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- Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
The fifth edition of Michigan: A History of the Great Lakes State presents an update of the best college-level survey of Michigan history, covering the pre-Columbian period to the present.
- Represents the best-selling survey history of Michigan
- Includes updates and enhancements reflecting the latest historic scholarship, along with the new chapter ‘Reinventing Michigan’
- Expanded coverage includes the socio-economic impact of tribal casino gaming on Michigan’s Native American population; environmental, agricultural, and educational issues; recent developments in the Jimmy Hoffa mystery, and collegiate and professional sports
- Delivered in an accessible narrative style that is entertaining as well as informative, with ample illustrations, photos, and maps
- Now available in digital formats as well as print
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2017
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Table of Contents
Cover
Title Page
Introduction
1 The Original Michiganians
The Three Fires
Effects of White Contact
Effects of Assimilation
Indians in Modern Michigan
For Further Reading
2 The New Acadia
Samuel de Champlain
Missionaries and their Activities
The Crown Takes Control
Jean Talon—“The Great Intendant”
Talon and the West
The Revival of Missionary Activity
Père Marquette
La Salle and Frontenac
Cadillac and Frontenac
End of the French Empire
For Further Reading
3 Under the Union Jack
Pontiac's Uprising
Proclamation of 1763
Michilimackinac and Major Robert Rogers
The Quebec Act and the American Revolution
For Further Reading
4 Wilderness Politics and Economics
The War of 1812
The Continuing British Threat
The American Fur Company
Toledo and Statehood
For Further Reading
5 Challenges of Statehood
Internal Improvements
The Copper Kingdom
The Ontonagon Boulder
Iron Mining
Transportation
The Sault Ste. Marie Canal
A New Capital
The Constitution of 1850
A New Look
For Further Reading
6 Decade of Turmoil
Evils of “Old John Barleycorn”
Bastion of Free Men
King of the Beaver Islands
Under the Oaks
For Further Reading
7 Defense of the Nation
War Politics
The Struggle for Freedom
Life and Labor During the War
For Further Reading
8 Radicals and Reformers
Black Suffrage Agitation
The Quest for Women's Suffrage
Senatorial Contests of 1869 and 1871
The Liberal Republican Movement
The Campaign of 1874
Zachariah Chandler: Down but Not Out
From Chandler to Pingree
The Pingree Era
For Further Reading
9 Early Ethnic Contributions
Michigan and Immigration Encouragement
Germans
Canadiens
and Canadians
Dutch
Cornish and Irish
Scandinavians
The New Immigration
For Further Reading
10 Grain, Grangers, and Conservation
Climate and Soil
Effects of the Civil War
The Patrons of Husbandry
Kellogg and Post
Agriculture in the Late Twentieth and Early Twenty‐first Centuries
Waste of Wildlife
For Further Reading
11 Development of Intellectual Maturity
School Laws and Financing
Teachers, Students, and the “Little Red Schoolhouse”
Higher Education
Women's Education
Special Education
Recent Educational Advances
Social and Cultural Enrichment
For Further Reading
12 Wood and Rails
Finding the Timber
Cutting and Milling
Fire
Nature or Money
Timber in Modern Michigan
Riding the Rails
The Great Railroad Conspiracy
The Golden Age of Railroads
Upper Peninsula Railroads
Decline of the Railroads
For Further Reading
13 The World of Wheels
Olds’ “Mobile”
Henry and His “Lizzie”
Ford and Society
Growth of an Industrial Giant
Chrysler and American Motors
The Automobile Industry's Effect on Society
For Further Reading
14 From Bull Moose to Bull Market
Early Michigan Progressives
Chase S. Osborn—“Mr. Progressive”
The Campaign of 1912
Crisis in Calumet
The End of “Demon Rum”
Women's Suffrage
World War I
The Newberry‒Ford Senatorial Struggle
The Red Scare of 1919–1920
Hooch, Hoodlums, and Hoods
The Bath School Massacre
The Politics of Normalcy
For Further Reading
15 Depression Life in an Industrial State
The Stigma of Poverty
The New Boy Governor
The Plight of Detroit
Riot at the Rouge
Closing the Banks
The Voice from the Pulpit
Black Legion
Sit‐Down Strikes
Growth from Troubled Times
For Further Reading
16 Inequality in the Arsenal of Democracy
Michigan in the War
The War Within Michigan
Corruption and Murder
For Further Reading
17 Fears and Frustration in the Cold War Era
The Father of Bipartisan Foreign Policy
The Green and White Polka Dot Bow Tie
Red Baiting
The End of an Era
For Further Reading
18 The Turbulent 1960s
Economic Growth and Stagnation
Educational Advances
Another New Constitution
A Citizen for Michigan
Playing Politics While a City Burned
For Further Reading
19 Challenges of the 1970s
Crime and Urban Blight
Automobile Economics
The “Ghetto Governor”
Cattlegate
The Disappearance of Jimmy Hoffa
A Ford in the White House
The Conscience of the Senate
For Further Reading
20 Toward the Twenty‐First Century
The Republican Convention of 1980
The Eighties’ Disastrous First Year
The Newest “Boy Governor”
The Women's Hall of Fame
The Election of 1990
Years of Reform
Solving the Mystery of the “
Fitz
”
“Dr. Death”
The Election of 1994
The New “Conscience of the Senate”
A Third Term for Engler
Looking Ahead
For Further Reading
21 Entering the New Millennium
The Election of 2000
Economic Prospects
Environmental Protection
Social Issues
Politics in the Early Twenty‐first Century
Economic Woes
Election of 2006
Other Socioeconomic Difficulties in the New Millennium
Revival of the Motor City
Return to the “City of Champions”
Prospects for the Future
The Lost Decade
For Further Reading
22 Reinventing Michigan
Emergence of the “Tough Nerd”
Relentless Positive Action
Election of 2012
Right‐to‐Work
Relentless Positive Action Continued
The Nation's “Most Miserable City”
Promise for the Future
For Further Reading
Appendix A: Governors of the Territory and State of Michigan
Appendix B: Counties, Dates of Organization, and Origins of County Names
Appendix C: Michigan's State Song
Appendix D: Michigan's State Symbols
Index
End User License Agreement
List of Illustrations
Chapter 1
Figure 1.1 Indian tribes in the Great Lakes region from the time of European exploration to 1673.
Figure 1.2 Indians ceded their lands to the United States government by a series of treaties. This map shows how the federal government obtained title to Michigan from the state's original owners.
Figure 1.3 The poverty of rural Indians in modern Michigan is evident in this photo of a typical home in the upper peninsula.
Chapter 2
Figure 2.1
Figure 2.2 The Battle of Ticonderoga, 1609. This 17th‐century sketch depicts Champlain defeating the Iroquois in 1609. The European concept of superiority is evident as Champlain is almost singlehandedly defeating the foe.
Figure 2.3 “L'arrivée des Filles du Roi” (“The Arrival of the Brides”), by Eleanor Fortescue Brickdale. Talon and Laval receive King's Daughters as they arrive from Quebec in 1667.
Figure 2.4 Simon‐François, Daumont de Saint‐Lusson as pictured by C. W. Jefferys. In 1671, Lusson arrived at Sault St. Marie and claimed the region for the king of France.
Canada's Past in Pictures
, Toronto, Ottawa, Canada: The Ryerson Press, vers1934, p. 52. Université d'Ottawa, CRCCF, Collection générale du Centre de recherche en civilisation canadienne‐française.
Figure 2.5 A broadside view of La Salle's
Griffon
, watercolor by M. Karl Kuttruff.
Figure 2.6 The arrival of Cadillac's wife in Detroit.
Chapter 3
Figure 3.1 British: The Great Lakes Region.
Figure 3.2 French traders at work as illustrated in
Histoire de l’Amérique septentrionale
, 1722.
Figure 3.3 Conspiracy of Pontiac. Unable to attack Fort Detroit by surprise, Pontiac presented a list of Indian grievances to the post commander, Major Henry Gladwin.
Figure 3.4 The Land Gate and palisade where the Chippewa, Sauk, and Fox gained access to Fort Michilimackinac during the battle of 1763.
Figure 3.5 George Rogers Clark accepts the sword of surrender from the British Lt. Gov. Henry Hamilton outside the gates of Fort Sackville. George Rogers Clark National Historical Park, National Park Service.
Chapter 4
Figure 4.1 War of 1812.
Figure 4.2 In the foreground an American fur trapper and Indian wife are towing a loaded Indian‐style bull boat. At center is a Mackinaw skiff, with keelboats to the right. “Old Fort Benton,” 1855, painting by John Ford Clymer.
Chapter 5
Figure 5.1 An announcement marking the opening of the Erie Canal. Towns all along the length of the new Canal held special festivities to mark the occasion. This broadside calls for citizens of Geneva, New York, to celebrate by means of illuminating their homes and partaking in a public dinner and ball on October 26, 1825.
Figure 5.2 Modern‐day Soo Locks at Sault Ste. Marie.
Figure 5.3 Soo Locks, old state lock at Sault Ste. Marie, 1855.
Chapter 6
Figure 6.1 This private home, The Bonine House, located just outside of the town of Vandalia, once functioned as a station of the Underground Railroad.
Figure 6.2 The famous Underground Railroad had several routes to transport runaway slaves to freedom. On this map, the heavy lines indicate the routes used during the years 1840–60.
Figure 6.3 In this broadside supporters of the Underground Railroad, known as “Stockholders,” are asked to contribute clothing, tools, and farm equipment to twenty‐nine former slaves who arrived safely in Canada via the Detroit Underground Railroad.
Figure 6.4 James Jesse Strang ruled a Mormon settlement on the Beaver Islands and made both himself and the Mormons a political force in Michigan.
Figure 6.5 After the founding of the Republican Party at Jackson, mass meetings, such as the one called at Mason, were held throughout the state to rally support for the new party.
Chapter 7
Figure 7.1 “Come and Join Us Brothers,” a Union recruiting tool published by the Supervisory Committee for Recruiting Colored Regiments. Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, Duke University.
Figure 7.2 Major General George A. Custer, c. 1864.
Figure 7.3 Sara Emma Edmonds Seelye, shown here as Private Franklin Thompson.
Chapter 8
Figure 8.1 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, seated, and Susan B. Anthony, late 1800s.
Figure 8.2 Republican rally in Coldwater, 1896.
Figure 8.3 Hazen Pingree capitalized on his political position by having his company name its best shoe the “Governor.” Pingree shoes were said to be “honest and feel best.”
Chapter 9
Figure 9.1 In 1827, Washtenaw County residents formed a society to furnish information on the soil, climate, and desirability of life in Michigan to prospective emigrants.
Figure 9.2 Native language appeals, such as this one in German, were made by the state in an effort to attract immigrants.
Figure 9.3 A typical “Cousin Jack,” 1900. The Cornish were well known for their tin and copper mining acumen and ranked among the world's greatest hard‐rock miners. During the mid‐1800s the mines failed in Cornwall and many “Cousin Jacks” and “Jennies” immigrated to the mining regions of North America.
Figure 9.4 “Just up. Ascending from the Depths of a Copper Mine.” Postcard showing miners of the Calumet and Hecla Mine, shaft No. 2, in Calumet.
Figure 9.5 Suomi College and Theological Seminary, a Finnish school, located in Hancock, Michigan.
Chapter 10
Figure 10.1 The McCormick Reaper was first used by Cyrus McCormick in 1831. By 1849 over 2,000 McCormick Reapers had been sold. One man drove the horse while another raked the grain off in sheaves to be tied into bundles, ushering in a new era in farming.
The Abilene Reflector
(Abilene, Kan.), 29 May 1884. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers.
Figure 10.2 The Gale Manufacturing Company began in 1853. The Albion manufacturer was one of the nation's foremost producers of farm equipment. Stock Certificate, 1900.
Figure 10.3 The Delos Snyder farmhouse about 3 miles south of Albion, as it looked in 1890. The home was replaced in 1896 with a new farmhouse that still sits there today.
Figure 10.4 By the turn of the twentieth century, Michigan farmers were using both the traditional horse‐drawn wagons and modern machinery in their fields.
Figure 10.5 Grange meetings, such as this one held in December 1888 at the Ingham County Pomona Hall, were major social events for those in Michigan's rural communities.
Figure 10.6 Postum, a beverage made primarily of roasted wheat and molasses, was created by C. W. Post as a caffeine‐free coffee substitute. Postum was in production until 2007.
Figure 10.7 “Arctic Grayling,” by Robert W. Hines. U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.
Chapter 11
Figure 11.1 School operating costs, tuition payments, and courses offered in the Pontiac Union School in 1851 are detailed in this announcement to the parents of schoolchildren in the district.
Figure 11.2 Students and teacher of Oakgrove School, Cooper Township, Kalamazoo County, ca. 1900. From the collection of the Kalamazooo Valley Museum, #61.373.E.
Figure 11.3 District #3 school, Pavilion Township, MI, ca. 1895. From the collection of the Kalamazooo Valley Museum, #64.171
Figure 11.4 Michigan Agricultural College (Michigan State University), East Lansing, c. 1912.
Figure 11.5 One of the world's premier industrial architects, Albert Kahn is responsible for changing the urban landscape of the Motor City.
Figure 11.6 The General Motors Headquarters in Detroit was the second largest office building in the world when it was completed in 1922.
Chapter 12
Figure 12.1 Before large numbers of whites arrived in Michigan, the region was covered by forests.
Figure 12.2 During the 1887 cutting season this teamster and his horse‐drawn sled would transport as much as 100,000 pounds of sixteen‐foot logs at one time.
Figure 12.3 “First Train West of the Alleghenies,” Michigan's first railroad, the Erie and Kalamazoo, had a wood‐burning engine and a converted stagecoach serving as a passenger car.
Figure 12.4 Durand, with its architecturally striking Union Station, has been the center of Michigan's railroad activity for more than a century. Durand Union Station and Museum.
Figure 12.5 The Port Huron Electric Railway Company operated the first interurban system in Michigan.
Chapter 13
Figure 13.1 A lineup of gasoline and electrical vehicles marketed by the Olds Motor works in 1900. The next year saw the first large‐volume production of cars in America.
Figure 13.2 Early automobiles often fell victim to the state's poor roads.
Figure 13.3 Henry Ford and his son Edsel with the original quadricycle and a Model T, circa 1920. From the collections of The Henry Ford Motor Company.
Figure 13.4 Cadillac Sales and Service Building, Detroit, 1910s. As Americans bought millions of cars, dealerships grew and many installed elegant showrooms.
Chapter 14
Figure 14.1 During his 1912 campaign for the presidency, Theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party candidate, made a tour of the upper peninsula and spoke at several rallies, including this one at Marquette.
Figure 14.2 Billy Sunday brought his animated and energetic preaching style to Detroit in 1916 at the height of his fame and conducted his assault on “demon rum” and the need for Prohibition.
Figure 14.3 Authorities seize the armored car of the Purple Gang, 1936. Known as “the Safe,” it was well equipped for vice activity: a short‐wave radio, bullet‐proof glass, and metal plates on the tires. The Graham‐Paige sedan was as infamous as its passengers.
Chapter 15
Figure 15.1 The Ford Rouge Plant. The Rouge complex is comprised of more than two dozen Albert Kahn‒designed buildings.
Figure 15.2 A Black Legionnaire in ceremonial garb presented both a ludicrous and terrifying image.
Figure 15.3 Flint sit‐down strike of 1935. Strikers of Fisher Body Plant Number 3 guard a window entrance to keep out management and any others who may attempt to break the strike.
Figure 15.4 President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Democratic gubernatorial candidate Frank Murphy, 1936.
Figure 15.5 This picture, taken by a
Detroit News
photographer, shows (l‐r) Robert Kanter, a UAW organizer, Walter Reuther, the president of West Side Local, UAW, Richard Frankensteen, the organization director of the UAW, and J. J. Kennedy, an assistant to Frankensteen, being approached by three of Henry Ford's security police at River Rouge. Minutes later violence erupted and the bloody “Battle of the Overpass” took place.
Figure 15.6 During the Great Depression, many unemployed persons were hired by the federal Works Progress Administration to do jobs in light industry. These WPA workers are shoveling snow along Gratiot Avenue in Detroit.
Chapter 16
Figure 16.1 The first M‐3 medium 28‐ton tank rumbled out of the Chrysler Tank Arsenal on April 12, 1941, and was presented by the Chrysler Corporation as a gift to the United States Army. The Army claimed that this tank was the most powerful weapon of its type in the world and was a rolling fortress.
Figure 16.2 German prisoners‐of‐war were detained at Camp Custer in Battle Creek. Many of these prisoners would be sent to work on farms and factories.
Figure 16.3 Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #03808.
Figure 16.4 The pride and jubilation over the end of World War II is evident in the faces of Detroit's Cadillac Square and the headlines of the
Detroit Times
.
Chapter 17
Figure 17.1 Senator Patrick McNamara, Governor G. Mennen Williams, and Democratic Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy on Mackinac Bridge, 1960.
Figure 17.2 The John C. Lodge Expressway, also known as the M‐10, where it intersects I‐94 in Detroit, is typical of the maze of interstate highways that ribbon Michigan.
Chapter 18
Figure 18.1 Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. and Governor John B. Swainson.
Figure 18.2 During the Detroit riot of 1967 entire city blocks were leveled by fire.
Chapter 19
Figure 19.1 Detroit Renaissance Center (right), one of the largest privately funded real estate projects in history. It contains multi‐use spaces and is a landmark of downtown Detroit.
Figure 19.2 Grape harvesting, 2002.
Figure 19.3 Jimmy Hoffa photographed at his home, June 9, 1974. Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University.
Chapter 20
Figure 20.1 The Four Presidents (Nixon, Reagan, Ford, Carter) toasting in the Blue Room, 10/08/1981.
Figure 20.2 The
Edmund Fitzgerald
, which sank on November 10, 1975, with its entire twenty‐nine member crew.
Figure 20.3 Dr. Jack Kevorkian and his suicide machine.
Figure 20.4 Detroit Democrat, Senator Carl Levin.
Figure 20.5 Candice Miller, former secretary of state and now representative of Michigan's 10th congressional district.
Figure 20.6 Jennifer Granholm, former Attorney General and Governor of Michigan, giving the State of the State Address, January 27, 2004.
Chapter 21
Figure 21.1 The Fort Gratiot Lighthouse.
Figure 21.2 A panoramic scene of Detroit as it was in 1906.
Chapter 22
Figure 22.1 Michigan Republican gubernatorial candidate Rick Snyder speaks to supporters at his election‐night event after the day's primary election, August 3, 2010, in Ypsilanti, Michigan. Snyder edged out Michigan Attorney General Mike Cox and U.S. Congressman Pete Hoekstra to face Democratic nominee and Lansing mayor Virg Bernero in the November general election. Tony Ding/AP/Press Association Images (PA‐9267375).
Figure 22.2 Protesters gather in the Michigan Capitol Rotunda in Lansing as they rally against Governor Rick Snyder's proposal to empower emergency financial managers to void union contracts. The governor's plan helped inspire a 2012 ballot initiative to put collective bargaining rights in the state constitution. Al Goldis/AP/Press Association Images (PA‐14924591).
Figure 22.3 Demonstration at Wayne State University's Law School in Detroit, where state‐appointed emergency manager Kevyn Orr was scheduled to speak at a public informational meeting, June 10, 2013. Orr told people attending the meeting that chances Detroit could avoid bankruptcy were 50/50. David Guralnick/AP/Press Association Images (PA‐16774188).
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Michigan
A History of the Great Lakes State
FIFTH EDITION
Bruce A. Rubenstein
University of Michigan—Flint
Lawrence E. Ziewacz
This edition first published 2014© 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Edition history: Harlan Davidson, Inc. (1e 1981, 2e 1995, 3e 2002, 4e 2008)
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Cover image: Canoes at Lake Richie Canoe Camp, 1995 © Phil Schermeister/CORBIS
Introduction
Writing a state history is generally thought to be a thankless task. Geographic areas complain of being slighted; every city views itself as living in the shadow of the major metropolis; and ethnic groups are perceived as either receiving too little or too much emphasis. Yet, it is these very complaints which make the recitation of a state's history worthwhile. In a very real sense, these voices of discontent are the state's history. Throughout Michigan's existence as a state, the western portion of the lower peninsula and the entire upper peninsula have felt dominated by the power and influence of the eastern lower peninsula, especially Detroit. It is this continuing sense of being neglected which has given rise to movements in the upper peninsula to break away and become a separate state. Moreover, for better or worse, much of Michigan's history is the history of Detroit, and it is understandable that smaller cities should feel frustration as they pale by comparison to the Motor City. Likewise, even though ethnic groups, both white and nonwhite, have contributed mightily to the state's growth, their contributions have been minimized because of a “melting pot” syndrome which demands that native cultures be abandoned so that everyone can become “American.”
While mindful of these past truisms, this book endeavors to present Michigan's history in a different fashion. To be sure, there are the traditional accounts of the impact of the French and British, the rise of the automobile industry, and the tales of lumbering and mining—no story of Michigan would be complete without them. However, this volume intends to go beyond the well‐known aspects of the state's development; it intends to tell the story of the people of Michigan. Special emphasis is given to American Indians and their fight to survive in a “white man's world,” the struggle for black rights and women's suffrage, and the contributions of white ethnics. This book is not intended only to glorify the state, its people, and its accomplishments, for that would be a distortion of reality. Thus, stories are told of Ku Klux Klan and Black Legion violence, the anti‐Semitism of prominent Michiganians such as Henry Ford and Father Charles Coughlin, the disregard for civil liberties during the “Red Scares” of 1919–20 and the McCarthy period, and the riots, both racial and otherwise, which have plagued the state since 1837.
This most recent edition includes new material covering such diverse topics as the Bath School Massacre in 1927, corruption in the Michigan legislature during World War II and the assassination of State Senator Warren Hooper, Michigan politics in the twenty‐first century, the fall of Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick and the economic and societal travails of Detroit, and the prospects for a restoration of the state to its past national prominence.
Like all states, Michigan has grown because of the boldness, wisdom, strength, and creativity of its citizens. Missionaries, explorers, warriors, states‐ men, politicians, inventors, business entrepreneurs, civil libertarians, educators, artists, and laborers in factories and fields have joined to shape Michigan's heritage. This book is their story—the history of the Great Lakes State.
1The Original Michiganians
For generations, most schoolchildren have been told by well‐meaning teachers that their national heritage began in 1492 with Christopher Columbus’ discovery of America. Scandinavian scholars have objected to this interpretation, claiming that Leif Ericson arrived in North America before Columbus. In an effort to retain their national pride, Italian historians countered by promoting another of their countrymen, Amerigo Vespucci, as the true discoverer of America. European arguments over who discovered the North American continent are interesting, but they ignore a basic fact: non‐Europeans lived on the continent for at least 14,000 years before any European arrival. Thus, it is impossible for any European nation to claim “discovery.” Some scholars refute this argument by saying that Europeans can still boast discovery because they had never before seen North America. The foolishness of this contention was shown in 1975 when an Iroquois college professor from New York boarded a plane, flew to Rome, and upon arrival, announced that because his people had never been to Italy before he was claiming that land for the Iroquois Nation by right of discovery!
Ironically, Indians, so named by Columbus because he was certain that he had landed in India, lived in western Europe long before any Europeans established permanent colonies in North America. English fishermen, working the Newfoundland coast in the early 1500s, captured several natives and took them to England as examples of the “savage inhabitants” of the New World. After a few years, the amusement of viewing Indians diminished and another fishing expedition returned the captives to their homeland. Immediately these Indians spread tales of their adventures and told fascinated friends and relatives of the “world across the sea.” English culture and language clearly had intrigued the captives and they taught “white man's words” to their people. Therefore, when the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock in 1620 they were astounded when a descendant of one of those early visitors to England greeted them in English and assured them that others in his village spoke the language fluently. While it would be an exaggeration to say that Indians knew English “fluently,” it is fair to say that Europeans do not even have a valid claim to being the first English‐speaking residents of North America.
Throughout the years whites have been puzzled as to how Indians arrived on the continent and from whom they were descended. Several far‐fetched ideas have been put forth to answer these questions. An early popular theory was that Indians came by ferry from Europe. Disbelievers said that such a hypothesis was ridiculous and that the only logical answer was that Indians were descendants of people from the lost continents of Mu and Atlantis. In the 1600s, Puritans asserted that Indians were descendants of the “Lost Tribe of Israel,” who had wandered so long and far that they had been stripped of all godly qualities and had become savage “Children of the Devil.” This theory was accepted for over two centuries, although it, like the others mentioned, has absolutely no basis in fact.
By the late twentieth century, there were two accepted theories on how Indians arrived on the North American continent. Most anthropologists believe that small bands of Indians crossed the Bering Straits from Siberia approximately 14,000 years ago. Such a crossing was made possible because during the Ice Age sea levels declined and land bridges were formed linking Asia and North America. Since the continents are separated by a mere fifty‐six miles, it is assumed by many anthropologists that ancestors of the modern Eskimo were the first settlers of North America. Many Indians, however, accept a second theory. They believe that the Creator placed them on the continent, and that they have always been its inhabitants. Whichever theory is valid perhaps cannot be conclusively resolved. However, one point is indisputable: Indians were the original native North Americans.
The Three Fires
When Europeans first arrived on the North American continent, approximately 100,000 Indians, or 10 percent of the total Indian population north of Mexico, lived in the Great Lakes region. Of the several tribes residing in what is now Michigan, the most numerous and influential were the Ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi. These tribes, which originally were united, split sometime before the sixteenth century, with the Ottawa remaining near Mackinac and in the lower peninsula, the Chippewa going west and north into Wisconsin and the upper peninsula, and the Potawatomi moving down the eastern shore of Lake Michigan. All continued to live harmoniously, without defined territorial boundaries, and never failed to recognize their common Algonquian language, dialect, and culture. They thought of themselves as a family, with the Chippewa the elder brother, the Ottawa the next older brother, and the Potawatomi the younger brother, and referred to their loose confederation as the “Three Fires.”
Figure 1.1 Indian tribes in the Great Lakes region from the time of European exploration to 1673.
The Chippewa, or Ojibwa, who inhabited the northern upper Great Lakes area, were the largest Algonquian tribe, estimated at between 25,000 and 35,000 at the time of European arrival in the New World. In order to survive in their harsh environment, the Chippewa lived in small bands, usually consisting of five to twenty‐five families, who could sustain themselves on the available food sources. During the summer, bands moved to good fishing sites and used hooks, spears, and nets to catch whitefish, perch, sturgeon, and other food fish. Men also hunted small game, while the elders, women, and children gathered nuts, berries, and honey. A portion of the gatherings and fish catch was dried and set aside for use in the winter. In the autumn, wild rice and corn were harvested, and hunts for large game, such as deer, moose, and caribou, were organized. As the “Hunger Moon” of winter set in, food grew scarce and families shared what little resources they possessed with their relatives. Sharing those items most valuable and scarce was an economic and physical necessity among band‐level people in order to survive. In the spring, maple sap was collected, boiled, and made into syrup and sugar for their own use and trade. While Chippewa in the lower peninsula engaged in limited farming, most of the tribe acquired agricultural staples through trade with the Ottawa and Wyandot.
Like all band‐level people, the Chippewa did not possess highly organized political structures. Leadership in their classless society was based on an individual's hunting or fishing skill, physical prowess, warring abilities, or eloquence in speech. Leaders had no delegated power but maintained influence through acts of kindness, wisdom, generosity, and humility. Positions of leadership always were earned and could not be passed from generation to generation as a hereditary right.
Chippewa social structure centered around approximately twenty “superfamilies” called clans. Each child belonged to his or her father's clan, and thus clans traced the line of an individual's descent. Furthermore, because marriage had to occur between different clans, a strong intratribal unity was fostered.
The second of the Three Fires, the Ottawa, was estimated to number nearly four thousand at the time of white arrival. Living in bark‐covered lodges in the northwestern two‐thirds of the lower peninsula, the Ottawa followed a subsistence pattern similar to that of the Chippewa, except that during the summer months they engaged in extensive farming. The Ottawa became known as great traders and their name, Adawe, means “to trade.”
Ottawa social and political structures were similar to those of the Chippewa, as was the Ottawa religion. The religion of the Ottawa and Chippewa was extremely sophisticated. Because Indians had always lived in nature, they thought of themselves as merely one of many elements constituting the environment. The white concept of man being a special creation apart from nature was foreign to every Indian belief of man's role in the universe. They believed that a Great Spirit, Kitchi Manitou, created the heavens and earth, and then summoned lesser spirits to control the winds and waters. The sun was the father of mankind, the earth its mother. Thunder, lightning, the four winds, and certain wildlife were endowed with godlike powers. In the Indians’ animistic belief structure any object, especially crooked trees and odd shaped rocks, could possess religious significance.
To Indians, religion was primarily an individual matter. At puberty each child journeyed to an isolated sacred place where a vision was sought through fasting. In most instances, a spirit would appear and grant the supplicant a personal spirit song and instructions for assembling a strong protective medicine bag. This spirit became the person's lifelong guardian, and it was a source of great comfort for the individual to know that a spirit was taking personal interest in his life.
Not all spirits were benevolent. Mischievous spirits, or “tricksters,” were ever present. These demigods were believed responsible for the annoyances of daily life, and all frightening sounds and accidents were caused by these playful, yet malevolent, sprites. Snakes and owls were thought to be earthly forms assumed by evil gods. Man‐eating monsters were believed to dwell in certain sectors of the Great Lakes, and no journey was begun without first making offerings to appease them.
The most common offering was tobacco. Manitous, or gods, were said to be fond of this dried leaf, and it became the link between mortals and spiritual powers. Before each harvest it was placed on the ground as a gesture of thanks, accompanied with a request for Mother Earth to accept their offer. Tobacco was put on streams to assure plentiful harvests of wild rice and bountiful catches of fish, on graves to placate the dead, and at all holy sites. The Ottawa and Chippewa considered tobacco so sacred that they insisted on smoking it with whites at treaty councils to signify that the accord was sanctioned “in the eyes of the Great Spirit.” Later missionaries, however, refused to honor what they considered “savage superstitions” and collected the tobacco offerings for distribution among their half‐blood interpreters.
Chippewa and Ottawa religion was a refined system of cultural beliefs, based more on feelings than a formalized creed, which was perpetuated by oral tradition and adapted to fulfill the spiritual needs of its followers. It was no more primitive than the ancient Greek and Roman religion which also used polytheism, legendary cultural heroes, and symbolic rituals to explain the “unexplainable.” Indians personified the elements because they were in awe of them and wished to demonstrate to the gods their desire to live in harmony, not competition, with nature. Unfortunately for later Indian‒white relations, only the Catholic Jesuit missionaries made any attempt to understand the Indians’ feelings toward their environment.
Missionary work among the Indians of Michigan was doomed to ultimate failure because it demanded that Indians undergo a total social and cultural revolution. Missionaries did not separate the concepts of Christianity and civilization. They thereby committed themselves to destroying the Indians’ culture in order to save their souls and prepare them for life in white society. When the mass of Indians refused to comply with the wishes of the preachers, churchmen angrily said that their task was hopeless because “when a tribe or nation has reached a certain point in degradation, it is impossible to restore it.” In truth, their failure was because of an inability to comprehend the intricate sensibilities of the Indian religion. Consequently, among all aspects of Indian culture, religion best withstood the onslaught of assimilation.
Like other Great Lakes Indians, the Ottawa believed that the most important social custom was reciprocity. This was basically the idea of doing something for someone, or giving them something, with the expectation that they would do something in return. There were three types of reciprocity practiced among the Indians. First was general reciprocity. This was usually done between close relatives and assumed a balanced exchange. The distinguishing feature of this type of reciprocity is that part of the transaction could be based on future considerations; that is, one person would do something immediately and trust the other party to do something of equal worth for him in the future. The second type was balanced reciprocity. This was the most common form and consisted of a straight trade of goods and services assumed to be of equal value. Such a trade was made between distant relatives, or nonrelatives, who were not as well known to each party. The final type was negative reciprocity. This was extremely rare and occurred when one party knowingly attempted to cheat the other. When word spread of such behavior, the guilty party was ostracized from future trading functions.
Europeans never fully understood reciprocity because in its broadest sense it implied sharing as a way of life. The root difference between the races in this respect is that Europeans, who believed in private property, hoarded in expectation of gaining increased profits. Indians, by contrast, did not believe in private property, but rather had only communal and personal property. Communal property belonged to the band as a whole. Personal property belonged to an individual and was understood to belong to that person, but could be borrowed by anyone. In other words, everyone in a community had access to everyone else's materials. Likewise, it was unthinkable in Indian society, before white contact, for one person to have two of an item while another person had none. It was understood that everyone would share. Reciprocity and sharing was the heart of Indian economic and social organization.
The third major tribe was the Potawatomi, who received their name from the Chippewa term “Potawatamink,” which means “people of the place of the fire.” Because they were primarily an agricultural people, this name probably derived from their practice of burning grass and brush to clear fields for cultivation.
Potawatomi life, like that of their kinsmen, followed the rhythm of the seasons. During the summer, they formed large villages, usually near fertile lands along rivers and streams. Women planted corn, squash, beans, melons, and tobacco, while the men took to the forests and waterways to hunt and fish. In the fall, final harvesting was made, and the villages were moved into the heart of the forests where winter hunting would be best and protection from winter winds was afforded by the trees. In the spring, maple sap was collected for use as sugar.
The most noteworthy aspect of Potawatomi social structure was the practice of polygamy. If a man married women from different clans, the union joined not only the individuals but also their entire clans. Marriage thus brought together large numbers of people as a family unit. Since it was considered essential to have as many relatives as possible to survive and care for each other in times of need, this practice was extremely beneficial.
Potawatomi culture, like that of the Ottawa and Chippewa, had well‐defined roles for every member of society. Men were expected to hunt, fish, trap, trade, and defend the tribe. Women farmed, cooked, sewed, made camp, and raised children. Youngsters were taught to respect their elders and gain wisdom from them. Having been raised amid an atmosphere of love and respect, Indians perpetuated a society based on strong family ties.
Effects of White Contact
European arrival in the Great Lakes area during the seventeenth century led to gradually increasing disruptions in the comparatively stable Indian culture. Initial changes were not great, but as contact became more prolonged and intense, its effect on Indians was pronounced. Material culture was the first aspect of Indian life to undergo alteration. European trade goods quickly brought the substitution of iron knives and axes for those of stone. Iron farm implements replaced ones made of wood. Iron and brass arrowheads took the place of those from chipped stone. Brass kettles displaced native pottery vessels, and ultimately guns replaced bows, arrows, and lances.
By the mid‐1700s, Michigan's Indians were almost completely dependent upon European trade goods. Many Indians no longer made their own tools, utensils, or weapons, and, as a result, native skills in handicraft gradually diminished. Economic dependency altered the Indians’ relationship to the environment by disrupting the traditional subsistence hunting‐and‐gathering pattern. Because Indians could not obtain European merchandise without supplying furs, which had become the established medium of exchange, they placed an ever‐increasing emphasis on hunting and trapping. Even agricultural bands turned to the forests to provide them with currency to purchase white trade goods. No longer was the food quest the dominant reason to hunt, and no longer was the balance of nature an important consideration. The overriding goal then had to be successful commercial hunting—the increasing slaughter of animals for their pelts. As the fur supply dwindled in their home area, many Indians ventured beyond their own territory into that of their enemies. Often these dangerous treks took them so far from their camps that they could bring back only the furs, while leaving the once invaluable meat behind to rot. Indians took many risks in order to assure continued favor of the white traders.
Figure 1.2 Indians ceded their lands to the United States government by a series of treaties. This map shows how the federal government obtained title to Michigan from the state's original owners.
Base map data source from RS&GIS, Michigan State University (www.rsgis.msu.edu).
Eventually, white contact caused changes in the Indian political structure. The traditional classless society with leaders who led by example was transformed into one with powerful chiefs holding well‐defined positions of authority. Whites expected Indians to have leaders with power to speak for an entire band. To satisfy this expectation, and to expedite trade and treaty making, chiefs were voluntarily granted by their followers previously unknown amounts of responsibility. White contact even resulted in the creation of the position of “trading chief,” whose sole function was to negotiate trade agreements for his band.
Introduction of whiskey among the Indians by European traders also had a marked impact upon their culture. Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, a lifelong observer of Michigan's Indians, wrote that “whiskey is the great means of drawing from him [the Indian] his furs and skins.” The sad result was that Indians often would even sell their personal and family possessions to buy alcohol. Schoolcraft further believed that the introduction and use of alcohol, along with white‐induced diseases, idleness, and a lack of food, accounted for the Indians’ gradual population decline. His observation was accurate, as these forces reduced the number of Indians in Michigan to an estimated 8,000 by 1900. Clearly, Indian involvement in the fur trade started a dramatic, and disastrous, change in native culture.
Effects of Assimilation
In the decade following the Civil War, Michigan's Indians experienced a rebirth of cultural pride. During the first seventy years of the nineteenth century Michigan's Indians had ceded their land to the federal government by treaties, accepted missionaries, and welcomed settlers. They had dealt with whites in good faith and sought to live harmoniously with them. By 1870, however, Indians began to reassess their relationship with whites. They noted that in return for their friendship, government officials had refused to protect them from timber thieves and speculators. Indian agents often used their position to defraud, rather than protect, their wards. Missionaries, who had promised to educate Indians and prepare them for life in white society, often had proved to be false friends, involved in graft and land frauds. Settlers, forgetting the aid given them by Indians in the past, began to depict Indians as obstacles to civilization and progress. Bitter memories of this type of white injustice and ingratitude made Indians resentful of all attempts to assimilate them into a society they had grown to consider corrupt and treacherous. Indian hatred of whites grew in proportion to the increased numbers of frauds and swindles perpetrated upon them. Although they were too poor and ignorant of their rights to protest actively against white treachery, Michigan's Indians were determined to do more than suffer in stoic silence. Most resolved that they would never totally abandon their native heritage and become “red white men.” White culture would be adopted only as it became necessary for survival.
Oblivious to rising Indian hatred, Indian Department officials noted only the superficial change occurring in the Indians’ way of life. They claimed that Indian willingness to accept private property, wear white‐style dress, attend Christian churches, learn English and arithmetic, and work at “white man's labor” was proof that Indians were eager to abandon their old ways and become civilized. Michigan's Indians were touted by department officials in the 1870s as being contented, prosperous “models of assimilation.”
Department officials were incorrect, however, as the state's Indians were not “models.” They attended Christian churches not because they believed that Christianity was a superior religion, but rather to placate their Methodist Indian agents, receive food, shelter, and clothing, and partake in social gatherings and festivals. They went to “white schools” to learn basic skills in order to survive in communities filled with people eager to cheat them. White‐style dress was accepted partly because it was received as gifts and partly because it was not perceived as a threat to native culture. Some worked at “white industries” because they needed money to feed and clothe their families, but most chose labor that involved their native skills of hunting, fishing, forestry, and manufacture of artifacts. What federal officials thought was a willingness to assimilate was, in reality, an attempt to preserve Indian culture while living in white society. Indians accepted elements of white culture to supplement, not supplant, their native beliefs.
Michigan's Indian residents desired only equality from their white neighbors. They wanted fair treatment under the law, wages comparable to those paid whites, and, most of all, they wanted to share in the freedoms promised all Americans in the Bill of Rights. Indians neither possessed religious freedom nor received due process of law. Despite theoretical “full equality” granted by the 1850 state constitution, Michigan's Indians, by virtue of their race, religion, and economic condition, were second‐class citizens. At the turn of the twentieth century, the state's Ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi would have been satisfied with “separate but equal” status, as they believed that their lives would be improved if isolated from the evils of liquor, moral debauchery, disease, and corruption associated with white society.
Sincere friends of the Indians tried to assist them but were thwarted by state politicians and judges controlled by lumber and railroad interests. To most whites, Indians were not human beings, but obstacles to economic growth for the state. Accordingly, avarice took precedence over humanitarianism, and the state's Indians continued to be denied both moral and legal justice.
Indians in Modern Michigan
During the twentieth century, Michigan's Indians fared little better. Following World War I, American industry boomed and income soared, but Michigan's Indians did not share in the prosperity. Because they were not white, they were not hired to work in the automobile plants and other related industries—industries that needed workers so urgently that they recruited them from other states! In desperation, many Indians decided to become “white,” to give up their cultural heritage and try to conceal their Indian blood simply to obtain a job and survive. Even this failed, however, for a study made for Governor William G. Milliken in 1970 related that poverty was still the rule among Indian households, especially in rural areas.
In 1970, nearly 40 percent of Indian households had incomes less than the national poverty level of $3,000 and 29 percent of rural families brought home less than $1,000. In rural regions much of the low income level was because of a high number of retired persons living on Social Security, but omitting these people from the survey left almost 40 percent of the rural households earning less than $3,000. This economic plight grew worse, as the 1980 census revealed 49 percent of Michigan Indian households were near or below the national poverty line, compared to the state average of 11 percent.
Much of the poverty was a direct result of extremely high levels of unemployment among Indians. Approximately 25 percent of heads of Indian households in 1970 were out of work, and among those heads of households under thirty‐five years of age the figure increased to 39 percent. Most of this was because of a lack of training and education. Indian children in Michigan in 1970 had a 60 percent dropout rate from high school. Some left school because they felt alienated, others left because they did not think that a “white education” would benefit them, and still others left because they had to help support their families. Despite the various reasons, they did not receive a diploma, and without at least a high‐school degree, the only jobs available were low paying, unskilled, manual labor.
Poverty directly creates another problem—poor health. Among unemployed heads of households nearly 30 percent reported a physical disability that restricted the types of labor they could do. Poor health affects the entire household of poverty‐stricken people, and the very young are especially hard hit. Infant mortality, which was 20 per 1,000 among the general population in 1970, reached 90 per 1,000 among Indians, and 16 percent of all urban Indian families interviewed for the governor's survey claimed to have lost a child within one year of its birth.
Figure 1.3 The poverty of rural Indians in modern Michigan is evident in this photo of a typical home in the upper peninsula.
Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #10508.
Another problem Indians face is how to get to a potential job. Among employed Indians in 1970, nearly 40 percent had to travel more than five miles daily to get to their place of work and 75 percent of these people owned an automobile that was in good operating condition. However, 60 percent of the unemployed Indians did not have access to an automobile and could not get to a job even if one were offered.
Yet another reason for high unemployment among Indians is the lack of available child care. Nearly 20 percent of Indian heads of households in 1970 were women. However, a mother could not accept a job if she had to pay a babysitter because there was no one available to care for her children. Consequently, many women remained on Aid to Dependent Children or welfare.
In the final twenty‐five years of the twentieth century, however, Michigan's Indians began to make significant strides to better their economic condition, but their success elicited a new wave of anti‐Indian sentiment throughout the state. In May 1979 Federal Judge Noel Fox issued a decision reaffirming the rights of the state's Indians, as set forth by an 1836 treaty, to fish on the Great Lakes. The Department of Natural Resources and the state's sport fishermen protested the decision on the incorrect assumption that it granted Indians unregulated and unlimited fishing, a practice that could quickly deplete the lakes. Many upper peninsula residents, especially near Sault Ste. Marie, threatened physical violence to stop Indian fishermen.
Virtually all of the fears of sport fishermen were unwarranted. Judge Fox's decision did not permit unregulated fishing, but rather instructed Indians to work with the Department of the Interior to establish mechanisms for self‐regulation, management, and enforcement. Moreover, Indians were commercial fishermen, and it would have been contrary to their best interests to overfish the lakes. Nevertheless, conservation groups kept up their relentless criticisms.
In an attempt to quell the unrest, in 1985 a fifteen‐year plan for joint use and management of the Great Lakes was agreed upon by the federal government, the state of Michigan, and the Indians. The treaty waters of Lakes Superior, Michigan, and Huron were divided into three management zones with defined uses, fishing techniques, and allowable catch limitations. Indians were granted exclusive rights to commercial fishing on the lakes, and in return they consented to relinquish claims to certain sectors of the lakes and not to do commercial fishing in designated sport fishing areas. As well, Indians pledged both to use trap, rather than gill, nets in selected areas so that sport species of fish could be released safely and to avoid totally fishing in trout rehabitation areas.
To fulfill the terms of the 1985 pact, in August 2000, representatives of the federal government, the State of Michigan, and the Indians signed an agreement aimed at rebuilding the fish population in the upper Great Lakes and improving strained relations between whites and Indians living in the northern lower peninsula and upper peninsula. This pact called for Indians to sharply reduce their use of large‐mesh gill nets and replace them with trap nets. The State of Michigan agreed to pay $17 million to buy boats equipped with trap nets and give them to Indian fishermen. For its part, the federal government consented to pay $8.3 million to the tribal governments of the five bands of Ottawa and Chippewa affected by the new agreement.
Another positive economic advance for the state's Indians was casino gambling. Beginning with a single Indian‐owned casino at Sault Ste. Marie on July 4, 1984, reservation casinos expanded rapidly during the following twenty years. In 2011 Michigan's twenty‐two Indian casinos represented a $1.4 billion‐a‐year industry that offered not only employment for 19,800 people, but also
