’:

Kilrush Parish County Clare

I have been asked to write a short article for your magazine dealing with the life and work of a clergyman in the west of Ireland. I trust that these few particulars may prove interesting, though they are necessarily contracted so that they do not take too much available space. I should have liked to have said something of this neighbourhood, and especially of the river.

‘Rose cloud and purple cloud

Purple cloud and rose,

Kerry shore and Clare shore,

Where the river flows –

Trembling in purple twilight

Paling as the daylight goes;

Golden burst of rain cloud,

Low rocks and golden sky,

Flats of shining seaweed,

And a wild bird’s cry;

Slowly as the river widens

One black sail goes drifting by.’

(By AVC in Irish Gardening)

But I must forbear, County Clare has attained a most unenviable reputation for murders and outrages, but I am glad to say this western portion is remarkably peaceable. There are wicked and lawless people in every community, but the inhabitants of Kilrush and neighbourhood are, as a rule, orderly and well behaved. There is no open display of religious animosity, except on the part of a few extremists – such as the members of the AOH.

The Roman Catholics, who number over 98% of the population, treat us courteously. A Protestant clergyman is never insulted in the back streets of Kilrush. Many of our people live in isolated situations, surrounded by Roman Catholic neighbours, but they are not molested in any way on account of their religion. The better class in the town are very friendly and many of them are extremely liberal-minded. For instance, they like to help the annual feast and Christmas tree for our school children. They give donations and come to the entertainment. Some even attend our missionary sales and spend their money freely.

I have seen large numbers of well-behaved and attentive Roman Catholics in our church at a funeral service. Notwithstanding this friendly and liberal spirit, to which I gladly testify, it is natural and inevitable that our small Protestant community should feel isolated, and especially in the case with those of us who have lived in other places where numbers were more equal. It is hard for those who live surrounded by their co-religionists to realise the depressing effects of this.

The ‘atmosphere’ is intensely Roman Catholic and there is a deeply-rooted conviction in the minds of our people that, had Rome the power, it would fare badly with us. To the Church of Rome we are heretics, and she has always taken a rough and ready way with them.

Our parish church is a handsome modern building one hundred years old. In the churchyard are the ruins of a very ancient one. Thanks to the zeal and energy of my predecessor, Canon Hyde, the internal appointments are all that could be desired and there are three very beautiful stained glass windows erected to the memory of members of the Vandeleur family. But, alas, while there is seating for 300, we count 49 a fair congregation. About 30 years ago the parishioners numbered about twice as many as now and the dwindling process goes on year by year.

Our school is always a matter of great anxiety to us. We find it very difficult to keep up the necessary average attendance of ten. If a coastguard or a policeman, who had children attending our school, is removed, we have to use all possible influence in high quarters to try and get another with a family sent in his place. Then, when there are elder boys, the parson has sometimes to turn schoolmaster in order to teach them subjects outside the National School Board curriculum, or else they are sent to the Christian Brothers School.

I look upon the school as vital to our small western parishes. Without a school in which our children can be trained in church doctrine and principles, a parish is humanly speaking doomed. Even if no direct attempt is made to influence their faith, the mere fact of our children associating day by day with overwhelming numbers of Roman Catholic companions is necessarily most injurious.

Not only has the parson sometimes to turn schoolmaster, but he has often to start a marriage bureau. Our church in the west has lost heavily in years gone by from mixed marriages. The children of such unions are almost invariably brought up Roman Catholics. The pressure brought to bear upon the Protestant parent is tremendous, so strong to be resisted in nearly every case. If our church families are not to die out, the young people must marry in their own faith. Rarely, where numbers are so small, can suitable mates be found in the parish. Some of us think it our duty to communicate our wants in this line to our brother clergy and to try and bring about suitable introductions with a view to matrimony. Such ‘marriages of convenience’ may be sadly wanting in that romantic process called ‘falling in love at first sight’, but are they not contracted in the very highest circles, and have we not a happy precedent in the happy union of Rebekah and Isaac? I have known such marriages turn out (seemingly), quite as satisfactory as others which have given Cupid a lot of archery practice.

There is an old saying: ‘it is better to wear out than to rust out’. The clergyman in the small country parish has light work in comparison with his city brother. He is in no danger of ‘wearing out’; if he wants to keep fit, he must guard against the insidious attacks of the ‘rusting’ process. Work in a large parish must be done systematically and regularly. In the small one there is the temptation to put off to tomorrow what can be done today, and so what can be done any day is in danger of being left undone. In the large parish there is always the stimulus of co-workers and intellectual discourse. In the small one the clergyman enjoys few or none of these great advantages, and must fight against deadly lethargy. The two positions differ widely in many respects, but it is a deep truth that every job has its compensations.

The thought is all sustaining. The ‘few sheep in the wilderness’ are precious in the eyes of the Chief Shepherd, and if the pastor in whose charge they have been placed but strive to tend them faithfully, he will, in due time, receive his Master’s ‘well done’ and enter into the joy of his Lord.’

S.C. Armstrong (Canon)

(NB the editor of the Howth Parish Magazine, the Revd Mr Powell, added that the Parish of Kilrush had, for the past two years, received half of the Collection for Poor Parishes at the Harvest Collection in Howth.)

This published article was brought to the attention of the AOH in Kilrush and Canon Armstrong was forced to publish a retraction of what he had written and to apologise for making the false allegation, which, he said, ‘was not founded on fact’.3

Another insight into religious tolerance in Clare was published in late July 1914, describing a visit to Ennis by a body of English trade unionists on Tuesday 19 May:

We visited Ennis, Co. Clare and we found here Protestant children attending Catholic schools in preference to the National Schools. It was also pointed out to us that the most successful businessmen in Ennis were Protestants, which goes to show that religious bigotry or intolerance does not exist in Clare. In fact two Protestant farmers had written to the Ennis papers a few months ago and stated that they knew of no ill-feeling between Catholics and Protestants.

I also visited Mr Scott, Presbyterian minister, and he said that he received nothing but kindness from his fellow townsmen and the priests were amongst his best friends. He also spoke of the prosperity of the Protestants in the district.

I visited Fr Hogan, Catholic priest and he stated that if he wished to influence the people in politics, they would take no notice of him, and this I know to be true. He also told me that they had been the friends of the peasant class, who were being oppressed by the landlords.

Mr Capon, secretary to the Oddfellows Club, told our delegation that the priests told the people not to join the Oddfellows Club, as it was a secret society. When I mentioned this to Fr Hogan, he stoutly denied such statements, ‘as they all knew that the Oddfellows were no such thing’.

Mr-----, a unionist, told us at a meeting in the evening that he would not mind being represented by a nationalist, if they would only put forward capable men and not drunkards incapable of governing themselves. It had been repeatedly stated to us that the priests would deal out punishment to their flock if they did not vote as they told them, and I asked at this meeting what the punishment consisted of, but the answer I got was that there was no such thing. It was rather significant that this was the only meeting during our tour that the Catholics were not misrepresented and abused, because there happened to be a prominent Catholic landowner and lawyer amongst the unionists present.

Our representative waited on Mr Capon in reference to the statement attributed to him to the effect ‘that the priests told their people not to join the Oddfellows Club, as it was a secret society’; and having discussed the question was given the following written answer by Mr Capon:

‘I could not say, but my opinion was that there were a certain number of priests in the county who had an idea in their heads that the Oddfellows were a secret society, and therefore, if these gentlemen had that idea, what might you expect from other people?

I was further asked how long I had been in this county, and I told them on and on since 1885, and I gave them a description of the way in which I was treated, but they have not had the decency to report that, as it would appear too good for them.’4

(Note, as mentioned above, Mr Capon, a Protestant had been in business in Ennis for fifteen years and most of his customers were Catholic. Furthermore, he had been elected to Ennis Urban District Council for nine years.)

Sport and Social Life

Despite these fears, deep-rooted convictions and reservations of the unionist community in County Clare, the social life of the gentry was carried on as before; with hunt balls and other social gatherings. The County Clare Hunt Ball was ‘a glittering social occasion’ held at the Courthouse, Ennis, attracting over seventy couples, who danced almost until dawn. On the day after the ball, members of the Clare Hounds held a meet at Buncraggy, where they had ‘a capital day chasing hares from Buncraggy to Island McGrath and back after a brilliant hunt of one hour and twenty minutes’. Another high society social occasion at that time was the New Years’ Eve dance held at Moyriesk, the home of Mrs R.H. Crowe. The guests included the elite of the county and many army officers from Cork, Limerick and Galway as well as from Clare.5

Another ball was organised by the AOH at the Courthouse, Ennis, in February 1914, which was also a great social occasion for the Catholic community of the county. Other Christmas and New Year dances were held in places such as St Michael’s Hall, Kilmihil and at Kilkee and Kilrush.

The Clare Hunt at Buncraggy, 16 November 1911. Photos by A. Holmes, courtesy of the late James McMahon and David Browne)

The sporting traditions of the county carried on as usual, with a wide variety of sports being played. Chief among these sports were the country pursuits of hunting, fishing and fowling. Race meetings were held at Ennis, Quilty, Miltown Malbay and Lahinch, which were usually held during the summer holidays, while the Clare Hunt annual point-to-point was held at Clonmoney, Newmarket-on-Fergus, at Easter. Besides these, there were agricultural shows at the County Agricultural Show in Ennis held on 15 August and at Kildysart in mid-September, along with a horticultural show held at Ennis in June.

There were coursing clubs at Ennis – Clare Castle, Cooraclare, Miltown Malbay and at Newmarket-on-Fergus. Lahinch was the premier golf club, where the South of Ireland Championship was held. Besides this there were clubs at Ennis, Spanish Point, Kilkee and Killaloe. There were several soccer clubs in the county, mainly based in Ennis, associated with British garrisons, police and transport companies. Athletics meetings were held at Clare Castle, the Ennis Showgrounds and at places such as Corifin and Scarriff.

Sports clubs such as tennis, cricket and hockey clubs were scattered throughout the county. These sports clubs, like golf, catered for the middle and upper class groups in society and so had a relatively high Protestant membership.

The salmon fishing season opened on 1 March 1914. Fishing conditions on that day were not good as ‘the weather was wet and cold and the water was high’. The honour of catching the first salmon on the River Fergus went to John Kerin, who caught a 9lb 8oz specimen. The following anglers, mostly local gentlemen, had the following catches: M. Kennedy, 9lb10oz; M. Stacpoole, 9lb; F.N. Studdert, 11lbs 9oz; and W.F. Crowe, 11lbs.

GAA clubs were established in every parish in the county and besides the county competitions, occasional hurling tournaments were held, such as at Clare Castle on 1 March, which was held to raise funds for the local Land and Labour Band, which was founded in 1902. Another sports meeting was promoted at Clare Castle in April under GAA rules for the purpose of paying off the debt on the curate’s house. Among the events was the tug-of-war championship of Clare. However, the sporting highlight of the year undoubtedly was that the Clare Senior Hurling team won the All-Ireland title for the first time in September 1914.6

Fowling was regularly carried on at a couple of estates in the county, such as at Lord Inchiquin’s at Dromoland and at Mr Stacpoole’s of Eden Vale. This sport was also carried on in the Tottenham estate on Mount Callan and on the Broadford Hills. The sport was usually engaged in by the estate owners and their friends among the gentry. The season extended from November until February each year, with several shoots before and after Christmas. The records of shooting at Eden Vale for the 1913-14 season show that there were four shoots, with an average gun-line of six guns; and there were total bags of 231 pheasants and 116 woodcock.7

Clare All-Ireland hurling champions, 1914. (Courtesy of John Power)

There was, however, significant interruption of all major sporting events in the county that year when an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in the country forced the cancellation of all sporting events between 16 March and 28 April. This highly contagious bovine disease also had a significant impact upon the farming economy during this time, with all fairs and markets being cancelled.8

The Gaelic League was revived in the county when a meeting, chaired by Revd A. Clancy, PP, was held at the town hall in Ennis on 14 February. Later in the year a huge Feis an Chlair was held at Ennis in July to promote Irish music, song, and dance in the county. This cultural event attracted huge crowds.9

One exciting new source of entertainment was started in Ennis in January 1914, when a company took a five-year lease of the town hall for the purpose of showing films. The weekly or bi-weekly black and white silent movies at the town hall became a major addition to the cultural attractions of the town of Ennis. Besides films, the local people were able to watch newsreels, with scenes of news items broadcast by Pathé News. Most of the new movies were of American or British origin and some were later deemed to be controversial and immoral. The silent movies were dubbed with subtitles to explain the subject matter, and later, live piano music was provided to add to the dramatic effect. Besides the new cinema there were occasional travelling cinemas in Ennis at this time. For instance in April there was a ‘Picturechrome’ at Keane’s Yard, Ennis, with nightly shows during the week at 8 p.m. Admission costs ranged between 1s 6d and 3d.10

Law and Order

In 1912 H.V. MacNamara, JP, DL, of Ennistymon had described the landlords of Clare as being ‘persecuted’ by the activities of the Land League during the continuing Land War. It seems that by 1914 not much had changed and the agitation continued. There were several ‘cattle drives’ in Clare during the early part of the year, in places such as Kilkishen on Maj. Studdert’s property; Shalee, the property of Mr J. Cullinan; Cahercalla, the home of Mr Wyndham F. Crowe, and Gortmore and Cragleigh, the property of Mr Pilkington. There were some successes in this regard; it was announced in February that the Morony estate in West Clare, including the town of Miltown Malbay, had been purchased by the Land Commission, largely through the efforts of Very Revd Canon J. Hannan, PP. Also, in May the Land Commission took over Maj. Studdert’s estate in Kilkishen for division.11

The issue of law and order was a topical one in the county at this time and the local newspapers carried regular reports on one murder trial, the Derrymore murder, which was frequently aborted and transferred to different courts because of the difficulty of getting a jury to convict, allegedly due to intimidation. The Clare Champion reported claims from the prosecution that ‘there was a feeling of terror in the district and that witnesses were afraid to come forward’.12 The problem of securing convictions in Clare was so serious that the matter was raised in the House of Commons. Mr Mitchell Thompson, MP, asked the Chief Secretary in Dublin, Mr Birrell, to state how many cases had the Attorney General had applied to have transferred from County Clare to County Dublin in the King’s Bench Division. He also asked whether any steps were being taken to remove the feeling of terror that prevailed in County Clare and prevented fair trials.

In reply, Mr Birrell stated that the Attorney General had applied for changes of venue in four cases from County Clare. The applications were made on the grounds that in the belief of the responsible officials, a fair trial was not likely to be had in County Clare. He added that there was a large extra force of police in the county and special measures had been taken for the protection of life and property. Mr Birrrel was happy to state that the condition of the county was improving.13

In the previous year, Willie Redmond, MP for East Clare, stated in the House of Commons in reply to the question of crime in Clare:

From every point of view, Clare was more free of crime than any civilised county in the world. There was very little agrarian crime; but until land purchase was completed there would undoubtedly be excitement and irritability shown. The National Party, however, have done everything in its power to condemn and discountenance crime and outrage of every description.14

Perhaps it was a coincidence that Sir Peter O’Brien, 1st Baron Kilfenora, PC, QC, who was born at Carnelly House, Clare Castle, in June 1842, had retired as Lord Chief Justice of Ireland in 1913. He earned the soubriquet, ‘Peter the Packer’ during the Land War of the 1880s when he, as a Crown Prosecutor, secured the conviction of many people accused of agrarian crimes because of his skill in ‘packing’ juries. O’Brien died on 7 September 1914, when the Land War was entering its final stages in Ireland due to land purchase.15

The Weather

The weather during the year was unusual. The period from April to June was drier than normal. During June the weather was almost continuously dry and warm, and by the end of the month the effect of the prolonged drought was apparent on the crops. In some districts little or no rain had fallen since early May and much inconvenience was caused through shortage of water. By contrast, the second half of the year was unusually wet. The annual rainfall was about 7 inches (8cm) above normal. There were about 4 inches (10cm) of rain in July, but the harvesting months of August and September were wetter than normal. The rain in December was over seven inches (8cm), a record at that time since records were first taken at Carrigoran.

Because of the dry weather, the state of the crops in the county by the end of June was serious. Cereals such as wheat, oats and barley were lighter than normal, with shorter stalks. The potato crop, which was also affected by some frost in early May was also late and both early and mainstream crops were between two and three weeks behind. In many cases first crops of hay were cut and in some areas two crops, but, though the yield was well below average, the quality was good. Yields of other crops such as mangels, turnips and beans were also backward. In addition, pastures were burned and bare and stock such as cattle suffered from shortage of grass. The drought also caused a reduction in milk yields. Because of the fodder crisis, prices of cattle and sheep fell back and farmers had to reduce their herds, selling stock at lower prices. This was a further blow after the foot-and-mouth crisis in April and May.16

The Prospects of Home Rule

Besides the weather, the imminent prospect of Home Rule was a major topic of conversation throughout Ireland in early 1914. An editorial in the Clare Champion stated, ‘there is not a cabin or castle in the country in which the prospects of the Home Rule Bill are not being discussed with the greatest interest’. The editor, on 7 March 1914, was optimistic that Prime Minister Aquith would keep his word: ‘Taken on the whole, we think that Mr Asquith will not break faith with the Irish people or destroy his reputation as a statesman, by yielding to the threats of violence and civil war in the north’.

The AOH had branches in towns and villages throughout the county in places such as Ennis, Kilrush, Kilkee, Lahinch, Kilkishen, Ennistymon, Sixmilebridge, Newmarket-on-Fergus, Corofin, Quin, Kilfenora, Scarriff, Feakle, O’Callaghan’s Mills, and Mullagh. The membership seems to have been drawn from the Catholic middle classes of the town and country. It was an influential social, business, and political network in the county, which had strong links with the United Irish League and the Home Rule Party. The AOH also had a prominent role in local and national politics, especially during the local elections, which were held during May 1914.

Members in the Ennis branch of the AOH included the president, Mr Sarsfield Maguire, editor of the Clare Champion; vice-president, P. Connolly, Ennis Urban Council; treasurer, D. McParland; and secretary, J.F. McHugh, Ennis Urban Council; other members included; J.B. Lynch, solicitor; Dr MacClancy; P. Cullinan; F.C. McMahon; Martin Collopy; J. Clohessy; J. Moroney; J.J. Meade; C. Mungovan; M.J. Carmody; and M.J. Reddan. The Ennis branch built a new hall called Hibernian Hall, which was opened by Mr Joseph Devlin, MP from Armagh, leader of the AOH, who was a prominent member of the Home Rule Party. At the election for a new president of the Ennis branch in July 1915, a total of eighty-four members were present.17

There was a great expectation among nationalists that Home Rule was imminent. Home Rule collections were organised throughout Ireland mainly through the parishes. Contributions from each of the parishes were usually headed by the title, ‘From the priests and people of …’. This indicated the prominent role of the Catholic clergy in the Home Rule campaign. In Killaloe, V. Revd Canon Flannery, PP, VG, sent a cheque for a sum of £25 7s 6d. In the letter accompanying the cheque, which was published in the Freeman as well in the Saturday Record of 10 January 1914, he praised John Redmond, ‘the closer the contest is coming the more we admire the skill and courage of our splendid representatives. With such a party, led by such a wonderful man, we believe in a few months we will have you at home, building the nation up again in College Green.’

The Clare Champion reported on the progress of the Home Rule Bill throughout the early months of the year. Though there were some concerns about the unionist threats to oppose Home Rule, the editor of the Clare Champion, Mr Sarsfield Maguire, president of the Ennis branch of the AOH, seems to have been greatly influenced by Joseph Devlin, MP for Armagh, founder and leader of the AOH, who regularly asserted that Carson’s campaign of opposition to Home Rule was just ‘bluff’. This seems to have been the opinion of most of the nationalists of Clare in the early part of the year. The editorial ended with mixed feelings of hope and despair, with an ‘appalling vista’:

It is quite possible, but by no means certain that the Home Rule question will be settled by consent, but there does not now appear to be any doubt about the Bill becoming law. One thing is quite certain, that is if the government happened to be defeated and the measure thrown out, the government of this country as it stands, would become an impossibility, and disasters would follow far worse than even civil war in its most dangerous form in the north.18

The nationalist hopes of a successful Home Rule Bill being passed in the British Parliament were further dimmed, when on 9 March John Redmond, leader of the Home Rule Party, agreed to the government proposal at the Second Reading of the Bill that six Ulster counties should have the right to opt out of a Home Rule settlement for all Ireland on a temporary basis for six years. This, the Clare Champion argued, would be Ulster’s loss. The Clare Champion editor stated with determination that ‘no nationalist would agree to the permanent exclusion of the six counties!’ However, its editorial insisted that the government should push the measure through no matter what the consequences for Ulster would be, even the threat of civil war. It still held the view that Carson and the unionists were bluffing – ‘Every nationalist in Belfast and Ulster knows that there was never a greater game of bluff than the Ulster Volunteer Movement’.19

One of the Clare MPs, Col Arthur Lynch, was very unhappy with Redmond’s concession to the Unionist Party and wrote to him expressing his concern. He told Redmond that he lacked confidence in Asquith’s Liberal government, which allowed Carson to practice treason with impunity, to win exclusion for Ulster. He said that Home Rule would be a mockery, ‘I know the plea that this is only a temporary arrangement that the Ulstermen will come in … I do not believe that they will be won over … even by force! The proposition is absurd … I see little here but hypocrisy on the part of the government’.20

However, political matters took a sinister and more alarming course when the unionist campaign of opposition, which included much propaganda suggesting that ‘Home Rule would be Rome Rule’, became more threatening. There was a sense of shock when the Curragh ‘mutiny’ took place on 20 March, when the majority of the British officers stationed at the Curragh declared that they would rather resign than lead a military action to suppress the Ulster Volunteer Force. In response to this revelation, the editor of the Clare Champion became more militant:

Are we to accept the veto of the officers’ mess? Democracy must either win or perish. We suggest that the nationalists of Ireland should join the National Volunteers and be ready to demonstrate that if the Orange north is ready to use force, they will be prepared to meet it, and if necessary, as Mr Devlin has suggested, settle the Irish question without the intervention of police or military.21

The National Volunteers

The increasing unionist threat was a spur to a surge of enlistment into the National Volunteers in the county. When a corps of the National Volunteers was formed during March in Ennis, the Clare Champion boasted: ‘There was not much bluff and bluster about the formation of a corps of the Irish Volunteers in Ennis!’ Within a week the Ennis corps had expanded greatly. The Ennis ‘Brian Boru’ corps of Volunteers numbered more than 400 men of all classes, including shop assistants, tradesmen and labourers, who drilled with enthusiasm and marched through the town in a strong body.22

One of the major local politicians behind the call for the formation of the Clare Volunteers was Councillor P.J. Linnane, JP, chairman of Ennis Urban Council, who stated at a public meeting on 8 March, ‘People from all parts of Ireland should help bring about a body which will be second to none in Ireland, for it will be composed of men ready and prepared to stand faithfully and firm to meet any emergency that might arise.’

Councillor P.J. Linnane had been a member of Ennis Urban Council since 1898. He was chairman of the council in 1902 and in 1914. He was one of the founders of the Ennis branch of the United Irish League (the Home Rule Party) in 1902. Indeed, for his political activities he was incarcerated in Limerick Jail for three months in 1902. Linnane Terrace on the Kilrush Road was named in his honour in 1902. He was a significant political figure in nationalist politics in Ennis and indeed throughout County Clare during the war years. Willie Redmond, MP for East Clare, was quite friendly with him and relied upon him for local advice.23

The political crisis over Ulster was dramatically transformed on 24 April when a huge quantity of arms and ammunition was illegally imported by the Ulster unionists during what was known as the Larne gun-running. The Clare Journal highlighted, but did not condemn, the ‘audacious coup of the Ulster Volunteers’. It highlighted Mr Asquith’s statement on the ‘unprecedented outrage in Ulster’. The Clare Journal also noted that recent government actions, allowing a temporary exclusion of six counties, had caused ‘resentment among nationalists’. This was surely a major understatement of the anger among nationalists at the undemocratic behaviour of the unionists and their Tory friends. The Saturday Record made no reference to the Larne gun-running. The Clare Journal editor held out some hope of a settlement of the crisis by suggesting partition on the lines proposed by Winston Churchill.

On the other hand, the Clare Champion strongly condemned the actions of the Ulster Volunteers, referring to the ‘Orange outlaws’. The editorial in the Clare Champion, putting a brave face on the matter, defiantly stated: ‘the fact of 50 or 70 thousand rifles being in the hands of the Orangemen will not turn a hair on the head of a single Northern nationalist!’ The editorial also stated trenchantly that ‘Carson’s demand for the permanent exclusion of six Ulster counties would spell the permanent and total destruction of Home Rule! The nationalists of Ulster would be betrayed and coerced under the heel of Orange ascendancy.’ The Clare Champion editor expressed the opinion that if Carson had been more reasonable then the Ulster ‘problem’ would be settled amicably among Irishmen.24

These dramatic developments in Ulster showed that the unionists were not bluffing and that the threat of force by them in forming the Ulster Volunteer Force and illegally arming themselves did bring about significant political amendments to the Home Rule Bill. The lessons were not lost on nationalists throughout Ireland and in County Clare. Nationally, between the end of 1913 and July 1914 the number of men enrolled in the Irish National Volunteers increased from about 2,000 to more than 160,000. Belatedly, but enthusiastically, the men of Clare began to answer McNeill’s call to join the Irish National Volunteers and over the next few months, corps of volunteers were formed throughout the county and thousands enlisted, while many women from Clare joined the auxiliary organisation of Cumann na mBan.

The Irish National Volunteers of Ennistymon before the ‘split’, 1914. (Courtesy of Peadar McNamara Collection)

‘War or Peace’, Lucania bicycle advertisement from Clare Chamption, 25 April 1914.

Between the end of March and June many branches of the Irish National Volunteers were formed throughout the county. Apart from Ennis, branches were formed in Ballycar, Ballyea, Barefield, Bodyke, Carrigaholt, Clare Castle, Clonlara, Corofin, Crusheen, Doonbeg, Doora, Ennistymon, Hurler’s Cross, Kilrush, Kilkee, Kilalloe, Kildysart, Kilfenora, Kilmihil, Kilmurry Ibrickane, Labasheeda, Lisheen, Meelick, Miltown Malbay, Newmarket-on-Fergus, O’Callaghan’s Mills, Tulla, Quin, Stonehall and Tuamgraney. The Catholic clergy were prominent in forming many of the branches and were specifically mentioned in some cases, such as Fr Hayes, CC in Labasheeda, Fr John O’Dea, CC in Kilnoe and Tuamgraney, and Fr Moloney, CC in Kilkee. Most of these branches were represented at the Convention of Irish National Volunteers in Clare.

As a show of strength, a huge gathering of the National Volunteers of Clare was held in Ennis on 1 June, to demand that the British Government should not attempt to delay or stop the Home Rule Bill from becoming law. The meeting was addressed by the local MPs, Willie Redmond and Arthur Lynch, as well as others. Willie Redmond stated, ‘The Volunteer movement has been taken up in every part of Ireland by the most respectable people in the country.’ Fitzpatrick states that the number of National Volunteers in the county was over 3,200, divided into sixty companies. A national collection for the Irish National Volunteers Defence of Ireland was held on 16 August. The subscriptions were collected on a parish basis and the subscribers were named and acknowledged in the local press. In Clare Castle a total of £19 12s was collected by the local branch.25

The increasing martial spirit in Ireland, with much talk about civil war, even inspired one local businessman to capitalise on this atmosphere to put advertisements in the local paper with the caption ‘War or Peace!’ Mr James O’Dea of Kildysart, selling bicycles, wrote ‘no matter what game is on you will need a Lucana Bicycle’. Little did he or anyone else realise what horrors lay ahead.26

Earlier in the year one anonymous local wit, XYZ from Kilmihil, wrote a poem urging the young men of his parish to join the Irish National Volunteers.

The Kilmihil Volunteers

Sons of St Michael awake from your slumbers,

And respond to the call of a nation to be;

Remember that Ireland will soon be a nation,

First flower of the earth and first gem of the sea.

Your ancestors fought to obtain Ireland’s freedom,

And shouldered the pike in dark ’98;

So, young men of Kilmihil, their loyal descendants,

Muster your clans before it’s too late.

Think of the days of the great agitation,

When your fathers were tortured in Limerick jail;

And now on the dawn of Home Rule for dear Ireland,

Be ready to help and take care you don’t fail.

The Black North, a mote in the eye of dear Ireland,

Is now causing trouble as it did heretofore;

And Sir Neddy has filled it with big dummy rifles,

The refuse of Turk, Italian, and Boer.

His army is drilling with these deadly rifles,

The echoes resounding all over the land

So, be comrades in arms and rise in your thousands;

Throw the gauntlet at the feet of that mean cowardly band.

Look back and read over our history’s sad pages,

Dwell on the heroes of Emmet and Tone;

And with hearts stout and bold, like your fathers of old,

Strike for old Ireland and Ireland alone.

Show Carson in Ulster that we will be a nation,

With a parliament once more in dear College Green;

Then we’ll join hands with Ulster and sing Ireland a nation,

And forget the sad memories of days that have been.27

The Home Rule Bill was passed in the House of Commons in May 1914, with amendments allowing for the temporary exclusion of six Ulster counties, and it was hoped that it would shortly become law. To mark the occasion there were celebrations and huge demonstrations in all of the main towns and villages of Clare. The National Volunteers paraded to mark the occasion. They were accompanied by brass and reed, fife and drum, or by pipe bands. Many houses were illuminated with candles in the windows, while tar barrels and bonfires were lit in the villages. There was great joy as the enthusiastic crowds sang the famous ballad, which was at that time almost a national anthem, ‘A nation once again’, written by Thomas Davis in 1840. After the local clergy and politicians had spoken at Clare Castle, there were many cheers for John Redmond and the Home Rule Party.28

A Nation Once Again

When boyhood’s fire was in my blood

I read of ancient freemen,

For Greece and Rome, who bravely stood

Three hundred men and three men;

And then I pray I yet might see

Our fetters rent in twain

And Ireland long a province, be

A Nation once again!

(Chorus)

A Nation once again,

A Nation once again,

And Ireland, long a province, be

A Nation once again!’

However, these ‘celebrations’, apparently orchestrated by the local branches of the Home Rule Party, were premature. The prospects for ‘brighter days in Ireland’ looked unlikely as Ireland seemed to drift towards civil war over the Ulster crisis after the failure of the Buckingham Palace Conference of 21 and 22 July.

To make matters worse, the British Army fired upon the Irish Volunteers who had taken part in the Howth gun-running of 26 July and four civilians were killed at Bachelor’s Walk, Dublin. This outraged the Irish nationalists, as they contrasted the attempt to disarm the Irish nationalists with the impunity with which the Ulster Volunteers were treated over the Larne gun-running. The shootings in Dublin were condemned by the local press and by local authorities in Clare. A meeting of the Kilrush Board of Guardians expressed their ‘horror and condemnation of the outrage committed by the military on the streets of Dublin.’ The atrocity was also condemned at a meeting of Clare County Council. The motion ‘viewed with horror and indignation the brutal murder of defenceless people on the streets of Dublin by British soldiers’.29

Despite a government ban on the importation of arms there was, it seems, an attempt to import guns into West Clare in early August. As the Clare Champion stated: