Contemplating Sufism E-Book

Khairudin Aljunied

• Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
• Kategorie: Religion und Spiritualität
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 423

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2025

Beschreibung

Contemplating Sufism: Dialogue and Tradition across Southeast Asia

"Exploring Sufi sites and seminaries, Professor Aljunied vividly describes how a dialogic tradition facilitated the formation of a Sufi habitus and life form across Muslim-majority Southeast Asia. The work deftly articulates the synergies between Sufis and the wider public, showing how such dynamics infused increasingly powerful mediums and popular forms of mass mobilization during the colonial and post-colonial eras."
—ARMANDO SALVATORE, Barbara and Patrick Keenan Chair in Interfaith Studies, McGill University, Canada

"At once personal and scholarly, this book shows how Sufis were engaged in dual dialogues—with themselves and their surroundings—that made them agents of social change in Southeast Asia's past and present alike. Paying equal attention to devotion and miracles, and no less, the political and martial aspects of Sufi activism, Aljunied explains why Islam remains so important in the region today."
—NILE GREEN, Ibn Khaldun Endowed Chair in World History, University of California, Los Angeles

"Splendidly written and accessible, Khairudin Aljunied tells a lively and engaging story of Muslim piety, metaphysics, and politics as an integral part of Islamic thought and practice in Southeast Asia. Readers will gain a profound and nuanced understanding of Islam in a region with the world’s largest Muslim population. A compelling read!"
—EBRAHIM MOOSA, Mirza Family Professor of Islamic Thought and Muslim Societies, University of Notre Dame, USA

Contemplating Sufism employs a unique "contemplative histories" methodology to uncover how and why Sufis employed creative mediums to embed and sustain their importance in the region for many centuries. Recognizing Sufism as a dialogical tradition, Khairudin Aljunied reveals the emotional, institutional, and political forces that continue to influence Sufi thought and practices.

Providing an accessible and coherent synthesis of the latest scholarship in the field, this innovative study integrates data from around the world, vignettes and anecdotes of Southeast Asian Sufism, and the author's ethnographic observations and personal experiences. Lively and engaging chapters contain vivid descriptions and rich analyses of the texts, ideas, people, practices, and institutions that aided in the development of Sufism—and transformed Southeast Asia’s ideological, cultural, political, and social landscapes.

Illustrating the inventiveness and energy of the Sufis, Contemplating Sufism: Dialogue and Tradition across Southeast Asia is an excellent textbook for undergraduate and graduate courses on Sufism and a valuable resource for academics, scholars, and general readers with an interest in the mystical dimension of Islam in the non-Arab world.

Leseprobe

Table of Contents

Cover

Table of Contents

Praise Page

Title Page

Copyright Page

Dedication Page

Acknowledgements

Abbreviations

Glossary

List of Photos

Timeline of Sufism in Southeast Asia

Introduction: A Dialogical Tradition

CHAPTER 1: Feelings

SUPPLICATIVE MEDIUMS

FIGURATIVE MEDIUMS

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 2: Miracles

SANCTIFIED TOMBS

INCREDIBLE TALES

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 3: Institutions

CIRCULATORY PASTS

ORGANIC TEXTS

SPIRITUAL MEDIATORS

DEVOUT COMMUNITIES

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 4: Struggles

PROTAGONIST SUFI WARRIORISM

PROTECTIONIST SUFI WARRIORISM

PURIST SUFI WARRIORISM

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 5: Politics

CONVERSION POLITICS

REFORMIST POLITICS

ROYALIST AND DEMOCRATIC POLITICS

CONCLUSION

Epilogue: Contemplating Sufism

Bibliography

Index

End User License Agreement

Guide

Cover Page

Table of Contents

Praise Page

Title Page

Copyright Page

Dedication Page

Acknowledgements

Abbreviations

Glossary

List of Photos

Timeline of Sufism in Southeast Asia

Begin Reading

Epilogue: Contemplating Sufism

Bibliography

Index

WILEY END USER LICENSE AGREEMENT

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Exploring Sufi sites and seminaries, Professor Aljunied vividly describes how a dialogic tradition facilitated the formation of a Sufi habitus and life form across Muslim‐majority Southeast Asia. The work deftly articulates the synergies between Sufis and the wider public, showing how such dynamics infused increasingly powerful mediums and popular forms of mass mobilization during the colonial and post‐colonial eras.

Armando Salvatore

Barbara and Patrick Keenan Chair in Interfaith Studies,McGill University, Canada

At once personal and scholarly, this book shows how Sufis were engaged in dual dialogues—with themselves and their surroundings—that made them agents of social change in Southeast Asia’s past and present alike. Paying equal attention to devotion and miracles, and no less, the political and martial aspects of Sufi activism, Aljunied explains why Islam remains so important in the region today.

Nile Green

Ibn Khaldun Endowed Chair in World History at the University of California, Los Angeles

Splendidly written and accessible, Khairudin Aljunied tells a lively and engaging story of Muslim piety, metaphysics, and politics as an integral part of Islamic thought and practice in Southeast Asia. Readers will gain a profound and nuanced understanding of Islam in a region with the world’s largest Muslim population. A compelling read!

Ebrahim Moosa

Mirza Family Professor of Islamic Thought and Muslim Societies at the University of Notre Dame, USA

This book expands the study of Sufism by examining its historical and social impact in Southeast Asia. Aljunied provides a compelling methodology, deepening our understanding of the factors contributing to Sufism’s lasting presence in the region. An excellent resource for anyone interested in a field often overlooked by scholars of Islam.

Osman Bakar

Al‐Ghazali Chair of Epistemology and Civilizational Studies andRenewal at the International Islamic University of Malaysia

Aljunied presents an elegant, sobering, and masterly account of Sufism in Southeast Asia. Informed by the author’s deep understanding of Muslim societies, he introduces an innovative approach – contemplative histories – that transcends biased views of Islamic spirituality. Highly original and Ghazalian in spirit, Contemplating Sufism is a guide and roadmap for anyone interested in historical Islam and Sufi expressions across several centuries.

Salih Çift

Professor of Islamic Studies at Bursa Uludağ University, Turkey

Contemplating Sufism

Dialogue and Tradition Across Southeast Asia

KHAIRUDIN ALJUNIED

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Acknowledgements

Writing this book has been my most challenging and rewarding endeavour to date. It is the result of decades living with Sufis and lengthy discussions with fellow travellers who share my fascination with the inner aspects of faith. This is the fifth in a series of monographs offering fresh perspectives on Islam in Southeast Asia. It challenges the common perception of Sufism as an esoteric, passive, and other‐worldly creed that is detached from worldly issues and societal problems.1 I question the dominant idea of Sufis as reclusive mystics, swirling dervishes, and wandering hermits. They were much more than that. Sufis were catalysts of social change and prime movers of political transformations. They shaped the ideological landscapes of their societies, created lasting memories, influenced economies, and defended liberties. I hope readers of this book will embrace this alternative view of Sufism in Southeast Asia and raise more probing questions about the contributions of Sufis to the shaping of historical Islam.

The book was mostly written in buses and trains, cabs and planes, cafes, and coffee shops, and it bears the marks of friends and fraternities. I would like to thank Bruce Lawrence, Martin van Bruinessen, Julian Millie, and Engseng Ho for their generous inputs during the early stages of writing. Bruce encouraged me to consider the interactions between global and local expressions of Sufism. He read the entire manuscript and made it sharper. Martin pointed to many useful works on the topic. Julian connected me with scholars working on interesting and emerging lines of enquiry. Engseng questioned the tentative structure of the book and forced me to rethink my approaches to Sufi pasts. I spent weeks mulling over his simple point: rethink Sufism in Southeast Asia in ways that would truly capture its innate uniqueness. I hope this book live up to his hopes as well as the hopes of other scholars who have contributed through their writings in the making of this book.

The year I spent as full professor at the University of Brunei Darussalam (UBD) in 2022 was very productive in conceptualizing this project. I received financial support from UBD to collect data in several countries. Asbol Mail, Muhammad Rafee, Siti Norainna, Tassim Abu Bakar, Stephen Druce, Zulhimi Jaidin, Khairul Rejal, Ampuan Brahim, Hairul Azrin, Noralipah Mohamed, and Vincent Ooi were very supportive. Abdoh Abdul Salam and Jaafar Bakar were always there to offer their assistance. Noor Azam, Norkhalbi Wahsalfelah, Shaikh Sultan, Abdillah Noh, Iftekhar Iqbal, Masridah Mahmud, Amirrizal Mahmud, Ahsan Ullah, Rommel Curaming, Hafiizh Hashim, Abdul Hai, Afroz Ahmad, Hilmy Baihaqy, Abdul Waliyuddin, Khairul Adli, Katrina Daud, and Hamizah Haidi added spice to life. Amin Aziz, Emin Poljarevic, Khalil Ahmad, Shaikh Abdul Mabud, and Senad Mhrahorovic furthered my thoughts and corrected many presumptions.

Kind souls across oceans have patiently listened to my ramblings and reflections on Sufi themes. John Esposito, Tamara Sonn, and Jonathan Brown at Georgetown University are dependable comrades. Ermin Sinanovic, Younos Mirza, and Yaqoub Mirza at the Center for Islam in the Contemporary World (CICW) made my research trips more fulfiling. Brothers at the Herndon Halaqah were always welcoming and helpful, making long sojourns bearable. Maria Dakake, Martin Nguyen, Atif Khalil, Abdoulaye Ndiaye, Ismail Alatas, and Huseyin Yilmaz were excellent interlocutors during seminars on “Islam in Southeast Asia and Muslim spaces” held at George Mason University and later at the University of Sarajevo. The Ilahiyat Faculty at the University of Uludag included me along many other scholars of global Sufism in a highly engaging conference on “Sufism and Politics.” There, I met Salih Cift whom I now regard as my teacher and friend. Discussions with Alexander Knysh, Laila Khalifah, Tanvir Anjum, Bulent Senay, and Takyettin Karakaya made the days in Turkey heart‐warming. Alexander Wain and Brendan Wolfe at the University of St. Andrews arranged for a seminar on the Islamic Civilization where some ideas found in the following pages were presented. Abu Bakar Assiddiq kindly toured me around Edinburgh and read a full draft of this book.

In Malaysia, Anthony Milner, Hamdi Abdul Shukor, Danny Wong, Farish Noor, Zulkarnain Abdul Rahman, Arba’iyah Mohd Noor, and friends at the University of Malaya kept me cheerful. Maszlee Malik, Ahmad Badri, and the staff at the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) welcomed me into their dynamic organization. Professor Redzuan at University Selangor (UNISEL) arranged for a fellowship position with the assistance of Eda Suhana. Saliha Farid and Nadia Khan read parts of this book and provided useful pointers. Outside the workplace, Tengku Baderul Zaman, Hidayah Wan Ismail, Azaliah Aljunied, Aasil Ahmad, Norhayani Mohd Noor, and Abang Rosli made Malaysia feel like home. Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, Anis Yusoff, Kartini Khalid, Azharudin Mohd Dali, Arfah Abdul Majid, Syakir Hashim, Shafiq Sahruddin, Danial Abdul Rahman, and Haroon Alshatrie were great sounding boards. Nazirul Mubin, Syahmi, and others in the Cendekia fraternity were companions in the path of knowledge. Shazani Masri read the book with his usual sparkle and brilliance. Ahmed Inan, Tayfun Akgun, and Mehmet Ozay made for fun teh tarik mates, always helpful and living up to Turkish hospitality and brotherhood. Professor Osman Bakar is a sage and a soother in challenging times.

I am blessed with wonderful neighbours, close acquaintances, and empathetic institutions in Singapore and the United Kingdom. The National University of Singapore granted me leave to complete the writing of this book. The families of Omar Moad, Abdul Hai, Jamil Chisti, Fadhil Ismail, Taufik Mohamed, Rozi Naser, Norimah Abdul Ghani, and Siti Nur’ain Yuza have become my own. Azri Mokhtar, Kamaludeen Nasir, Hafiz Othman, Damanhuri Abas, Faizal Mohammad, Rudie Asmara, Sujuandy Supa’at, Shaharudin Ishak, Deary Rahmayanto, Abbas Khan, Wasim Chiang, Liao Bowen, and Abbas Karim were always encouraging me to keep writing, offering unstinting assistance whenever I needed it most. I am deeply grateful for having been endowed with supportive parents and in laws. Marlina and my six children, Inshirah, Fatihah, Yusuf, Muhammad, Yasin, and Furqan, have all become part of my writing journeys. Life as a scholar would have been less meaningful without their love and affection.

Note

1

The following series of books provides revisionist interpretations of Islam in Southeast Asia: Khairudin Aljunied's

Muslim Cosmopolitanism: Southeast Asian Islam in Comparative Perspective

(Edinburgh University Press, 2017),

Hamka and Islam

(Cornell University Press, 2018),

Islam in Malaysia: An Entwined History

(Oxford University Press, 2019), and

Shapers of Islam in Southeast Asia

(New York: Oxford University Press, 2022).

Abbreviations

GOLKAR

Golongan Karya (Functional Groups)

JIB

Jong Islamieten Bond

Masyumi

Partai Majelis Syuro Muslim Indonesia (Council of Indonesian Muslim Associations)

MUI

Majelis Ulama Indonesia (Indonesian Ulama Council)

NII

Negara Islam Indonesia

NU

Nahdlatul Ulama (Revival of the Ulama)

PAKEM

Pengawas Aliran Kepercayaan Masyarakat (Coordinating Board for Monitoring Mystical Beliefs in Society)

PAS

Parti Islam se‐Malaysia (Islamic Party of Malaysia)

PERTI

Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah (Islamic Education Organization)

PKMM

Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (The Malay Nationalist Party)

PNU

Partai Nahdlatul Ummah (The Revival of the Ummah Party)

PULO

Patani United Liberation Movement

SI

Sarekat Islam (Islamic Association)

Glossary

adab

manners

adat

traditional customs

ahlul bait

family of the prophet

ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah

The People of the Sunnah and the Majority

ahwal

states

Al‐Insanul Kamil

The Perfect Human Being

aql

intellect

akhlaqul karimah

noble character

amal

praxis

ashiq

burning love for the divine

azimat

amulet

batin

inner

bay’ah

oath of allegiance

barakah

blessings

bid’ah

innovations in Islam

Dajjals

deceitful messiahs

da’wa

the preaching of Islam

dhawq

tasting

dhikr

remembering

dihliz

threshold position

dosa

sins

du’a

invocations

fana’

annihilation of the self

faqr

poverty

fasiq

one who violates Islamic law

fatwas

religious edicts

fuqaha

jurists

ghaflah

heedlessness

ghaib

supernatural

habaibs

beloved ones with genealogical connections to the Prophet

hadrat al‐nabi

Prophet’s presence

hajj

pilgrimage to Mecca

hajji

pilgrim

halal

permissible

hadith

Prophetic sayings

halaqah

study circle

haqiqah

mystical truths

hikayat

rhythmic prose stories

hijab

veil

hikmah

wisdom

ibadah

acts of worship

ihsan

excellence

ijazah

licenses

ijtihad

independent reasoning

ikhlas

sincerity

‘ilmu laduni

direct knowledge from God

‘ilm al‐yaqin

the knowledge of certainty

imam

leader

ishara

signs

islah

reform

ittihad

union with God

jihad

holy struggle

jihad fisabilillah

struggling in the path of Allah

Jawi

or

Jawah

Malay‐Indonesian scholars in Makkah

kafir

disbelief

kafirun

disbelievers

karamah

miracles

kashf

unveiling

kauman

religious community

kebatinan

search for inner truth

khalafi

followers of the later generations

khalwat

solitude

khauf

fear

khurafat

superstition

kitab

learned treatises

kraton

Javanese royalty

kyai

religious teachers

laqab

honorific

ma’rifah

interior knowedge

ma’siyah

contravening Islamic law

madhab

school of Islamic jurisprudence

mahabbah

love

majlis ta

‘

lim

Islamic forum

manaqibs

hagiographies

maqam

shrine

maqamat

spiritual station

martabat tujuh

seven stages of being

maudhu

fabricated

mi’raj

ascension

mubah

permissible

mufti

expounder of Islamic laws

muhsinun

those who achieve the highest ranks in deeds

mujahadah

utmost striving

muraqabah

mediation

murids

novices

murshids

spiritual guides

mustahabb

recommended

musyahadah

witnessing

muzakarah/munadharah

lengthy debates and consensus building

nafs

carnal self

Nur Muhammad

Light of Muhammad

penghulu

s

headmen

perasaan

feelings

pondok

Islamic boarding school

qalb

heart

qanaah

contentment

qiyam

standing

rabithah

relationship forged with a spiritual guide

raja’

hopefulness

ratib

collection of litanies and supplications

redha

acceptance

riyadhah

spiritual practices

ruh

soul

ruqyah

psycho‐spiritual healing and spirit exorcism

sabr

patience

sadaqah

charity

sakti

magical powers

salafi

followers of predecessors

sanad

lineage

santri

religious‐educated Muslim

sesat

wayward

shahadah

profession of faith

shaykh

master

Shaykhul Islam

Chief Judge

sharh

commentary

shari’a

Islamic legal and ethical code

sha’ir

narrative poem

shaykhs

masters

shirk

idolatrous polytheism

shura

consultation

silat

Malay combative art

silsilah

spiritual genealogy

siyasa

statecraft/governance

solat

prayer

suluk

journey

Sunnah

words and acts of Prophet Muhammad

suraus

prayer halls

tafakkur

contemplation

tajdid

renewal

ta’lim

teaching

tamassuh

touching

taqlid

blind obedience

taqwa

piety

tarbiyah

cultivating

tariqah

Sufi order

tariqah sufiyah mu’tabarah

legitimate Sufi brotherhoods

tasawwur

worldview

tasbih

rosary

tawbah

repentance

tawheed

oneness of God

tasawwuf

Sufism

tawakkal

trust in God

tawassul

intercession

tok guru

respected teacher

turath

heritage of Muslim thought

ulama

Muslim scholars

ummah

global Muslim community

usul al‐fiqh

principles of Islamic jurisprudence

uzlah

seclusion

wahdatul wujud

unity of existence

wahyu

revelation from God

wali

saint

waqf

endowments

wara’

scrupulousness

yaqazah

waking visions

zakah

compulsory tax

zahir

outer

zawiya

integrated devotional complex

ziyarah

visitation

zuhud

renunciation of the world

List of Photos

Chapter 1:

Illuminated frontispiece of the manuscript of Al‐Kawakib al‐durriyya by Al‐Busiri made for the Sultan Qaitbay: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Burda#/media/File:Frontispiece:of_%22Al-Kawakib_al-duriyya%22_by_Al-Busiri_(CBL_Ar_4168,_f.2a).jpg

Malaysian Muslims participate in a Maulidur Rasul parade in Putrajaya, also known as Mawlid, the birthday of Prophet Muhammad, at Putrajaya Putra Mosque: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mawlid#/media/File:Maulidur_Rasul_(8413657269).jpg

Chapter 2:

Tombstone of Sultan Bolkiah, the fifth ruler of Brunei (1485–1524) in Kota Batu, Brunei: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolkiah#/media/File:Tombstone_of_Sultan_Bolkiah,_June_2015.jpg

Keramat Habib Noh at Palmer Road in the early twentieth century: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keramat_Habib_Noh#/media/File:Keramat_Habib_Noh.jpg

Chapter 3:

A Quranic school in colonial Java: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pesantren#/media/File:COLLECTIE_TROPENMUSEUM_Een_Koranschool_op_Java_TMnr_10002385.jpg

The Silsilah of Hashimiyyah‐Alawiyyah‐Darqawiyyah‐Shazliyyah order.

Chapter 4:

Fighting between Diponegoro’s forces and the Dutch colonial forces in Gawok (1900 drawing): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diponegoro#/media/File:Aanval_van_de_colonne_Le_Bron_de_Vexela_op_Dipo_Negoro_nabij_Gawok.jpg

Portrait of Tuanku Imam Bonjol (1772–1864): https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuanku_Imam_Bonjol#/media/File:Portret_van_Tuanku_Imam_Bonjol.jpg

Chapter 5:

Solawatul Burdah by Raihan viewed by 882k views: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7NvYDCUaFwE

K.H. Hasyim Asy’ari, the founding father of NU organization: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hasyim_Asy%27ari#/media/File:Hasyim_Asyari.jpg

Timeline of Sufism in Southeast Asia

7th–10th Centuries: Initial Contacts

Muslim travellers and traders from the Arabian Peninsula and Persianate world journeyed through maritime trade routes and the Silk Road into Southeast Asia. Islamic spirituality and practices interacted with local cultures and beliefs.

11th–13th Centuries: Gradual Spread

1028: A Muslim tombstone was discovered by archaeologists which provides evidence of a growing presence of Muslims at Pulau Tambun, Pahang, and possibly in other Malay states.

1136: Muzaffar Shah I, the Sultan of Kedah, became the earliest Southeast Asian ruler to convert to Islam.

1267: Samudra‐Pasai established as the first Islamic polity in region. The rulers were active in the spread of Islam in the region. They attracted scholars and traders and established diplomatic alliances with non‐Muslim states and relations with Arabian, Turkic, and Persian‐Islamic powers.

1281: Chinese chronicles register the arrival of two Muslims in Sumatra to the Mongol court.

1292: Marco Polo reports the existence of Muslim communities in Perlak, northern Sumatra, who lived peacefully with non‐Muslims.

1270s–1310s: A Southeast Asian Sufi scholar, Abu Abdullah Mas’ud al‐Jawi, is recorded to have taught in Arabia, pointing to the circulation of scholars from Southeast Asia to the Arab World.

14th–17th Centuries: Rapid Expansion

Late 14th century: Syaikh Karimul Makhdum preached Islam in the Sulu Archipelago and other parts of the Filipino islands.

1326/1386: Terengganu stone inscribed with Arabic letters confirms the lively existence of Islam in northern Malaysia. Evidence of synthesis between Hindu‐Buddhist ideas with Islam is present in this historical relic.

1400–1511: Melaka rose to become one of the most influential Muslim maritime power in Southeast Asia responsible for the spread of Islam in the region and the diffusion of the Malay language as lingua franca.

1405–1433: Chinese Muslim Admiral Zheng He expeditions to Southeast Asia strengthened ties between Muslims in the region and the wider Muslim world. His visits led to the establishment of Chinese Muslim communities in Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Java, and the Philippines.

15th–16th centuries: The Wali Songo (Seven Saints) spread Sufism in Java using performative arts and creative preaching.

1511: Sultan Ali Mughayat Syah established the Acehnese Islamic kingdom, furthering Melaka’s role as the leading Islamizing force in the region. Aceh became the hub of Islamic learning, a conduit for Sufism, and a powerhouse of Jawi literature.

1511: The fall of Melaka to the Portuguese paved way for Johor, Brunei, and Aceh to compete for regional dominance and to be the foremost propagator of Islam.

1560s–1590s: Hamzah Fansuri of Barus wrote Sufi poetic texts that led to the spread of Ibn ‘Arabi’s Sufi metaphysics into the Southeast Asia.

1607–1676: Makassar and Champa rulers converted to Islam and aided in the expanding networks of Muslim societies in Sulawesi and mainland Southeast Asia.

1637–1644: Sufi scholar, Nuruddin Al‐Raniri, promoted scholarly Sufism and wrote against heretical Sufi doctrines purveyed by the followers of Hamzah Fansuri. The Rifa’iyyah order spread through Al‐Raniri’s active promotion of its teachings.

1613–1645: Sultan Agung, a devout Sufi, a votary of Javanese mysticism, and a gifted war strategist, expanded the kingdom of Mataram by waging holy war against Hindu‐Buddhist polities.

1650s: European encroachment into Southeast Asia triggered a variety of responses from Sufis, from armed rebellions to intellectual combat to strategic cooperation. Prominent Sufis such as Yusuf al‐Makassari led revolts and were sent for exile.

18th–21stCenturies – Modernity and Renewal

Early 18th century: Names of female Sufis from Java and Cirebon were recorded in the silsilah of the Shattariyah order.

18th–19th centuries: The flowering of Sufi literary productions in many Southeast Asian vernacular languages, especially in Bugis, Tausug, Minang, Makassarese, Sundanese, Sasak, and Acehnese dialects. The works were usually written in the Arabic script.

1750s–1800s: Muhammad Arshad Al‐Banjari from South Kalimantan attacked the corrupting influences of the martabat tujuh and wahdatul wujud ideologies.

1807–1837: Sufis, known as the Padris, returned to West Sumatra from their studies in Makkah and campaigned for aggressive reforms against local customs and esoteric Sufism.

1825–1830: Sufi prince of the Yogyakartan court, Diponegoro, waged war against the Dutch and their collaborators. These years saw the intensification of Sufi resistance against colonialism in Southern Thailand and Southern Philippines.

1820s–1890s: Founding of hundreds of pondoks and pesantren across Southeast Asia in reaction to Siamese and European intervention into Muslim affairs.

1850s–1870s: Raja Ali Haji a prominent member of the Naqshbandiyyah tariqah in Riau wrote influential poems to attract the masses to Sufism and ethical conduct.

1869: The opening of Suez Canal and invention of steamships heighten contacts between Sufis in Southeast Asia and their brethren across the Indian Ocean. This period saw increased influence of Arab Hadramis in Southeast Asian Sufism and other reform movements.

1890: Habib Nuh mausoleum was constructed in Singapore. It became a site visited by Muslims and non‐Muslims.

1890–1913: Moros in the Philippines fought wars against the United States, claiming thousands of lives on both ends.

1905: Al‐Imam journal which was modelled on the Egyptian periodical, Al‐Manar, was published. Seeds of reformist ideas were planted in the minds of many Sufi orders despite resistance by the conservative ulama.

1907: The founding of Madrasah Al‐Iqbal by Syed Shaikh al‐Hadi ushered modernist reforms in the running of Islamic educational institutions.

1926: Sufi‐led Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was created as a rival to the modernist Muhammadiyah movement established more than a decade earlier.

1928–1930: The shaykhs of the Tijaniyyah, Naqshbandiyyah, and Qadiriyyah in Cirebon fought over followership leading to mutual accusations of heresy.

1939: Haji Abdul Malik Abdul Karim Amrullah (Hamka) published Tasauf Moderen (Modern Sufism). It became a best seller for decades to come and promoted the idea of individualized Sufism.

1945–1949: Sufi groups participated in the revolution against the Dutch which eventually brought about Indonesia’s independence.

1950s–1980s: Religious authorities and Islamic movements across Malaysia and Indonesia announced their lists of legitimate Sufi brotherhoods and passed laws to clamp down deviant Sufi teachings.

1962: Demise of the Darul Islam militant movement in Indonesia upon the execution of Kartosuwiryo.

1977: The Philippines recognised twelfth of Rabiulawal, the day of the birth of Prophet Muhammad, as one of the official holidays.

1987: Nada Murni Group released nasyid albums filled with Sufi messages. Most of the songs by bands such as Raihan, Rabbani, Hijjaz, Inteam, and Snada became hits across Southeast Asia.

1994: The banning of the messianic‐Sufi movement, Darul Arqam.

1999: NU Chairman, Abdurrahman Wahid, was elected as Indonesia’s fourth president and the first president in the world with physical disabilities.

2011: The Ministry of Religion in Indonesia listed over 25,000 pesantren in Indonesia, most of which taught tasawwuf.

2013: Mega Mawlid event featuring Habib Syech Assegaf was organized at Putrajaya, Malaysia, and attended by hundreds of thousands.

2019: NU Chairman, Ma’ruf Amin, became the vice president of Indonesia at 76 years old, the world’s oldest vice president.

2021: King of Brunei couched ratibs as “divine vaccines (vaksin ketuhanan)” and daily readings of these litanies were strongly encouraged to ward off COVID‐19 infection.

Introduction: A Dialogical Tradition

To embark on the path of tasawwuf (Sufism) is to embrace a journey of constant learning, constant ruminating, constant forbearing, constant reinventing, constant nurturing, and constant struggling, in an ever‐constant process of self‐actualizing. Through unceasing dialogues with the divine, with nature, with fellow mortals, and with oneself, a Sufi may one day be honoured and remembered in the annals of history. One such Sufi traveller whose legacy is etched in the pages of Southeast Asian history was Yusuf Al‐Makassari (1626–1699).

After close to three decades roaming in search of religious knowledge and spiritual wisdom in Aceh, Gujarat, Hadramaut, the Haramayn (Makkah and Madinah), Damascus, and Istanbul, in 1672, Yusuf returned to the Javanese port town of Banten, where he briefly called home. As a respected spiritual leader of multiple tariqahs (Sufi brotherhoods) in Java, he married into the royal family, was appointed chief judge, and became a commander in the Bantanese army. Yusuf’s upturn in fortunes was not to last. The intrigues between Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa (1631–1695) and his son, Sultan Haji (1660s–1720s), reached a deadly impasse. Yusuf and his legions of faithful followers backed Sultan Ageng whom they believed was the rightful ruler of Banten. Defeated on the battlefields when the Dutch intervened in the civil war in support of Sultan Haji, Yusuf called for a jihad (holy struggle) against the traitors and unbelievers. Months into the conflict with Sultan Ageng now imprisoned and his forces depleting, Yusuf ultimately surrendered in exchange for his captured family. But the Dutch reneged on their promise. In 1684, the Sufi master was condemned to exile.1

Thus began, once again, the transformative journeys he had embarked early in his life. This time to a colony in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) designated for fugitives from Dutch‐controlled territories. Yusuf was destined never to return. During the nine years there with his wives, children, and several followers, he wrote numerous treatises on Sufism and other Islamic sciences. These books were read out to his students who faithfully copied and distributed his works to pilgrims en route to hajj (pilgrimage to Makkah) and travellers from other parts of the oceanic‐linked Islamic world. Yusuf’s exile never broke him. Instead, it allowed him to focus on teaching and devotions. In moments of contemplation, Yusuf counselled those in need of sagely advice in the face of life’s trials and tribulations:

Therefore, if the seeker does all of that and implements everything that we have mentioned with sincerity of intention, seeking only the pleasure of Allah, and remembers Allah abundantly without being heedless of Him, not even for a moment, and completely follows the Messenger of Allah, having patience in everything and being serious in his seeking with high aspirations, then he will be a visionary through the will of Allah, and one of the friends of Allah and amongst the knowers of Allah, the Most High.2

Yusuf’s influence grew and so did Dutch apprehensions over the looming possibility of revolts. In his late sixties, Yusuf was deported to the Cape of Good Hope, where indentured slaves became his devoted disciples and his most energetic missionaries. They developed networks bounded together by memories of a fearless anti‐colonial Sufi.3 By the time Yusuf breathed his last on 23 May 1699, Islam had spread widely. Revered and immortalized, his tombs could now be found in both the Cape of Good Hope and Makassar. Yusuf’s piety, valour, and a life dedicated to Islamic scholarship became the stuff of legends. In at least two countries today, the warrior‐saint is celebrated as a national hero.4

This book begins with this enthralling story because it exemplifies how Sufis and Sufism have profoundly impacted communities across non‐Arab‐speaking world. Looked upon in isolation, Yusuf’s adventurous life may seem extraordinary, bordering in the realm of fiction, fit for an action novel or a blockbuster movie. Yet his journey mirrors the experiences of many Sufis who harmonized and globalized Islam through various roles and in various localities. If we accept that Muslims planted their roots in Southeast Asia5 as early as the eleventh century, it is safe then to regard Sufis as among the most enduring purveyors of the Islamic faith, shaping its interpretation and practice in that quarter of the Muslim civilization.6

In the following chapters, I interrogate several key questions lingering in my mind and perhaps in the minds of scholars riveted by Islam’s global expansion: Why has Sufism asserted such a powerful presence and influence in Southeast Asia for so long? How did Sufis respond to and navigate the forces of change that have unremittingly challenged their beliefs and practices? From what angle of vision, what methodology should we study the complex history of Sufism to reveal its resilience and contributions to the making of Southeast Asia as one of the most densely populated Muslim regions in the world?

I address the last question first. Several approaches to understanding how Sufism embedded and shaped Southeast Asia over many generations can be discerned. The first can be termed as the “devout advocate” approach, characterized by faithful followers and passionate exponents of the Sufi tradition. They are “insiders” to the Sufi tradition.7 Devout advocates position Sufism as something to be experienced, internalized, and realized, not merely studied. They believe in the extraordinary qualities of tasawwuf and the potency of its teachings, rituals, and practices. Integral in this standpoint is an unwavering belief in the miracles of saints, the power of tombs, and the remarkable stories of Sufis such as one who can teleport from one place to another within the twinkle of an eye, and the other who could cure all ailments except death.8 No study of Sufism is complete without bringing to the fore its calmative, curative, and constructive prowess. And for the same reason, this approach has given birth to a variety of manaqibs (hagiographies) and texts highlighting the virtues and extraordinary karamah (miracles) of Sufi scholars and missionaries in Southeast Asia. Marvels won over sceptics, wonders captivated the curious, so the reasoning goes. In describing a prominent Hadrami‐Arab Sufi once based in Java, a devout advocate writes: “Habib Soleh bin Muhsin al‐Hamid is known by his moniker Habib Soleh Tanggul (Jember), renowned for having his invocations answered. He was respected and loved by many. His prayers were sincere and untainted by worldly affairs. Because of this, his petitions were swiftly granted by Allah.”9

In contrast, the “reflexive admirer” approach problematizes such claims without denouncing or ardently promoting Sufism. They view Sufism’s attributes and promises absorbing, enigmatic, and noteworthy. In the same vein as the devout advocate, they register the inventive capacities of Sufis in infusing Islam and transforming Southeast Asia into a region inhabited by among the largest Muslim population in the world. But reflexive admirers recognize Sufism’s strengths and weaknesses, its merits and demerits, its moderating effects, and its excesses. They highlight its contributions to the advancement of Muslims, and its aversion to change. Saints, tok gurus (respected teachers), or habaibs (beloved ones with genealogical connections to the Prophet), to the reflexive admirer, can be appraised. They view Sufis as ordinary mortals affected by errors and inconsistencies, warranting meticulous scrutiny to appreciate their historical contributions. The reflexive admirer methodology is one that sits at the border of being a complete outsider and an estranged stranger. She is an enthusiast looking at a subject she accepts as part of her everyday encounters and shared heritage. Naquib Al‐Attas, whose landmark studies on Sufism among the Malays are now regarded as classics and whose writings will feature glaringly in this book, is one such reflexive admirer, par excellence.10 The famed Malay‐Indonesian scholar, Haji Abdul Malik bin Abdul Karim Amrullah (acronym “Hamka,” 1908–1981) sums up the reflexive admirer’s worldview which he avowedly belonged to:

We have studied tasawwuf since its genesis during the time of the prophet and its expansion in Indonesia. This analysis goes beyond objective reasoning and has become a subjective experience. That is to say, the one who teaches and studies Sufism may consciously or unconsciously be affected by it. He begins to lead his life with humility and becomes an ascetic.11

The third yet no less noteworthy approach is the “critical appraiser,” which has two guises. One type maintains a disinterested stance, explaining the evolution of various forms of spiritualities as a matter of fact. On this score, the critical appraiser agrees with the reflexive admirer. The difference between them rests on their subjective relationship with Sufism. For the critical appraiser, Sufism in Southeast Asia is an intellectual passion or else a career. Many illuminating works have emerged from this approach and probably the most definitive is by Martin van Bruinessen. His analyses of the tariqahs, their institutions, and their roles in the making of monarchies and nation‐states are now standard texts for anyone working on the topic.12 Alternatively, there is yet another type of critical appraiser, a value‐laden, norm‐oriented type aimed at distinguishing orthodox Sufism from heretical practices. This approach, often linked to state or quasi‐governmental institutions, and religious movements are driven by methodological confessionalism. They scrutinize Sufi orders from the perspective of normative piety, emphasizing valid practices while condemning deviant teachings. They distinguish, in strict terms, the tariqah sufiyah mu’tabarah (legitimate Sufi orders) as against those that promote ajaran sesat (deviant teachings).13

Imagining these three approaches in dialogue reveals their convergences and divergences. The devout advocate might find the reflexive admirer and critical appraiser too detached and judgemental of spiritual and other epiphenomenal experiences. The reflexive admirer and critical appraiser might fault the devout advocate for being overly engrossed in all things noble and honourable in the lives of Sufi shaykhs (masters), blinding them of moral failures. The critical appraiser is sceptical and sometimes cynical of the conclusions made by the other two standpoints, questioning their lack of objectivity. Although divergent in their scope and visions, these ways of approaching Sufism share some affinities. They are on the same page in recognizing Sufis in Southeast Asia as virtuosos in synthesizing beliefs, cultures, and creeds. They study Sufism in its textual as well as historical contexts and the interplay between both in the habituation of Islam in Southeast Asia. Together, these bodies of works throw light on Sufi networks in the region and in the wider ummah (global Muslim community). They direct our eyes to the sacred connections and the intellectual transformations that Sufis have inspired, accelerated, and sustained Sufism in Southeast Asia for close to a millennium.14

I situate myself within the dihliz of three preceding positions. Drawing from the works of the Sufi polymath, Abu Hamid Al‐Ghazali (1058–1111), Ebrahim Moosa defines dihliz as “espousing a subjectivity that celebrates a threshold position, shares certain features with life in exile. It is about being out of place, being neither insider nor outsider, but rather occupying a permanent in between‐ness.”15 By adopting this dihliz position, I transcend the ideological and analytical enclosures found in the works of the devout advocate, the reflexive admirer, and the critical appraiser. I propose here a whole new methodology, a fresh approach. I call it “contemplative histories” to explain undying Sufi dialogical tradition in Southeast Asia. As is well‐known, contemplation or tafakkur is a central term in Islamic psycho‐spiritual heritage.16 In Arabic as it is in the Malay‐Indonesian languages, the concept of tafakkur signifies reflection, pondering, or to be in deep thought. Sufis of all places and ages gave primacy to this practice. To Al‐Ghazali, contemplation fosters greater awareness and reflection on divine creations, revealing the principles governing life.17

Building on Al‐Ghazali’s ideas, contemplative histories offer a critical approach that transcends mere chronological account of events and epochs in Muslim pasts. Such diachronic accounts of Sufism in Southeast Asia are numerous, perhaps too many.18 Contemplative histories transcend the event‐centred approach without downplaying the importance of crucial episodes in Sufi pasts. The methodology of contemplative histories acknowledges the plurality of the past and of human experiences. It rests on three key modalities: empathy towards the spiritual and the suprarational; recognition of patterns of Sufi experiences across different times and spaces; and comprehension of the interchange between pious endeavours and secular dynamics.

Much of what Sufis articulate, think, and act may seem at odds to the modern mind. Animated by the Enlightenment conceptualization of reason and rationality, decades of orientalist scholarship on the subject tended to ascribe the terms “superstitious,” “irrational,” “emotional,” and “eccentric” upon Sufis.19 These appellations were also adopted by reformist and modernist Muslims.20 The rise of “methodological atheism” in the humanities and social sciences has ruled out “metahuman explanations” or “supernatural reasonings.” Ideologized by such approach, many scholars dismiss spiritual and mystical experiences as sheer projections of worldly or socially constructed realities.21 Contemplative histories mandate a balanced consideration of what may appear “absurd” and “outlandish” to better understand why Sufis believe and act in certain ways. Myths, legends, and seemingly illogical pronouncements and actions of Sufis contained rationales of their own, even if they may come into conflict with our concerns with historical accuracy and scientific validity. Understanding these beliefs and practices requires looking at them from within, through the internal logic that Sufis use to make sense of the world.

This does not imply that an analyst and observer can completely transcend their biases towards spiritual experiences and expressions. Religious, secular, ethnic, class, gender, or cultural prejudices can impede objective analysis. What is needed is empathy towards the spiritual and suprarational claims of Sufis. Borrowing from the American psychologist Carl Rogers, we must see Sufism “as if it were your own, but without ever losing the ‘as if’ quality…. To sense the client’s anger, fear, or confusion as it were your own, yet without your own anger, fear, or confusion getting bound up in it, is the condition we are endeavoring to describe.”22 In being empathetic, we must assign equal importance to what is considered as mythological with the scientific and empirical, showing the connections and congruency between the two. For example, rather than dismissing ruqyah – a psycho‐spiritual healing and spirit exorcism technique frequently employed by the Sufis – as mere magic and shamanic ritual in contradistinction with modern medicine, we might perhaps find it more useful to view these curative strategies in their own terms, through their unique reasoning as one of the means to resolve illnesses linked to the soul, which is often overlooked by mainstream medical practitioners.

By unearthing Sufi assumptions about human nature and the relationships between humans, the environment, and unseen beings, we can appreciate why these healing strategies made sense to the communities and why some challenges in life were resolved through scientific and others through supra‐scientific means.23 Katherine Ewing, in her study of dreams and visions within Sufi communities in Pakistan, underscores this point: “Instead of bracketing these sources of significance and hence, the subjects of our research, we should take them seriously and allow them to play a role in shaping what are ultimately realities we share as participants in a global human community.”24

The second element of contemplative histories sensitizes us to various patterns of Sufi thoughts, actions, and legacies. John Gaddis contends that the purpose of historical writing is to identify:

patterns that extend across time. These are not laws, like gravity or entropy; they are not even theories, like relativity or natural selection. They are simply phenomena that recur with sufficient regularity to make themselves apparent to us. Without such patterns, we’d have no basis for generalizing about human experience…surprising patterns of regularity can exist within what appear to be chaotic systems.25

In exploring Sufism in Southeast Asia, the challenge lies in detecting recurring thoughts and behaviours from an abundance of historical data, across various times and places. Consider, as an illustration, Sufi resistance to colonial rule. Yusuf Al‐Makassari’s jihad was not an isolated incident but replicated in different forms with similar patterns. Interesting parallels and lessons can be drawn from these separate events, be it in terms of motivations for resistance, the mobilizing ideologies, and unifying idioms, as well as the structures of command and control. Viewed in this sense, Sufi resistance should not be studied only as unique events with their own contextual peculiarities. Rather, they form an ensemble of confrontations against foreign rule, reappearing in different situations throughout Southeast Asia, but sharing many common attributes.26 In bringing to light these patterns, we must also pay close attention to certain internal variations. The forest is just as important as the trees. The thrust of contemplative histories is to make the forest more apparent, more vivid, and to tease out trends from diverse cases. In identifying these patterns within Sufism in Southeast Asia, we become more observant of certain tendencies that may have been overlooked. Many Sufis, for example, did not belong or at least were not known to be a formal member of any tariqah. But they equally affiliated themselves to the Sufi tradition. This individualized or non‐institutionalized Sufism had existed for generations in Southeast Asia and, yet, has rarely been studied by scholars in the field as enduring patterns of Sufi praxis.

Further, contemplative histories unveil the interchange between pious endeavours and secular dynamics. It problematizes the casting of Sufis as fervent worshippers such that they were least interested in worldly quests, material gains, and power politics. The realities of Sufi lives were more complex. While some embrace austerity and renounced the profane world, there were many Sufis who interfaced pious aspirations with secular enterprises. This included callous competition to augment followership, siding with the despotic elites regardless of faiths, and repressing fellow Sufis to gain paramountcy over privileges and resources.27 Faithfulness to the divine was fused with earthly pursuits. Many Sufis deemed indulging in secular affairs as equally important in ensuring that Islam and their personal interests could be preserved. Talal Asad is instructive here: “the ‘religious’ and the ‘secular’ are not essentially fixed categories.”28 They flow into each other and structure one another. Sufis in Southeast Asia attempted to strike a balance between the two, hoping to get the best of both. They, like other human beings, struggled to reach this balance. Many became more worldly than they would readily admit, and others retreated into asceticism and anonymity.

Using contemplative histories as my framework, I argue that Sufis have maintained a presence in Southeast Asia because of their capacity for creative and spirited dialogues with themselves and their surroundings. To put it more sharply and succinctly, Sufism in Southeast Asia is a dialogical tradition. In developing this argument, I am indebted to the works of two key thinkers whose understanding of the two concepts of “dialogical” on the one hand, and “tradition” on the other, can aid in our understanding of Sufism in Southeast Asia. I use the term “dialogical” used by the German philosopher, Hans‐Georg Gadamer. To Gadamer, human beings are dialogical creatures, imbued with a unique horizon that enables us to view the world from a particular viewpoint. This horizon is not purely abstract or philosophical. It shapes human interactions, their mode of being, and their conduct in society. We need dialogues with others to reach wider understandings of what Gadamer calls the “fusion of horizons.” The fusion of horizons emerging from dialogical processes enhances thought and experience. As he puts it:

If anything does characterize human thought, it is this infinite dialogue with ourselves which never leads anywhere definitively and which differentiates us from that ideal of an infinite spirit for which all that exists and all truth lies open in a single moment’s vision. It is in this experience of language – in our growing up in the midst of this interior conversation with ourselves, which is always simultaneously the anticipation of conversation with others and the introduction of others into the conversation with ourselves – that the world begins to open up and achieve order in all the domains of experience.29

Dialogue, to Gadamer, enriches tradition and “to be situated within a tradition does not limit the freedom of knowledge but makes it possible.”30 Here, I find it useful to bridge and expand Gadamer’s conceptualization with Talal Asad’s idea of tradition. For Asad, tradition consists of two components: the discursive and the embodied. Both components influence one another. The discursive aspect is “a process in which one learns/relearns ‘how to do things with words,’ sometimes reflexively and sometimes unthinkingly, and learns/relearns how to comport one’s body and how to feel in particular contexts.” The embodied aspect, in turn, “help in the acquisition of aptitudes, sensibilities, and propensities through repetition until such times as language guiding practice becomes redundant. Through such practices one can change oneself – one’s physical being, one’s emotions, one’s language, one’s predispositions, as well as one’s environment.”31

The Sufis manifest Gadamer’s idea of dialogue and Asad’s concept of tradition, and much more. Gadamer brackets dialogue within the dialectics of querying and answering. A close study of Sufis in Southeast Asia reveals that they barely regarded discourses as the most important aspect of dialogue. Dialogue is not limited to the realms of speech, writing, or rhetorical arguments. Dialogue encompasses all realms of human life including prayer and meditation, discursive engagements, and memory‐making. Dialogue includes reformation of societies, enactment of laws, entanglements with politics, among many others. To be dialogical is to converse with oneself and with others in thought and action, in the realm of the material as well as the metaphysical, in the boulevards of culture, the halls of power, and through multiple networks, local, regional, and global. Dialogue from the point of view of Sufis in Southeast Asia includes connecting with communities and the natural environment around them. Dialogue necessitates percolating into the hearts of places and populations. Sufis in Southeast Asia therefore personify the discursive and embodied aspects of tradition, as Asad adroitly delineates it.

It follows then that, as a dialogical tradition in Southeast Asia, Sufis have defined Sufism as an authoritative branch of Islam that derives its primary source of inspiration from the Qur’an, sunnah (words and acts of Prophet Muhammad), and the turath (heritage of Muslim thought). Sufis in Southeast Asia have diverse interpretations. This is perhaps not a place to review all interpretations. Many Sufis I have interacted with remarked that any attempts at providing a fixed definition of the things they solemnly do, their structures of thought, and their methods of instruction melt into thin air as something artificial and meaningless. Sufism is to be tasted (dhawq or rasa in Malay), not just be talked about. Sufism is Islam. Sufism is in line with the Shari’a. There can be no Sufism outside these two imperatives. Most Sufis shy away from being called “Sufi” because the term is a privilege reserved for those who have reached the highest level of spirituality. Alexander Knysh’s observation is useful in this regard. There is an absence of a “uniformly accepted, transregional metanarrative about Sufism and Sufis in the premodern and modern Muslim world. There were, of course, numerous textbooks of Sufism or even dynastic histories composed from a Sufi perspective, but they were socially, linguistically, and culturally specific to the regions where they originated and, to boot, hardly representative of the internally diverse Sufi movement in Islam as a whole.”32

Be that as it may, Sufis in Southeast Asia have explained and exemplified their dialogical tradition through key terms explicated and epitomized by scholars whose works they regard as sages. Among them was Al‐Qushayri (986–1072) who explained: “The people of this community (Sufis) use these terms among themselves with the goal of unveiling their meaning to one another, achieving concision and concealing them from those who disagree with their method, so that the meaning of their words would be hidden from outsiders.”33 Yet, these terms are seldom unknown to the masses. Communicated and textualized by classical Sufi masters and scholars, Sufis in Southeast Asia culled from such works to render tasawwuf digestible and legible to the common people. They often used Sufi terms in their Arabic original and sometimes in Persian but explained them in languages and meanings understandable to Southeast Asian audiences.34