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The perfect starting point for any student new to this fascinating subject, offering a serious yet accessible introduction to anthropology.
Across a series of fourteen chapters, Introducing Anthropology addresses the different fields and approaches within anthropology, covers an extensive range of themes and emphasizes the active role and promise of anthropology in the world today. The new edition foregrounds in particular the need for anthropology in understanding and addressing today's environmental crisis, as well as the exciting developments of digital anthropology.
This book has been designed by two authors with a passion for teaching and a commitment to communicating the excitement of anthropology to newcomers. Each chapter includes clear explanations of classic and contemporary anthropological research and connects anthropological theories to real-life issues at the local and global levels. The vibrancy and importance of anthropology is a core focus of the book, with numerous interviews with key anthropologists about their work and the discipline as a whole, and plenty of ethnographic studies to consider and use as inspiration for readers' own personal investigations. A clear glossary, a range of activities and discussion points, and carefully selected further reading and suggested ethnographic films further support and extend students' learning.
Introducing Anthropology aims to inspire and enthuse a new generation of anthropologists. It is suitable for a range of different readers, from students studying the subject at school-level to university students looking for a clear and engaging entry point into anthropology.
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Cover
Table of Contents
Dedication
Title Page
Copyright
Preface
Who is This Book For?
What Makes Us Human?
Culture: Universality and Diversity
Ethnographic Research
How to Use This Book
Acknowledgements
1 What Makes Us Human?
Key issues and debates
How Did Humans Evolve?
Cultural Evolution
How Do Humans Vary? The Concept of Race and a Critique of the Concept
Conclusion
2 Research Methods
Key issues and debates
Ethnography
Digital Anthropology
Conclusion
3 The Body
Key issues and debates
Body Modifications and Decorations
Body Types
Anthropological Theories of the Body
Symbolic Classification and the Body: The Body and Society
Conclusion
4 Ways of Thinking and Communicating
Key issues and debates
Classification
Explaining Events
Language
Nonverbal Communication
Human Communication before Writing: Oral Traditions
How Are Modern Technologies Affecting Communication?
Conclusion
5 Social Relations
Key issues and debates
Social Class, Caste, Gender, Age
Kinship
Marriage Patterns
Kinship Relationships with Nonhuman Species and Objects
The Effect of Technological Advances on Definitions of Kinship
Using Objects to Express Social Relations.
The Spread of Capitalism
Conclusion
6 Engaging with Nature
Key issues and debates
Cultural Practices in Relation to the Environment
The Nature versus Culture Debate
The Relationship between Humans and Animals
Anthropology and Climate Crisis
Conclusion
7 Personhood
Key issues and debates
Development of the Western Philosophical Concept of Personhood
Examples of Concepts of Personhood
How is Personhood Expressed and Understood by Anthropologists?
Personhood and Boundaries.
Conclusion
8 Identity
Key issues and debates
How Do Anthropologists Understand Identification?
Social Memory: ‘Folk’ Memory-Making
Language
Music
Shaping Group Identities
Conclusion
9 Ritual
Key issues and debates
Types of Ritual
Functions of Rituals
Anthropological Approaches to Ritual
Political Rituals
Rites of Passage
Conclusion
10 Gender
Key issues and debates
Gender and Biology
Feminism
Queer Theory
Gender, Relationships and Power
Alternative Gender Identities
Conclusion
11 Boundaries
Key issues and debates
Boundaries and Bodies
Boundaries between Ethnic Groups
Boundaries between Humans and Cyborgs
Conclusion
12 Globalization
Key issues and debates
The History of Globalization
How Do Anthropologists Study Globalization?
Anthropology of Tourism
The Impact of Globalization
Creolization
Does Globalization Lead to Homogeneity?
Globalization and Migration
Consequences of the Global Economy
Local and Global Impacts of Globalization
Conclusion
13 The Role of Material Culture
Key issues and debates
What Is Material Culture?
Archaeology, Anthropology and the Role of Material Culture
Are Digital Objects Material?
Aesthetics: The Culturally Constructed Nature of Beauty
How Do Material Objects Symbolize Relationships?
Theories of Material Culture
Material Objects Used to Communicate and Negotiate Identity
The Representation of Material Culture
Conclusion
14 Applied Anthropology
Key issues and debates
What is Applied Anthropology?
Advocacy in Anthropology
Applied Anthropology and Public Health
Ethics and Applied Anthropology
The American Anthropological Association
Examples of Applied Anthropology
Anthropologists’ Testimonies and Case Studies
Conclusion
Key Terms
References
Ethnographic Films
Websites
Index
End User License Agreement
Chapter 1
Figure 1.1
Hand of an African ape and of a human. (Denise Morgan for the University of Utah...
Chapter 2
Figure 2.1
Problems with ethnography
Chapter 4
Figure 4.1
The development of human language
Chapter 6
Figure 6.1
Understanding the impacts of climate change from an anthropological perspective
Chapter 13
Figure 13.1
Why objects are of interest to anthropologists
Cover
Table of Contents
Dedication
Title Page
Copyright
Preface
Acknowledgements
Begin Reading
Key Terms
References
Ethnographic Films
Websites
Index
End User License Agreement
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LauraTo the next generation:Zoë, Bela, Ettie, Maeve, Otto and Gus
TomislavTo Brian Morris who inspired in me a love for anthropology and teaching
‘Don’t be satisfied with stories, how things have gone with others. Unfold your own myth.’ Rumi
2nd Edition
Laura PountneyTomislav Marić
polity
Copyright © Laura Pountney and Tomislav Marić 2021
The right of Laura Pountney and Tomislav Marić to be identified as Author of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First edition published in 2015 by Polity PressThis edition first published in 2021 by Polity Press
Polity Press65 Bridge StreetCambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press101 Station LandingSuite 300Medford, MA 02155, USA
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-4415-8
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
The publisher has used its best endeavours to ensure that the URLs for external websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to press. However, the publisher has no responsibility for the websites and can make no guarantee that a site will remain live or that the content is or will remain appropriate.
Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition.
For further information on Polity, visit our website:politybooks.com
It is not an understatement to suggest that there has never been a more important time for the skills and insights that anthropology provides. In the period of time that has elapsed since the first edition of this book, there have been huge shifts in people’s lives, both in the small details and at the global level. Anthropology itself has evolved, towards a more progressive, self-aware, postcolonial, engaged, forward-thinking reflexive discipline in which it is acutely aware of its (not unproblematic) past. This second edition reflects the evolution of the subject as it makes sense of increasingly salient issues, in particular, the multiple and complex effects of climate change, global flows, increasing interconnectedness as well as the emergent possibilities afforded by greater use of technology.
The key message of this second edition, however, remains one of hope. As we face climate change, social turmoil on a local and global scale, along with changing political and economic systems around the world, we strongly feel that anthropology should be used to confront some of the most pressing and challenging global issues of our time.
At a time when differences between individuals and societies have become ever more significant, this book reflects the experience of many anthropologists and shows that, by understanding ‘others’ and reflecting on one’s own cultural values, a more sensitive and compassionate view of the world can be achieved.
Anthropology continues to be a subject that encourages a non-judgemental and respectful attitude towards others. Nowhere have the effects of this been felt more than in education, where students embark on their own anthropological journey with a particular view of the world that may have been informed by all kinds of different opinions, only to leave having become aware of the complexity and value of all human cultures. Students of anthropology not only see the world differently; they also see themselves differently and begin a process of self-awareness that undoubtedly enriches their own lives and the lives of others as a result.
This second edition builds upon what readers enjoyed most about the first edition, namely reference to a wide range of classic and contemporary ethnographic research and films, a conceptual clarity and an accessible introduction to the theoretical ideas within the discipline at the present time.
This book is an introduction to anthropology and its subfields. It is important that readers recognize that it is not intended to cover every area of the subject; rather, it contains selected topics that may be of interest and explores them in an introductory way. It was written to encourage people to begin to take an active interest in the subject, based on several successful and very enjoyable years of teaching anthropology at pre-university level. The book introduces information about what anthropologists do and how the discipline has evolved, and explores some of the subject’s subfields. It will accompany any introductory course in anthropology and support those with an interest in a particular area of anthropology, particularly newly emerging areas.
Many of the topics that have been included will chime with introductory undergraduate courses. The book will also be an excellent guide for those studying the anthropology International Baccalaureate, as well as anyone wishing to know more about the subject generally. We hope that it will provide a starting point from which readers can explore areas of interest in greater depth.
This question lies at the heart of this book and, indeed, the subject of anthropology. We begin by taking a look at how early humans diverged from other primates, examining some of the important physical changes that occurred as well as some of the features of human cultural evolution, including insights into new ways of understanding human evolution. As human physical evolution has helped shape human culture, the role of human biology appears in various places throughout the text.
The rest of the book explores different aspects of human culture, from how people use the body to express their identity through to different ideas about what it means to be a person. There is a focus on contemporary anthropological research, as well as acknowledgements of the contribution of classical anthropological work. It is clear, for example, that new forms of technology are playing an ever-greater role in people’s lives, and this is reflected in anthropology, where studies are now being carried out in virtual worlds. Also, since climate change and globalization affect the vast majority of human societies, there are examples of ethnographic studies relating to the complex effects of these processes.
Given that the book is based predominantly upon cultural anthropology, it is worth thinking for a moment about what culture is. In the simplest terms, culture relates to everything that humans do that goes beyond their biological evolution. It is informed and shaped by the material world that lies beyond them. However, the degree to which biology shapes human behaviour is much disputed. It might be useful to see culture as the way of life of a particular group. Humans are social beings, and it is only through their relations with other humans, species and inanimate objects that cultural characteristics become apparent. This book is concerned with cultural universals, things that all social groups do, while at the same time exploring the different ways in which such cultural practices are manifest.
An important difference between anthropology and other disciplines is the centrality of ethnographic methodology. This in-depth, detailed research goes beyond many of the methods found in other disciplines in that it involves so much personal involvement and commitment from the researcher. Anthropologists often spend long periods of time with the people whom they study, and this tends to be within the personal, private spaces of their lives. It is frequently through spending time with people, working, eating and laughing with them, that important anthropological findings occur – more often than not, unexpectedly. Examples of ethnographic research are central here, summarized throughout the book. These are not meant to substitute for the full ethnography; rather, they serve as an introduction to the main research.
Anthropologists need a range of skills, and this book is a starting point for these. Each chapter opens with a list of key issues and debates about the specific topic, followed by an introduction outlining the structure. Important relevant concepts, key terms, are highlighted in the text and listed with their definitions at the ends of chapters. A range of questions is included throughout the book, designed to stimulate anthropological ideas and ways of thinking. And at the end of each chapter, there are further questions as well as ideas for a personal investigation.
The importance of ethnographic research in anthropology is reflected in the structure of the book, which includes many summaries of interesting ethnographic studies, some contributed by their authors. The chapters do not (and could not) convey the sum total of studies and information on their topic; they simply provide examples and introductions to give the reader a starting point in their journey into anthropology. Interviews with anthropologists are interspersed throughout the book and there is information about anthropological activism, which should provide a sense of the engagement of the discipline in the world, as well as offering ideas for career and academic progression.
First, we would like to thank those without whom the first edition of this book (and in many cases both editions) would not have been possible: Marzia Balzani, Heather Bonney, Andrew Canessa, Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Katarina Fritzsche and Brian Morris, all of whom contributed particularly generously. In addition, Nicholas Badcott, Ben Burt, Hilary Callan, Pat Caplin, Liana Chua, Robin Dunbar, Peggy Foerer, Anabella Hendry, Joy Hendry, Gary Marvin, Theresa McCarthy, Daniel Miller, Desirée Pangerc, Sarah Pink, Angela Rivière, James Staples; the British Museum, the Horniman Museum, the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, the Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford, and the Krapina Neanderthal Museum in Croatia. Everyone who has contributed has continued to surpass our expectations. This is testament to the subject, which produces the kind of people who have become so much more than creators of new knowledge. Anthropologists have the shared qualities of an excellent sense of humour, life experience and an awareness of the richness of life. This was simply inspiring and motivating.
The second edition is enrichened by the energy and support we received from Edward Liebow, Executive Director of the American Anthropological Association, David Shankland, Director of the Royal Anthropology Institute, special guidance by Liana Chua, and contributions from Crystal Abidin, Katherine E. Carter, Sophie Chao, Yu-Chun Chen, Simon Coleman, Miguel Diaz-Barriga, Margaret Dorsey, Alexander Edmonds, Peggy Foerer, Ruth Gomberg-Munoz, Ana P. Gutiérrez Garza, Nora Haenn, Naomi Haynes, Joy Hendry, Jim Igoe, Tim Ingold, Sabine Klocke-Daffa, Laura Korčulanin, Jonathan Lanman, Gideon Lasco, Jonah Lipton, Diego Maria Malara, Laura McAtackney, Tom McDonald, Aimee Middlemiss, Kiran Mirchandani, Mwenda Ntarangwi, Dimitrios Papadopoulos, Sarah Pink, Peter Rudiak-Gould, Jonathan Skinner, Richard Sosis, Jack Stuster, Nico Tassi and Dmitris Xygalatas.
Thanks also go to the photographers whose pictures make this book so rich and interesting. We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of our work, and, last but not least, the staff at Polity, particularly Jonathan Skerrett, Karina Jákupsdóttir and Sarah Dancy for their hard work and support in the realization of this second edition.
Key issues and debates
How Did Humans Evolve?
Explanations of human evolution
Early humans
Climate change, human evolution and the Anthropocene
Where did modern humans originate from?
Similarities and differences between humans and nonhuman primates
Cultural Evolution
Cooking
Language
Symbols
Recording information: The origins of written language
Social life
Sharing resources, exchange
Rituals.
Expressing identity
How Do Humans Vary? The Concept of Race and a Critique of the Concept
Biological differences between humans
Culturally constructed concepts of race
American Association of Physical Anthropologists’ Statement on Race and Racism (2019)
Conclusion
End-of-chapter questions
Key terms
Personal investigation
Suggested further sources
How and when did
Homo sapiens
evolve?
How similar are humans to other animals and in what ways are they different?
What methods do we use to find out about early humans?
How did different groups of early humans interact and what can this tell us about humans today?
What impact has humanity’s specific biological evolution had in terms of shaping our cultural evolution: what is the relationship between human biology and culture?
To what extent do humans vary?
The question of what makes human beings different from all other species is central to anthropology. This chapter explores the particular characteristics that, over the past 6–7 million years, since they shared a common ancestor with apes, have allowed Homo sapiens to become the most successful of the primates. We now know that there were many types of early human, so this chapter explores how Homo sapiens interacted with other forms of early human, and what this tells us about humans today. It also looks at the behavioural and physical traits that humans continue to share with other primates, such as chimpanzees and bonobos. The study of human origins and of the adaptations that make our species unique defines the field of evolutionary anthropology. This field overlaps with paleontology, which is the study of life on earth, drawing on information provided by fossil remains. This field overlaps with archaeology, which is the study of early human objects, or artefacts, that tell us what early human life was like.
primate A mammal of the order Primates, characterized, for example, by refined development of the hands and feet and a large brain
paleontology The study of life on earth, often drawing on information provided by fossils
One of the first evolutionary anthropologists was Charles Darwin, creator of the theory of evolution. Evolutionary anthropology has since grown into a multifaceted discipline investigating the origins of humanity through fossils and, more recently, ancient DNA, and genetic analyses. This is supported by an ever-clearer picture of what make humans unique. Among the many features that distinguish us from other species – perhaps the fundamental difference – is the fact that humans have a highly developed culture. Simply put, culture is every aspect of life that goes beyond biology.
Although there is evidence of culture in some other species, nowhere is it more complex, rich and evolved than within human societies. So, how did the specific physical evolution of Homo sapiens lead to the development of a complex culture while that of other species did not? What is the relationship between biological evolution and cultural evolution? If all humans share the same biology, to what extent do they share the same culture? Are there such things as cultural universals?
cultural evolution The ways in which humans have evolved beyond their biology
The final section of this chapter explores the extent of biological variations between humans, making a clear distinction between biological differences and socially constructed ideas about race (which are widely criticized).
How are human origins explained?
How do different groups explain the existence of dinosaurs and other extinct animals?
There have been a number of attempts to explain the origins of the human species. These explanations are of interest in themselves as they reflect the dominant ideas of the times from which they originate. They have also been highly contentious and continue to provoke a strong response that goes much further than anthropology, to religion, politics and economics.
Until the eighteenth century, religion shaped the dominant explanations for the origins of human life. In Europe, these came largely from Genesis, the first book of the Bible. This explanation, known as creationism, was based upon the idea that God had created all life in six days, and that the characteristics of plants and animals were fixed and unchangeable.
creationism The belief that all life was created by the actions of God
That is not to say there was no interest in the great diversity of animal and plant life. Early scientists showed a strong desire to organize different species and locate human beings within classification systems. For example, the Swedish botanist Carl Linnaeus (1707–78) was among the first to develop a scientific classification of animals and plants, or taxonomy. Linnaeus accepted the biblical explanation of creation, and his classification system is still influential today. This system is based on similarities and differences between species, which Linnaeus argued were part of God’s plan.
taxonomy The classification of organisms in an ordered system that indicates natural relationships
Creationist ideas are not limited to Christianity. Muslim creationists, for example, base their thinking on similar arguments and on passages such as this in the Qur’an: ‘God has created every animal from water. Of them there are some that creep on their bellies, some that walk on two legs and some that walk on four. God creates what he wills for verily God has power over all things’ (Sura 24:45). However, fossil discoveries during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries challenged the ideas central to creationism by proving that different types of life had existed in the past. Creationists responded to these findings by arguing that various forms of catastrophe had occurred, which they claimed had destroyed other ancient species. This branch of creationists, known as catastrophists, argued that events such as the biblical flood involving Noah’s Ark destroyed ancient species, after which God created new species, leading to contemporary species.
fossil The preserved remains or traces of animals, plants and other organisms from the remote past
catastrophism The theory that the Earth has been affected in the past by sudden, short-lived, violent events, possibly worldwide in scope, which have led to the contemporary world with its current variety of animals and plants
There has recently been a resurgence of creationism. For example, the Discovery Institute, an American nonprofit public policy think-tank, developed a theory known as intelligent design (or neo-creationism). This is defined as a belief that the universe could not have been created by chance and that some higher power must have had a hand in it. The effects of this theory have been felt within both the public and the political sphere. For example, there has been a lot of debate over the teaching of the origins of human life in schools. Some creationists argue that teachers should explain the origins of human life through creationist ideas only.
intelligent design Also known as neo-creationism, the belief that the current state of life on Earth has come about through the actions of an intelligent designer; this designer need not be God, but most proponents of intelligent design seem to have God in mind
The Enlightenment and Victorian naturalism The eighteenth-century Enlightenment prompted a major revolution in the way Europeans thought of the world in which they lived. Whereas previously the Bible had been relied upon to explain the world, people began increasingly to seek explanations based on science and rational thought. The Enlightenment coincided with the expansion of Europeans across the world and the discovery of previously unknown peoples. This diversity of humanity needed explaining somehow, since there were clearly many more human populations in the world than were described in the Bible.
Enlightenment A period in Europe during the eighteenth century when there were many scientific discoveries that contradicted the accepted teachings of those in authority, notably the Church
Later, through the work of nineteenth-century British naturalists influenced by Enlightenment ideals, an alternative explanation to creationism emerged: the idea that new species arose from existing ones through a long and gradual process of transformation, known as evolution. Charles Darwin (1809–82) is best known for his theory of evolution by natural selection or, in other words, the view that competition for resources (the ‘struggle for survival’) is both unavoidable and ubiquitous in nature and is the driving force behind the continuous transformation of living forms.
evolution Any change across successive generations in the inherited characteristics of biological populations
Darwin’s theory of natural selection was one of many emerging ideas of the time that attempted to explain the diversity of animals and species found in the world. Alfred Russell Wallace (1823–1913), a naturalist working independently of Darwin at around the same time, developed a very similar theory. Both Darwin and Wallace presented their ideas to the public in 1858, which caused great controversy because they directly challenged prevailing religious explanations.
What is natural selection?Natural selection is a process whereby nature selects the forms most likely to survive and reproduce in a particular population. For natural selection to work, there needs to be inheritable (i.e., genetic) variation within populations – which there usually is – as well as competition for resources necessary for life, such as food and space. Those organisms that manage to get copies of their genes into future generations transmit characteristics that continue to evolve through the generations. Over time, the organisms that are less successful in passing on their genes, and are less suited to their surroundings, gradually die out, while the more successful organisms survive. This process changes according to the environment in which the species exist. Changes to the body that are acquired in the course of life, for example loss of a limb, do not get passed on.
natural selection The process in nature by which, according to Darwin’s theory of evolution, only the organisms best adapted to their environment tend to survive and transmit their genetic characteristics in increasing numbers to succeeding generations, while those less well adapted tend to be eliminated
Sexual selection In order to leave descendants, individuals must not only survive but also reproduce. As a supplement to the principle of natural selection, Charles Darwin developed the idea of sexual selection to attempt to explain the presence of characteristics of male animals, such as the elaborate tails of peacocks or men’s deep voices, claiming that these secondary sexual characteristics evolved not because they increase the survival prospects of individuals, but because females prefer to mate with individuals with those features. If this is the case, then those specific characteristics are more likely to be passed on to future generations.
In birds, for example, one form of sexual selection occurs when males compete for particular territories. A bird that manages to get the best location is more likely to be chosen as a mate. Geoffrey Miller (2000) develops Darwin’s ideas and argues that human culture arose through a process of sexual selection. He argues that there are many characteristics of human culture that are not necessary to survival yet play a strong role in sexual selection, for example humour. Miller believes that human culture arose through sexual selection for creative traits. In summary, since the main challenges faced by living beings are survival and reproduction, species are the outcome of both natural and sexual selection. Evolutionary anthropologists are still debating which features of humans were caused by natural selection and which were the result of sexual selection.
This peacock’s tail is an example of female preference driving the evolution of longer, more colourful tail feathers. (Taychin Olarnwichitwong / Unsplash)
STOP & THINK
Can you think of other traits that humans might look for in each other that are not necessary for survival?
Following Darwin’s contributions, the field of genetics emerged, which went into more detail in explaining biological variation. Gregor Mendel (1822–84) was a naturalist and a monk who made a series of original discoveries in the field of genetics that eventually provided support to Darwin’s theory of natural selection.
More recently, geologists have been able to divide the history of the Earth into specific periods or epochs. It is now generally agreed by scientists, archaeologists and anthropologists that the group of primates to which humans belong, known as hominins, first appeared 6–7 million years ago, with modern humans (Homo sapiens) appearing around 200,000 years ago. Paleoanthropology (the study of human fossil remains) and anthropological genetics (the comparative study of genes in humans and other species) have made significant progress in reconstructing the steps that led from our earliest ancestors to modern humans. Since the earliest forms of life date back to 4,000 million years ago, human beings are a relatively recent species in the history of life on planet Earth.
hominins Primates, species who are closely related to human beings or who are regarded as human
paleoanthropology The study of extinct early primates and fossil remains of early primates
There were around twenty different species of early humans. While it was once thought that they existed separately, recent genetic evidence now suggests that there was significant overlap between early human groups. It is now understood that modern humans, on emerging first from Africa around 70,000 years ago, encountered and mated with Neanderthals in the Middle East. Children born from these encounters carried some Neanderthal genes, and, as modern humans advanced throughout Europe and Asia, they carried these genes with them. There have recently been a number of findings about the overlaps between early groups of humans. This section explores some of the most well-known recent examples that provide significant insights into the evolution of hominins.
Lucy was discovered in 1974 by anthropologist Professor Donald Johanson and his student Tom Gray, at Hadar in northern Ethiopia, and became one of the best documented of all early humans. Johanson and Gray named their fossil skeleton Lucy, after the Beatles song ‘Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds’, which was playing on the radio when the team was celebrating its discovery back at camp. The significance of this discovery was that it confirmed that bipedalism, the ability to walk on two legs, not four, was a key to what makes humans distinctive.
Johanson immediately recognized the bones as belonging to a hominid, and his team eventually unearthed forty-seven bones of a single skeleton dating from 3.2 million years ago. Based on the small size and pelvis shape, they concluded that the skeleton was that of a young female. Like a chimpanzee, Lucy had a small brain, long dangly arms and short legs. However, the structure of her knee and pelvis show that she usually walked upright on two legs.
Together with early Asian people known as Denisovans, Neanderthals are our closest known ancient human relatives. In fact, everyone living outside Africa today has a small amount of Neanderthal in them. Europeans and Asians have approximately 2 per cent Neanderthal DNA. Interestingly, indigenous sub-Saharan Africans have none, or very little Neanderthal DNA because their ancestors did not migrate through Eurasia. The earliest discoveries of Homo neanderthalensis (who lived from 200,000 years ago to around 24,000 years ago) were in various parts of Europe, including Forbes’ Quarry, Gibraltar (1948), and at the Neander Valley near Düsseldorf (1856). In 2019, original DNA was extracted from the two skulls originally discovered in Gibraltar, which revealed new information about each skull – for example, one skull was male and the other was female.
One of the largest collections of fossilized bones of Homo neanderthalensis in the world was found in Croatia, at a site in Krapina, Hušnjakovo, between 1899 and 1905. The most important finding was a skull that belonged to a young, mature Neanderthal woman. This was particularly significant because of the forty-two thin cuts that were found on the frontal bone (the front part of the skull), which were made shortly after the death of the young woman, suggesting possible ritual behaviour. This information provides important evidence that Homo neanderthalensis had a developed culture.
Recent studies confirm that Homo neanderthalensis were self-conscious beings who lived socially as part of a community. They understood how to treat some illnesses and how to care for children and vulnerable groups. They were also very good hunters. The large number of the various artefacts that they made from stone for different purposes, such as scrapers, reveals much information about their technological development.
Reconstruction of a Neanderthal community based on archaeological excavations at Krapina, Croatia.(© Krapina Museum, Croatia)
STOP & THINK
If other types of early human still existed today, how do you think Homo sapiens would treat them?
Along with a team of researchers, Svante Pääbo, a leading researcher in evolutionary genetics from the Max Planck Institute, sequenced an entire Neanderthal genome, revealing the connections between Neanderthals, as well as uncovering the existence of another group of early humans, Denisovans (see below). Interestingly, genetic evidence has now conclusively confirmed that there was much more contact between Homo sapiens and Homo neanderthalensis than previously thought. Furthermore, recent findings from Gorham’s cave in Gibraltar suggest that Homo neanderthalensis survived until much later than previously suspected, up to 24,000 years ago, meaning humans and Neanderthals overlapped for longer than previously thought.
Sometimes referred to as ‘the Hobbit’, due to its diminutive stature, Homo floresiensis was an early human who is thought to have lived until 12,000 years ago. Fossilized remains were first discovered in 2003 in the Liang Bua cave, on the Indonesian island of Flores. Researchers were surprised to find that the first set of remains belonged to a 106-centimetre-tall adult female. The remains comprised a nearly complete skull as well as a skeleton, along with at least eight other similarly sized sets of remains. It is now thought that Homo floresiensis may have lived from 95,000 years ago until around 12,000 years ago. There is some debate about how this early human emerged, with evidence recently suggesting that it evolved from an earlier human related to Homo erectus, a 1.8 million-year-old relative. In terms of culture, researchers also uncovered basic stone tools and animal remains in the Liang Bua cave. They postulate that insular dwarfism occurred, whereby Homo floresiensis lacked predators, which accounts for their unusual size.
insular dwarfism The process whereby larger animals evolve to have a reduced body size when their population’s range is limited to a small environment, usually islands
While a lot is known about Neanderthals, relatively little is known about Denisovans. Svante Pääbo, mentioned above, having made incredible scientific breakthroughs in understanding Neanderthals, in 2010 went on to sequence DNA from a tiny fragment of finger bone discovered in the Denisova cave in the Altai mountains of Siberia. The results confirmed that he and his team had discovered an entirely new species, the Denisovans. Although there is only a handful of bones and teeth so far discovered from this species, it has been possible to learn that the Denisovans probably lived across much of Asia tens of thousands of years ago. David Gokhman and Liran Carmel, researchers based at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, used DNA to reconstruct the appearance of Denisovans. From these studies, it emerged that Denisovans looked similar to the Neanderthals, but with wider heads and more protruding jaws. This information is very useful because it explains how they adapted to their environment and how the genetic traces found in modern humans may have helped this process. Genetic tests show that the Denisovans were close relatives of the Neanderthals and that our ancestors bred with them too, perhaps as recently as 15,000 years ago, which has left modern Melanesians and indigenous Australians with up to 6 per cent Denisovan DNA. Professor Chris Stringer, a human evolution researcher from the UK’s Natural History Museum, states that Neanderthals may have overlapped with Denisovans across Asia for more than 300,000 years.
STOP & THINK
How has recent genetic information challenged the idea that humans evolved separately?
What kind of evidence proves that Homo neanderthalensis were social beings with specific cultural practices?
What are the implications of the recent findings that Homo neanderthalensis overlapped with Homo sapiens?
Earlier hominins evolved and diversified in Africa, and the fact that they migrated into Asia and Europe (Homo erectus nearly 2 million years old have been found in Asia) shows that they managed to adapt successfully to diverse climatic conditions. One particularly important characteristic of humans is our ability to acclimatize to changes in the environment. The climate became more changeable around 6 million years ago. Some anthropologists argue that certain adaptations, such as upright walking or tool-making, coincided with periods of environmental change.
One example of this view is the Savannah hypothesis, which claims that many important human adaptations arose in Africa as the savannah, an area of grassland between the rainforest and the desert, expanded. According to this idea, upright walking proved to be an energy-efficient and beneficial way of moving across an open landscape. Furthermore, walking upright had the additional advantage of freeing the hands.
Overall, evidence suggests that early hominins were able to adjust to changing environments in different parts of the world, giving them a huge advantage over other species. This adaptation included the ability to use resources from a vast variety of plants and animals and to employ many specialized tools. Human beings are social and also use communication skills to exchange resources and information to help them survive in a constantly changing world.
In recent years, however, humans have become the dominant force in shaping the Earth’s climate and processes. The Anthropocene is a term that has been adopted by a range of disciplines to describe the time period in which human beings have had an overwhelming impact on planet Earth. It is these changes, which we have ourselves created, that are now presenting some of the biggest challenges to our survival.
Anthropocene A new planetary era in which humans have become the dominant force in shaping the earth’s physical make-up and processes
Visit your local natural history museum and explore the evidence of early human life. Make a note of the main differences between early humans and humans today. Learn about the ways early human lives are researched.
Despite the success and diversity of our ancestors, coupled with the fact that we still carry genetic information from our ancestors, only one hominin species survived: modern Homo sapiens. Not all scientists agree on the levels of contact or conflict that these early forms of humans had with each other, the extent of interbreeding that occurred, or the factors that influenced the evolution and extinction of other hominin species. However, from the recent discoveries described above, we know that early humans overlapped far more than originally thought. We do know that Homo sapiens evolved in Africa around 200,000 years ago and first migrated in small numbers into Asia, probably between 130,000 and 115,000 years ago, by travelling up the Nile to the Levant. However, the ancestors of all current humans migrated into Europe later, around 60,000 years ago, and it was not until much later still that modern humans populated other parts of the world. For instance, people probably first arrived in Australia within the past 50,000 years and in the Americas within the past 16,000 years or so. By 14,000 years ago, our species had spread to every continent except Antarctica. The beginnings of farming and complex societies occurred within the past 12,000 years. Understanding the success of our species remains a fundamental question for evolutionary anthropologists. This problem brings us back to the question of what differentiates us both from our closest living relatives, the apes, and from extinct hominins.
So what characteristics do humans still share with other primates, and which are unique? Evolutionary anthropologists attempt to answer this question by comparing genes, morphology, physiology, behaviour and cognition in Homo sapiens and other primates. This section considers some of the main similarities and differences between them.
Humans and African apes share most of their DNA, but important functional differences have accumulated. Scientists have shown how humans continue to manifest striking similarities to the African apes both physically and genetically, especially to the chimpanzees and bonobos. For example, humans have forty-six chromosomes in their cells, while all the great apes have forty-eight. Research on mapping the entire genome of common chimpanzees was completed in 2005 and shows that 99 per cent of DNA sequences and 96 per cent of protein sequences of humans and chimpanzees are the same. This reflects the relatively recent split between the species since their last common ancestor 6 million years ago. However, it was discovered, unsurprisingly, that the genes that differ mostly control speech, smelling, hearing, digesting proteins and the likelihood of catching certain diseases, as well as the growth and efficiency of the brain, reflecting the fact that humans have been evolving separately for the past 6 million years.
Go to your local zoo or watch video clips of chimpanzees.
What physical similarities are there between humans and chimpanzees?
How do chimpanzees move?
Make a list of the behaviours that are similar to those of humans and those that are different, thinking, for example, about language, tools, parenting, learning, ways of thinking and social relationships.
Humans and the African apes all lack external tails. Monkeys, on the other hand, do have tails, which are useful for gripping trees and objects. Tails disappeared from apes 15–20 million years ago. Apes shin up and down trees rather than walking along branches as monkeys do. The earliest hominins climbed trees and walked on the ground. Fossil evidence shows how early humans made a gradual transition from climbing trees to walking upright on a regular basis.
Both humans and African apes have hands with a thumb that is sufficiently separate from the other fingers to allow them to be opposable for precision grip. Possession of an opposable thumb means that objects can be carried more easily and manipulated. There is considerable evidence to suggest that, by being able to throw and powerfully grip an object, early humans were better at protecting themselves from animals and other humans (Young 2003). The development of the opposable thumb, however, primarily helped humans to make tools, which was an essential advantage in human cultural evolution. But the mere presence of the opposable thumb does not explain why humans make sophisticated tools: if it did, then chimpanzees would make complex tools too (and they do not).
opposable thumb A thumb that is sufficiently separate from the other fingers of the hand to allow for precision grip
Figure 1.1 Hand of an African ape and of a human. (Denise Morgan for the University of Utah / Wikimedia Commons)
Take off your shoes and socks and sit on the floor. Try to open a banana skin with only your feet. What happens? What does this activity tell us about the advantages of having opposable thumbs?
Make a list of things that early humans might have been able to do as a result of having opposable thumbs. How might these activities have helped humans to survive?
Sexual dimorphism refers to both the internal and the external differences between males and females found in a variety of animals and plants. The earliest fossil evidence to show sexual dimorphism in early primates demonstrates that canine teeth and body shapes were different in males and females (Krishtalka et al. 1990). Hominins have not shown dimorphism in canine size, but there was a significant level of body size dimorphism in early hominins such as australopithecines. However, sexual dimorphism was significantly reduced in the larger-brained Homo erectus and their descendants (including Homo sapiens). This suggests an important development in social organization, with a possible change from polygamy (frequently associated with larger males) to monogamy (often characterized by low sexual dimorphism). Modern humans are sexually dimorphic to some degree. It is estimated that males are 5 to 10 per cent larger on average and have greater upper body muscular development. This is small compared to over 100 per cent body size dimorphism in gorillas and at least 15–20 per cent in chimpanzees and bonobos.
sexual dimorphism This refers to both the internal and the external differences between males and females found in a variety of animals and plants
STOP & THINK
Suggest some reasons for the gradual reduction in human sexual dimorphism.
Like chimpanzees and bonobos, humans are omnivorous; this means that humans and chimpanzees kill other animals for food in addition to eating a wide variety of plants. Essentially, the human body is similar to that of the great apes; humans have the same arrangement of internal organs and bones, share several important blood types and suffer from many of the same diseases. However, there is a significant difference in the amount of meat that humans eat compared to chimpanzees. While chimpanzees extract at most 5 to 10 per cent of their calories from animals (including both small monkeys and termites extracted with tools), Homo erectus obtained most energy from meat (either from scavenging or from hunting). This heavy reliance on meat lasted until very recently, when agriculture appeared. There are only a handful of human populations (fewer than fifty across the globe) still able to survive without agriculture: they are known as hunter-gatherers.
omnivorous Ability to eat and survive on both plant and animal matter
hunter-gatherers Members of a nomadic people who live chiefly by hunting and fishing and harvesting wild food
STOP & THINK
What are the advantages of an omnivorous diet?
One controversial characteristic that we may share with other primates is the potential for aggression. Field studies have shown differences among nonhuman primate species in the incidence and circumstances of actual intraspecific (within-species) violence. In anthropology, there has been much debate about the human capacity for violence and aggression. Sociobiology, for example, is an area of scientific research and thinking that claims that some social behaviour is a product of evolution (although not all sociobiologists agree on the extent of this). Some argue that certain behaviours (such as aggression and competitiveness) may have been advantageous to human survival. E. O. Wilson (1978), one of the founders of modern sociobiology, described some behaviours thought to be human universals as genetically based, such as male–female bonds, male dominance over females and aggression. These claims have been disputed by many human scientists, who have shown that there is much more variation in patterns of social behaviour across human societies.
sociobiology An area of biology that aims to explain social behaviour in terms of evolution
More recently, biological anthropologists such as Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson (1997) have argued that violence played an important role in the evolution of humans and chimpanzees. However, such views have been heavily criticized for their lack of supporting evidence. An alternative view gaining strength in evolutionary anthropology is that our capacity for cooperation is what made humans behaviourally unique. While other species of primates mostly show alliances among closely related kin, studies of hunter-gatherers have shown that we frequently exhibit cooperative behaviours (such as food-sharing) towards those who are unrelated. Some of us are even able to display cooperation and altruism towards unknown individuals (think about giving blood or about charity work). The reasons for the coexistence of extreme cooperation and aggression in human societies is one of the most debated issues in evolutionary anthropology.
Humans and some nonhuman primates share certain similarities in their behaviour towards each other. However, social behaviour varies from species to species. Two examples of nonhuman primate behaviour are explored here: of bonobos and of chimpanzees, our two closest evolutionary relatives.
Bonobos
(© LaggedOnUser / Flickr)
Bonobos, found living in the forests of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have been noted for their sociability. Groups of bonobos range from about 50 to 100 individuals; however, these groups do break up during the day to form foraging parties. Every night bonobos make a sleeping nest from branches and leaves, usually nesting with the smaller group they have travelled with.
Bonobo societies are female-centred in structure. Interestingly, like humans, bonobos have sex for purposes other than reproduction. They often manage and resolve social conflicts through sex, making aggression less common than with chimpanzees. In fact, sex is a very important part of the social relations of bonobos. They engage in both homosexual and heterosexual relations, although incest is generally avoided. Sexual interactions occur more often among bonobos than among other primates. Despite the frequency of sex, their rate of reproduction in the wild is about the same as that of the chimpanzee.
Bonobo communities have ranges that overlap with other groups. Males are protective of other members of their group and carry out any hunting. Males typically remain among their family group while females range further afield. While males show aggression towards each other, conflict rarely escalates into acts of physical violence. In spite of physical superiority, evidence suggests that males are not aggressive towards females.
Bonobos are social animals, and food sharing occurs between males and females, unlike the situation with chimpanzees. Also the female–female relationship is much stronger in this species than it is for chimpanzees.
Although they seem very lively, bonobos, like humans, control their emotions when expressing themselves in times of happiness, sorrow, excitement or anger. They are very animated and perform similar gestures to humans when communicating without using language. For example, they will beg by stretching out an open hand or foot and will make a whimpering sound if they fail at something.
Females become sexually mature after about twelve years of age and may give birth soon thereafter. They have babies at five- to six-year intervals, so population growth can never be rapid. As with humans, there is a relatively long period of socialization for the young. Females nurse and carry their babies for five years, and the offspring reach adolescence by the age of seven. Females have between five and six offspring in a lifetime.
Chimpanzees
(Matthew Hoelscher / Wikimedia Commons)
Common chimpanzees, living in tropical forests of Africa, live in small communities. These typically range from 20 to more than 150 members; however, chimpanzees spend most of their time travelling in small, temporary groups consisting of a few individuals that are made up of any combination of ages and sexes. Both males and females will sometimes travel alone. Chimpanzees, like humans, have complex social relationships and spend a large amount of time grooming each other. Grooming is an important way in which alliances are built.
Chimpanzee society shows considerable male dominance. Interestingly, male aggression has an important function in establishing a social hierarchy. However, aggression is often only displayed rather than followed through with violence. Males maintain and improve their social position by forming coalitions. These coalitions increase their influence, giving them power that they would not be able to gain alone. Social hierarchies among adult females tend to be weaker. Nevertheless, the status of an adult female may be important for her offspring.
Chimpanzees have been described as highly territorial and have been known to kill other chimps for territorial dominance, although there is some suggestion that highly aggressive behaviour by chimpanzees happens only when artificial feeding occurs.
A female may mate with several males, though a dominant male may stop other males gaining access to the female with whom they are consorting. Infanticide (the killing of babies) has been recorded among chimpanzees. This is often carried out by male coalitions that invade an existing group, expel their dominant males and kill their offspring: the new males do so in order to mate with the same females and have their own offspring. Care for the young is provided mostly by their mothers. As with humans, babies are dependent on care from an adult for a substantial period. Mothers provide their young with food, warmth and protection and teach them certain skills. In addition, a chimp’s future rank may be dependent on its mother’s status. For their first year, chimpanzees cling to their mothers. By the time they are six, adolescents continue to spend time with their mothers. Like humans, chimpanzees use their highly expressive faces, postures and sounds to communicate with each other. There are many different sounds which signify specific meanings, such as danger, excitement and anger.
Make a list of the differences and similarities between humans, bonobos and chimpanzees. Are there more similarities or more differences?
Tool-use was once thought to be one of the characteristics that set humans apart from other primates, and, indeed, if you look at the variety and complexity of the tools employed by humans, this would seem to be true. However, tool-use has been seen in a number of primate and nonprimate species, both in captivity and in the wild. The study of tool-use provides important information concerning the evolution of human abilities.
A tool can be defined as any object manipulated by an animal in order to perform a specific task. This tool usually has some beneficial effect, such as making a task easier. Therefore, a tool can be very simple, such as a stick to scratch the animal’s back. This sort of tool, which requires no alteration to be functional, is sometimes described as a ‘naturefact’. Tools used by nonhuman primates include stones, which might be used to cut, grind or scrape.
Chimpanzees, for example, often make use of tools. They will adapt sticks, rocks, grass and leaves and use them when foraging for honey, termites, ants, nuts and water. Despite the lack of complexity, there does seem to be planning and skill involved in using these tools. For example, when foraging, chimps will employ modified short sticks to scoop honey out of a hive – that is, if the bees are harmless. With the hives of the dangerous African honeybee, they use longer and thinner sticks to extract the honey. Modification of leaves and branches, and their use as simple tools, has also been observed in elephants, crows and dolphins. However, none of those species created or used more sophisticated tools, such as the stone tools that earlier hominins started to produce more than 2 million years ago. Human tools of course became much more complex and diverse: hunting tools, tools to create and control fire, and much more.
Modern chimpanzees occasionally walk upright, but their skeletons are not adapted for regular walking on two legs. The skeletons of early humans, on the other hand, evolved to support their bodies in an upright position. This means that modern humans have bodies adapted for walking and running long distances on two legs – that is, they are bipedal. Walking upright undoubtedly helped early humans survive in the diverse habitats in which they lived, including forests and grasslands. There are several physical changes that had to occur to make bipedalism possible, among them modifications in foot and knee structure, a curved spine (to absorb shock), broad-shaped hip bones, and a change in the point of attachment between the skull and the neck from a posterior position (as found in other primates) to an inferior position. Bipedalism was an adaptation to the open environments of the African savannah, where the earliest hominins evolved.
bipedalism Walking upright on two feet for the majority of time
