Éamonn Ceannt E-Book

William Henry

• Herausgeber: Mercier Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Serie: Irish Revolutionaries
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 249

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2012

Beschreibung

Éamonn Ceannt was executed at Kilmainham Gaol on 8 May 1916, along with Con Colbert, Seán Heuston and Michael Mallin, for their part in the Easter Rising. Ceannt was one of the seven signatories of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic read by Patrick Pearse outside the GPO on that Easter Monday. He had led the rebel occupation of the South Dublin Union, and despite having been vastly outnumbered his volunteers were not overpowered but ordered to surrender by Pearse. Éamonn Ceannt, together with Patrick Pearse and Joseph Plunkett, was instrumental in planning the rebellion. He had joined the Gaelic League in 1899, where he met Pearse and Eoin MacNeill. He became a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood in 1912 and became a founding member of the Irish Volunteeers the following year. This is the only biography of this brilliant military tactician and key player in the story of 1916.

Leseprobe

ÉAMONN CEANNT

Supreme Sacrifice

WILLIAM HENRY

Foreword by Éamon Ó Cuív

MERCIER PRESS

3B Oak House, Bessboro Rd

Blackrock, Cork, Ireland.

www.mercierpress.iehttp://twitter.com/IrishPublisherhttp://www.facebook.com/mercier.press

First published in 2005 under the title Supreme Sacrifice. This edition published in 2012.

© Text: William Henry, 2005, 2012

© Foreword: Éamon Ó Cuív, 2005, 2012

ISBN: 978 1 85635 956 6

ePub ISBN: 978 1 78117 092 2

Mobi ISBN: 978 1 78117 093 9

This eBook is copyright material and must not be copied, reproduced, transferred, distributed, leased, licensed or publicly performed or used in any way except as specifically permitted in writing by the publishers, as allowed under the terms and conditions under which it was purchased or as strictly permitted by applicable copyright law. Any unauthorised distribution or use of this text may be a direct infringement of the author’s and publisher’s rights and those responsible may be liable in law accordingly.

Contents

Acknowledgements

Foreword

Introduction

1. The Rise of Nationalism

2. From Birth to Manhood

3. Contribution to the Gaelic Revival

4. Falling in Love

5. Path to Rebellion

6. Foundation of the Irish Volunteers

7. Gun-Running

8. Planning for Rebellion

9. Holy Week

10. Mobilisation

11. A Terrible Beauty is Born

12. Securing the Union

13. Attack on the Union

14. Calm before the Storm

15. Final Assault

16. The Galway Rebellion

17. Surrender

18. Court Martial

19. Execution

20. Aftermath

Epilogue

Notes

Bibliography

Index

In memory of a wonderful lady Joan Gallagher

(1949–2003)

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank the following people without whose help and support this work would have been an extremely difficult task. Very special thanks to my wife, Noreen, and our children, Patrick, David and Lisa, for their patience, understanding and support over the past ten years.

I owe a great debt of gratitude to the late Joan Gallagher, granddaughter of Michael Kent (brother of Éamonn Ceannt). This book would not exist without her tremendous support. She secured access to the private family manuscripts of Áine Ceannt, the Lily O’Brennan documents and many more sources and photographs. This project took many years to complete and I truly appreciated her great patience. Sadly, Joan passed away just prior to the completion of the book and it is therefore appropriate that it should be dedicated to her memory.

Thanks also to Joan’s two sisters, Mary and Nora Gallagher, who were extremely helpful and supportive throughout this project; Éamon Ó Cuív for his support during the project; Mary Hession and Tom Small who translated much of the Irish language documents; John and Mary O’Toole; Martin and Angela Carr; Dennis and Nancy Foley and their daughter, Anne, for their hospitality while I was working in Dublin and Celbridge; Noelle Dowling and her team in the Allen Library for cataloguing the required material.

Others who gave support include Professor Timothy O’Neill, Fr Tommy Murphy, Brigadier-General Patrick O’Sullivan, Aran O’Reilly, Br Christy O’Carroll, Cecilia Travers, John O’Donnell, Marie Mannion, Pat Hawes, Maureen Moran, Mary Qualter, Mary Kavanagh, Br Thomas Connolly, Derek and Geraldine O’Hehir, Jim Herlihy, Garda Donal Kivlehan, Mary Small, Sheila O’Donnellan, Una Cannon, Councillor Martin Quinn, Marie Silke, Ryan Tubridy, Maeve Doyle, Pat Rooney, Ann Mitchell, Bernie Finan, Rosie Dunne, Gerard Thornton, Gerry Darcy, Mike Faherty, Mary O’Leary, Kieran Hoare, Monica Coughlan, Mick Killeen, Mike O’Connor, Margaret Hughes, Brigid Clesham, Liam Frehan, Marie Boran, David M. Ceannt, Michael McDonagh, Margaret Murphy, Pat McGlynn, Tom Kelly, Martin Gargiulo, Jackie Uí Chionna, Bill Scanlan, Tom Kenny, Desmond Kenny, Rena Lohan, Bridie Kineevy, Liam McNulty, Michael O’Connor, Joe Burke, Reggie Darling, Maura Flaherty, Paul Flaherty, Anne Maria Curley, Michael McDermott, Dr Noel Kissane, Dónal Ó Luanaigh, Sinead McCoole, Tom Desmond, Niamh O’Sullivan, Assumpta Ward, Donal McCoy, Eugene Halferty, Gerard Lyne, Elizabeth Kirwan, Paddy O’Donnell, Joe Howley, Joe O’Shaughnessy, Pat Cooke, Olivia McCormack, Frances Kinneen, Kitty Lardner, Tom Flynn, Gerry Glynn, Miles McHugh, Fergal O’Connell, Laura Walsh, Una McMahon, Christopher Townley, Phonsie Harty, Andy Feeney, Aonghus Ó hAonghus, Brian Crowley, Paul Duffy, Lorcan Collins and the late Joe O’Halloran.

Thanks to the council of trustees of The National Library of Ireland, Dublin; The National Museum of Ireland, Dublin; James Hardiman Library, National University of Ireland, Galway; The Civic Museum, Dublin; Dublin City Council; Dublin City Archives; Kilmainham Gaol Museum, Dublin; Galway County Library, Island House; Norman Morgan Library, Loughrea; The Allen Library, Dublin; North Richmond Street Christian Brothers School, Dublin; Ceannt Barracks Officers Mess, Curragh, Kildare; Dublin Pipers Club; Fountain Resource Group, Dublin; Radio Telefís Éireann, Dublin; Dúchas – The Heritage Service; St James’s Hospital Board, Dublin; St James’s Hospital Archives, Dublin; the Irish Independent; The Times; The Irish Times, The Freeman’s Journal; St Columba’s Credit Union and Committee, Mervue, Galway; Iarnród Éireann and Management, Galway; Great Southern Hotel and Management, Galway.

I am deeply indebted to all of the following people: Maeve Frost, Tommy Joe Furey and Professor Davis Coakley for their support and the use of their photographic collections; Robert Waller, for all his help in the reproduction of photographs; Alderman Michael Leahy for his enormous support throughout this project. Special thanks to Jacqueline O’Brien for all her support and the many hours spent researching and proofreading this book. Special thanks also to Anne Maria Furey, Marita Silke, Caroline Goonan, Noreen Henry, Jim Higgins, Tim Collins, James Casserly and Liam Curley for proofreading and for making many valuable suggestions.

None of the above-mentioned are in any way responsible for the opinions expressed, or conclusions arrived at, in this account of the life and posthumous reputation of Éamonn Ceannt. For this I alone am responsible. Without the support and help of all of these people, this book would not exist in its present form. In my opinion, friends are one of the most important commodities in life and I thank God for all the wonderful friendships extended to me.

Foreword

There has been much talk in recent years about what would have happened in Irish history if 1916 hadn’t taken place. In this context I think it is appropriate to quote the words of Seán Moylan from his memoir of the Irish War of Independence, in which he says, ‘But, in considering the evil a man does and the mistakes he makes, one’s judgement is less likely to err when the man is placed against the background of his time and country. The intransigent who, when his country was invaded and overrun during the latest Great War, took arms against the invader and in secret, and in civilian guise, killed, burned and destroyed the forces and the equipment of the invader, is lauded as a hero – in Poland tuigeann tú – but here in Ireland every man who took up a gun and, with the dice completely loaded against him, went out to fight for his country’s liberty in the only fashion possible, was deemed a murderer by those who controlled all the organs of publicity.’

This demand for recognition of their rights as men has been the real source of revolt in Ireland. It is in complete opposition to the dialectics of the Marxist materialist and, even though the demand for economic rights has been interlocked with it, always the driving force has been ‘wrested from the things of the spirit’. Thus, in judging the events of 1916 and what led up to them, one should not judge them in the context of the era of the Good Friday Agreement, or of open negotiation between an elected Irish government and the British government, or of the era of all-Ireland referenda.

If 1916 had not taken place it is likely that after a long delay Ireland could have been granted home rule. However, the whole nature of home rule would have led to a very different Ireland than the one we enjoy today. Home rule was about a limited form of self-rule within the Empire. It was about regional government without the powers of external affairs and an army. It was about a country without the right to make its own decisions in international affairs and the right to sit at the table of nations. It would have been impossible for us to make our own independent decisions during the Second World War.

The other great context in which 1916 must be judged is the context of the choices as they were seen at the time. The vast majority of people in that era did not question the fundamental question of war itself and for most the issue was: did you fight for Ireland in Flanders, or if there was fighting to be done, did you make your stand at home? Thus, to judge the acceptability of 1916 without judging the morality of the First World War is to take history, as Seán Moylan so aptly put it, out of the context of ‘time and country’.

By any measure the 1916 Rising was a most extraordinary affair, not least because of its success and the incredible personalities who led the Rising: people of culture, idealism and education. The extraordinary conduct of the Volunteers ensured that after the executions the sympathy of the Irish people would be with them. In recent years, the leaders of 1916 have often been maligned as being blood-thirsty militarists. Nothing could be further from the truth.

The words of Pearse’s surrender on 29 April 1916 indicate the real nature of these leaders. In his surrender he said, ‘In order to prevent the further slaughter of Dublin citizens, and in the hope of saving the lives of our followers, now surrounded and hopelessly outnumbered, the members of the Provisional Government present at Headquarters have agreed to an unconditional surrender, and the Commandants of the various districts in the City and Country will order their commands to lay down arms.’

So who were these men who have been demonised on the one hand and held up as icons on the other in the time since their heroic and tragic deaths? To a lot of people the names of 1916 leaders are simply that, names written in books on the Proclamation, pictures on the walls in Dublin Castle or busts in the lobby in Dáil Éireann. Very little is known by the public about their background, their motivations, their history, their families, etc. This is a great pity, as they were people of great character, who have left us an incredible legacy.

We are in William Henry’s debt for providing us with a biography for the first time of Éamonn Ceannt, one of the most interesting, if little known, of the 1916 leaders. It is interesting that as a child, my grandmother, Sinéad de Valera, often mentioned Éamonn Ceannt when talking about the leaders of 1916. She, of course, knew most of the leaders of 1916 through her involvement with the Gaelic League and gave to us a very human account of them. Unfortunately, like most young people, we did not listen carefully enough and a lot of what she said is now forgotten. However, I can testify to the fact that this man made a great impression on her and, having read William Henry’s book, I can understand why.

Éamonn Ceannt was born in County Galway, where his father, James, was a member of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). He moved with his family to Ardee in County Louth when Éamonn was only two years of age. This book portrays Éamonn as a lively, enthusiastic and committed person, with an incredible love for his country, and for its culture.

One of the things that always fascinated me growing up was the fact that a large number of the 1916 leaders were family men who made the decision to fight in 1916 in the nearly certain knowledge that they would be killed or executed. I can remember one of my brothers or sisters asking my grandmother what she thought when Éamon de Valera, her husband, said that he was going out to fight in 1916. At that time she had four children and was expecting her fifth. With all the determination she could muster she said, ‘If he had not gone out, I would have sent him, because I was in it first.’ This was not to make little of the huge consequences for her and the family if he had been killed or executed, but to show the huge commitment that she shared in relation to the need for a stand to be made for Irish freedom. A very interesting and similar pattern emerges from the life of Éamonn Ceannt. The incredible relationship with his wife Áine and the fact that he left a son, Rónán, must have made parting absolutely horrendous, but what also shines through is her commitment to their shared cause. This, in my view, reinforces the point that at that time they believed, with fair justification, that there was no other way to achieve the freedom of this country.

Nearly a hundred years on, we enjoy the benefits of their supreme sacrifice. Our country is recognised from one end of the globe to the other. The part of Ireland that won its independence has had virtually uninterrupted peace since 1923.

Since the Good Friday Agreement, for the first time the political arrangements of this country have been put in place by the free vote of the Irish people, north and south, acting by agreement.

Irish games and Irish music have never been stronger and the Irish language, despite the prophets of doom, is thriving in all parts of the country. Although no country is perfect, I am happy that if he were alive today, Éamonn Ceannt would feel that the dreams he had in 1916 have been far exceeded by the achievements since.

There is sometimes a belief that the leaders of 1916 lived in some detached world of idealism. Yes, they were idealists, but they were idealists who lived, laughed and cried in the same type of world that we live in with all its imperfections.

In this context, William Henry’s book clearly shows Éamonn Ceannt, and all of the other people involved in the Rising, as they actually were: people of their time, striving to do the best for their country.

Éamon Ó Cuív, TD

Introduction

Irish history tells the story of many men and women who fought and died for the freedom of their country. Since the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland in 1169, there has been resistance of one type or another to foreign rule. The first chapter of this book contains a brief background of Irish history from 1690 to 1890. Some of the most prominent figures of modern Irish history are, of course, the leaders of the 1916 Easter rebellion and among them is Éamonn Ceannt, about whom very little has ever been written. However, when one looks more closely at his life, one sees the emergence of a man equal in status to Robert Emmet and Theobald Wolfe Tone.

Some years ago, James Casserly, editor of St Patrick’s Parish Magazine asked me to write an article about Éamonn Ceannt. Shortly after its publication a number of people contacted me requesting more information about Ceannt and so I began work on this book. At first Éamonn Ceannt seemed to be the most elusive of the rebellion leaders, but, through intensive research over the past number of years, an extremely clear picture has emerged of a dedicated and determined figure, whose love for his country was equalled only by his love for his family. He was born into an environment which one would not readily associate with republicanism, but as a young man he became very involved in, and quickly moved through the ranks of, movements such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and the Irish Volunteers. He strongly believed in the ideals of Wolfe Tone and, like Tone, he paid the ultimate price for those beliefs.

1

The Rise of Nationalism

The defeat of the Jacobite forces at the Battle of Aughrim on 12 July 1691 signalled the end of any hope of an Irish victory in the Jacobite/Williamite war. Limerick, the last stronghold of the Irish, surrendered on 3 October, thus ending the war. Under the terms of surrender, Irish soldiers were allowed to leave Ireland with their commander, Patrick Sarsfield. About 12,000 followed Sarsfield to France in an exodus which became known as the ‘Flight of the Wild Geese’. The Jacobite/Williamite war signalled the end of major field battles in Ireland and from 1691 until the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in December 1921, warfare in Ireland was mainly based on rebellion and guerrilla tactics. The war had cost Ireland dearly, leaving the country devastated, with an estimated 25,000 Irish soldiers killed in the conflict and many more, both civilian and military, dying from disease and famine. The writer Seán Ó Faoláin, described the tragedy as ‘all but the end of a race’.1

During the 1690s the Penal Laws were introduced which deprived Catholics of many civil rights, including education and religious freedom. These laws also deprived Ireland of a powerful political force in its Catholic nobility, clearing the path for the rise of the Protestant Ascendancy to power, and the oppressive landlord system associated with that time. This system eventually caused terrible unrest and helped create many revolutionary figures. The rebellion of 1798 led to the arrest and death of Theobald Wolfe Tone. At his trial he was sentenced to death by hanging. However, in the early hours of 12 November 1798 he cut his own throat, using a razor apparently left behind by his brother, Matthew, who had been hanged earlier for his part in the rebellion. Tone lingered until 19 November when he died. Some say the act was suicide, while others believe that he simply chose the manner in which to die. Tone had helped to establish the Society of United Irishmen in 1791 and later became its most celebrated member; he is renowned as the ‘Father of Irish Republicanism’. The failed rebellion of 1803 led to the public execution of Robert Emmet in Thomas Street. Many years later, these self-sacrifices clearly had an influence on Ceannt who regularly visited Tone’s grave in the churchyard at Bodenstown, County Kildare.2

England, in securing her grip on Ireland, abolished the Irish parliament and on 1 January 1801 introduced the Act of Union, which meant that the parliament at Westminster would now legislate for Britain and Ireland. Initially the union had been described as a marriage between both countries and it seemed at first that Ireland had everything to gain with plans for major investment in the country. However, over time, the reality proved very different and, with English investment not forthcoming, Irish industry collapsed, causing widespread unemployment. Catholic emancipation, which was expected to follow the union immediately, was not granted until 1829, and only then after a desperate struggle. Ireland continued to seek a repeal of the union and by 1843 the demand was so strong that the British parliament could no longer ignore the situation. The driving force behind the repeal movement was Daniel O’Connell. He and his followers were pledged to obtain repeal only by legal and constitutional means. At first the movement was hugely successful, with tens of thousands of people turning out to attend the so-called ‘monster meetings’. However, the enthusiasm of the repeal movement was crushed after O’Connell called off what was supposed to be his greatest of all gatherings, at the ancient Irish battleground at Clontarf, County Dublin. It had been planned for Sunday 8 October 1843, but the government, fearing a rebellion, banned the meeting with the threat of military activity.3

Another major contribution to unrest in Ireland was the devastation caused by the Great Famine of 1845–47, which left some million and a half dead; the true figure will never be known. At least another million people fled to other countries during one of the most tragic events in Irish history: this had far-reaching effects on Irish nationalists. Even during the famine, rebellion emerged through the Fenian movement and although the rebellions were total failures, they did manage to keep a spark of hope burning through those long dark years. In the aftermath of the famine, the eviction of tenant farmers was rampant and by 1870, only three per cent of Irish householders owned the land they occupied. This led to land agitation and the foundation of the Irish National Land League. One of its founders, Michael Davitt, was himself a victim of the evictions. By the late nineteenth century the landlord system had taken its toll in Ireland. In 1886 resistance to evictions came to a head at Drummin, Woodford, County Galway, with the so-called ‘Siege of Sanders Fort’. A number of men barricaded themselves into the house of Thomas Sanders, who was to be evicted. Although they were eventually overcome, their resistance was widely publicised and captured the imagination of many nationalists both at home and abroad.4

And so it was into these turbulent times that Éamonn Ceannt and many other men and women who took part in the 1916 Easter Rebellion were born. By the turn of the nineteenth century, the old Fenians and separatists were passing on their ideals to a new generation of young Irish people. The foundation of nationalist organisations such as the Gaelic League and Sinn Féin helped to instil a renewed pride in Irish history and culture and provided a stage for the many young people who were anxious to display an Irish identity. Éamonn Ceannt was among the many young people who became involved with these organisations, and other similar movements, which were designed to encourage a nationalist future for Ireland.5

2

From Birth to Manhood

For Éamonn Ceannt life began on 21 September 1881 in the pleasant little village of Ballymoe, overlooking the River Suck in County Galway. Ceannt’s birth certificate registered him as Edward Thomas Kent. Ironically he was born in the barracks of the RIC, where his father, James Kent, was a constable. Some sources indicate that James Kent was born near Ballyporeen, County Tipperary, in 1841. However, prior to his death in 1912, his son Michael, recording family information, noted that his father once stated that he was born on 4 July 1839, just before the ‘Night of the Big Wind’ (6 July) at Rehill in the parish of Clogheen, near Mitchelstown, County Cork. James had three brothers, Bill, Phillip and Michael, and two sisters, Mary and Margaret. Their parents were from Rehill. James’s mother was Ellen Cleary and, according to family tradition, she was descended from one of the families of the Four Masters. James’s father died in 1895 at the age of ninety-three and was buried in an old family plot in a graveyard near Shanrahan on the road to Ballyporeen. Michael recalled that at the time there was already an old headstone over the grave inscribed with the name William Kent, an ancestor. The Kents were a Roman Catholic family living in the rural setting of a farming community.

On 15 January 1862, James joined the RIC. Following his training, on 13 May he was appointed to service in Cork. Presumably it was while serving in Cork that he met his wife, Joanne Galway. Her family was originally from Waterford, but moved to Cork where Joanne was born. They were married on 5 July 1870. On 10 October 1873, James was transferred to Ballymoe, County Galway. According to family records the last four of their seven children were born at Ballymoe. In order of birth the children were: William, Michael, Richard, Nell, John, Éamonn and James. William later followed a military career and eventually became a colour sergeant major with the Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Michael became a chief clerk with the Dublin City engineering department. He married Julia Anne Gibney and they had four children: Joan, Alice, Nora and Éamonn. It is thanks to Nora’s daughters, Mary and the late Joan Gallagher, that so much information has come to light regarding Éamonn Ceannt. Richard also married and had three children: Kathleen, Maureen and Joan. Nell, the only sister, married a man named Jack Casey. John worked for the Dublin Shipyard Company at North Wall. Very little is recorded about James.1

On 21 October 1883, James Kent was promoted to head constable at Ballymoe and exactly two months later he was transferred to Ardee, County Louth. While living in Ardee, Éamonn attended the De La Salle national school. All the family were devout Catholics and he became an altar-boy; his religious teaching as a child stayed with him for the remainder of his life. He was an extremely shy child and became nervous in the company of strangers, unlike his brothers who were described as ‘wild and sturdy’. He had a great ability to absorb knowledge and because of this his brothers gave him the nickname ‘Wiseacre’. From an early age he showed remarkable powers of observation and had an excellent memory. He enjoyed rambling across the bogs, fishing and birdwatching, and could mimic the calls of the various birds with great accuracy. He also liked to attend the occasional slide show in the town and, of course, go to any visiting circus.

Éamonn spent five years at De La Salle before the family moved to Drogheda, where he attended the Christian Brothers School in Sunday’s Gate.2

On 15 April 1892, James Kent retired from the RIC and the family moved to Dublin. They first lived at Bayview Avenue, Fairview, but shortly afterwards moved to 232 Clonliffe Road, Drumcondra. Éamonn was eleven when he began attending the North Richmond Street Christian Brothers School. It was one of a number of schools opened by Edmund Rice, the founder of the Christian Brothers, and Daniel O’Connell laid the foundation stone in 1828. Because of O’Connell’s involvement in the foundation of these schools they became widely known as O’Connell Schools. In 1895 Éamonn’s mother died; he was deeply affected but displayed remarkable composure and remained silent throughout the mourning period.

Although most sources indicate that he was a diligent worker, overall he seems to have been an average student and a ‘bit of a character’. Sport played a role in his youth, particularly rugby until it was banned from the school by one of the teachers. An earlier ban had stopped them from playing the game in school grounds, but now there was a full prohibition on the sport even outside the school. Nevertheless, this did not deter Éamonn and his friends as they carried on playing regardless of the ban. They even formed a team called Branavilla Rovers; how well the team played is not known. His other sports included hurling, and he played many games in the Phoenix Park.3

He was obviously being tutored in Irish history, because on 11 October 1896 he made the following brief entry in his school diary: ‘Anniversary of a man named Parnell’s demise. Made my debut as an orator today, before an audience of two in the drawing school.’ On 30 October 1896, he records: ‘Mr Maunsell “instruction” week. He waxed enthusiastic about love of country.’ Another entry mentions a composition in favour of nationalism entitled: ‘A good cause makes a stout heart.’ On 5 April 1897, he signed his name in Irish for the first time in his school diary.

In 1898, along with many of his school companions, he took part in the centenary celebrations commemorating the 1798 rebellion. It was a time of a tremendous revival in the national spirit and Éamonn became intensely inflamed with the idea of nationalism. This type of reaction to his beliefs was a typical feature of his character. It is interesting to note, however, that while at school he did not study Irish, which at the time was an optional subject. He did study French and German and, in order to improve his grasp of them, made a habit of spending afternoons at the Dublin port talking to sailors from various continental countries.

Although his diaries do not indicate an academic career, his interest in education obviously changed after this time. He achieved excellent results in his final exams in 1898, taking honours papers in French, German, Algebra, Arithmetic, Euclid and Precis Writing and pass papers in Latin, English, Plane Trigonometry and Shorthand, and he achieved the highest results in all papers.

At the school’s prize-giving day banquet in 1898 he was one of the speakers. It was customary for distinguished students to be asked to give a speech at the school awards and for their families to attend. Because of his shyness as a boy, Éamonn’s family didn’t have great hopes for his performance. They took their seats in the hall feeling that he would forfeit the awards rather than face the audience. But to their utter amazement Éamonn stepped forward on the platform and spoke eloquently of the school’s achievements. This was his first time to speak before an audience and his father exclaimed: ‘My boy Éamonn will do something great yet.’

On leaving school he applied for a job as a reporter with the Irish Independent, but on hearing of the working hours required, he decided against it. He also had the opportunity to work with the civil service, but felt that he would be working for the British and so turned down the position. He decided instead to sit an examination for a post within Dublin Corporation and in the meantime acted as an assistant teacher at the North Richmond Street school. The results of the corporation exam secured him a position with the clerical staff of the City Treasurer and Estates and Finances Office. His salary on appointment was £70 per annum, with an annual increment of £5.