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Dr. Peet is well known as a writer on American antiquities. He has gathered together from a great variety of sources much interesting and impressive material in regard to the religions of the aboriginal inhabitants of our country. It will be a surprise to the average reader as he peruses these interesting pages to see how elaborate was the religious belief and worship of the untutored races that preceded the era of civilization in America. There is much material in the book upon which to base theories as to the origin of the aboriginal inhabitants of the continent. There is poetic and romantic suggestion in abundance. The student of ethnology or of natural history or of theology and even the merely curious reader will find the book one of great interest. We can but admire the learning of the author, and his diligence in research. Contents: Introduction. Chapter I. Races And Religions In America. Chapter II. Totemism And Mythology. Chapter III. The Serpent Symbol In America. Chapter IV. The Serpent Symbol In America. (Continued. ) Chapter V. Animal Worship And Sun Worship Compared. Chapter VI. American Astrology Or Sky Worship. Chapter VII. The Pyramid In America. Chapter VIII. The Cross In America. Chapter IX. Phallic Worship And Fire Worship In America. Chapter X. The Water Cult And The Deluge Myth. Chapter XI. Transformation Myths. Chapter XII. The Worship Of The Rain God. Chapter XIII. Ethnographic Religions And Ancestor Worship. Chapter XIII - Continued. Anthropomorphic And Mountain Divinities. Chapter XIV. Commemorative Columns And Ancestor Worship. Chapter XV. Personal Divinities And Culture Heroes. Chapter XVI. Culture Heroes And Deified Kings. Chapter XVII. Personal Divinities And Nature Powers In America.
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Myths And Symbols
Or Aboriginal Religions In America
Stephen D. Peet, Ph. D.
Contents:
Introduction.
Chapter I. Races And Religions In America.
Chapter II. Totemism And Mythology.
Chapter III. The Serpent Symbol In America.
Chapter IV. The Serpent Symbol In America. (Continued. )
Chapter V. Animal Worship And Sun Worship Compared.
Chapter VI. American Astrology Or Sky Worship.
Chapter VII. The Pyramid In America.
Chapter VIII. The Cross In America.
Chapter IX. Phallic Worship And Fire Worship In America.
Chapter X. The Water Cult And The Deluge Myth.
Chapter XI. Transformation Myths.
Chapter XII. The Worship Of The Rain God.
Chapter XIII. Ethnographic Religions And Ancestor Worship.
Chapter XIII — Continued. Anthropomorphic And Mountain Divinities.
Chapter XIV. Commemorative Columns And Ancestor Worship.
Chapter XV. Personal Divinities And Culture Heroes.
Chapter XVI. Culture Heroes And Deified Kings.
Chapter XVII. Personal Divinities And Nature Powers In America.
Myths and Symbols, S. Peet
Jazzybee Verlag Jürgen Beck
86450 Altenmünster, Germany
ISBN: 9783849620080
www.jazzybee-verlag.de
IN preparing a book on the Aboriginal Religions of America, the author has been impressed with the thought that very few have ever been written or published upon the subject. It is true that there are many books upon American Mythology, but there is a difference between mythology and religion, for mythology is occupied mostly with the fanciful tales of the people, and belongs mainly to the department of literature; while the aboriginal religions relate to the Divinities about which the myths are concerned. They are very comprehensive, and include not only the ceremonies, sacred dramas, and religious exercises, but also the symbols and external signs and objects of worship, thus making a double title necessary.
It is true that the mythology of the American Aborigines is closely connected with religious ceremonies which are explanatory of them, and in this respect resemble the ceremonies which were common among the Egyptians and Greeks, especially the Eleusinian mysteries. These mysteries were so secret that their significance was unknown, except to the initiated, and yet the probability is that the great tragedies of nature, which consist in the return of the seasons and the war of the elements, and the relation of the activities of the earth to the power of the heavenly bodies, were in reality quite similar to these sacred dramas practised by the natives of this continent.
The Scandinavian mythology, which has become familiar to us through the volumes of the younger Edda, also illustrates this point. It had to do with the powers of nature and the remarkable scenery of the Norseland, but was mingled with traditions and myths which came from the far East. It represented the earliest system of religion which prevailed in Europe and in farther Asia, and yet there was a remarkable difference between that mythology and the religion of the Norsemen, for the mythology is purely literary, as is well known; but their religious rites and ceremonies came from paganism.
This illustrates the difference between the present work and those various volumes which have been prepared on the native mythologies of America, for the object of the author has been to get at the actual religious beliefs from which the mythology sprang, and make these the chief objects of study.
It should be said that great activity has appeared among the specialists in the work of collecting the myths, and witnessing and describing the religious ceremonies, and many volumes have been published by the various museums and societies, but these are so purely local in their character, that they do not really assist us in comprehending the entire system as it prevailed on this continent, though they have served to perpetuate the myths and ceremonies which are fast disappearing, and are likely soon to pass away altogether.
The author would acknowledge his indebtedness to these various reports, and refer the readers to them for further information upon the subject which is at hand. It will be remembered, however, that there were many tribes and nations in Mexico, Central America and Peru who gave up their religious customs at the time of the conquest. Our acquaintance with the Aboriginal Religions of this region is dependent upon the study of the symbols which have been preserved, and the sacred books or codices which are still in existence.
The method of studying the religious systems has been to take the native tribes as they are actually situated geographically, and trace the relation between the myths and the divinities, which were worshiped in the locality, to their surroundings, without undertaking to trace their historical development, or even to show their resemblance to those found on other continents. There was a great variety of religious systems on this continent, each of which seems to have arisen in the very locality where they prevailed at the time of the Discovery, and some of them are prevailing at the present time. There is one peculiarity of all these systems: viz., there were no such religious founders, as have marked the systems which prevailed in the lands of the East; but allowed their existence to natural causes, with the slight mixture of traditions which had reached them from some distant lands.
The most remarkable fact which is brought out by this study, is that the aboriginal religions of America correspond to the earliest forms of religions which prevailed in the lands of the East. But the grades of progress which are manifest in them follow the geographical, instead of chronological lines. The lowest form, such as Demonism, found in the far North among the Eskimos, resembled that which was the earliest in the far East. Next to this was Totemism, which resembled that which prevailed among the wild and wandering tribes of Arabia. There was also a system of Star-Worship and Sky-Worship which prevailed among the mountain tribes of the Interior, which resembled that existing in Central Asia during prehistoric times. The system of Sun-Worship which prevailed among the agricultural tribes of the Gulf States, closely resembling that which existed in Egypt and Babylonia at the opening of history, and many of the same customs were observed
There was a system prevailing among the partially civilized tribes of the Southwest, very similar to that which existed among the Greeks, It consisted in the worship of Culture Heroes and Humanized Divinities, some of whom so resembled human beings, as to be taken for historical personages, or visitors from some foreign land.
Hiawatha and Quetzalcoatl (the Fair God of Mexico) correspond to Buddha, the chief divinity of the Hindoos; at the same time Tezcatlipoca, the War God of the Aztecs, corresponds in character to Loki of the Scandinavians. There were rulers among the Peruvians who were worshipped as Children of the Sun, and had great power over the entire nation because of this superstition. In this respect they resembled the early kings of Egypt, Babylonia, and Greece. The dawn of civilization brought out their shadowy character, so that they were regarded as super-human beings.
The same analogies may be recognized in the symbols and myths which prevailed on the two hemispheres. There "were monsters of the deep which filled the imaginations of the Eskimos, just as there were dragons which haunted the houses and temples of the Chinese, There were also, Bird Divinities which were regarded by the people of the Northwest Coast as their protectors, just as there were among the tribes of Southern Africa. The same analogies can be traced also in the animal divinities, for there were many animal forms which can be recognized among the art products of America, which resemble those found among the palaces of Babylon. They were wild animals, and yet they were regarded as protectors and were worshipped as sincerely as were the Winged Lions and Human Headed Bulls which stood in the palaces of Nineveh.
The most striking analogy between the religious systems of America and those which existed in the far East, consists in the fact that there was a constant progress, and the conception of Divinity grew higher as civilization advanced, and, yet, strange to say, no such character ever appeared on the continent of America, as that which was embodied in the person of Jesus Christ. In fact, it does not seem possible that the ordinary progress of society could have developed such a character, or even brought the conception to the human mind, except by the process of divine inspiration.
The subject of comparative religion has been under discussion for many years, and some of the strongest and best thinkers have written upon it well and forcibly. The field which has received the most attention and occupied the most important position has been the continent of Asia, though Arabia, Africa, and the northern part of Europe have also been studied.
There is, however, a field on the continent of America which has not been studied as closely as it deserves, for it carries us back to a stage of religious development which is more primitive than can be found elsewhere, and at the same time presents a series of stages which are quite as interesting as those found in Eastern countries.
It is the purpose of the author to describe the different systems as they are found on this continent, especially in regard to their geographical situation, and to compare them with those which existed in Oriental countries in the earliest time, and to point out" the resemblances. The thought which is to be held in mind, is that in America we have a field in which religion passed through those stages which are known to have been the lowest, and at the same time had reached a stage which was nearly or quite as high as any that has been found in the pagan or heathen nations of the Old World. This makes this continent a remarkable field for the investigation into the subject of comparative religion, and especially among the lower races.
I. The first point to which we shall call attention, is that the races and tribes which formerly had dwelt here, were not only isolated from other continents, but in a large degree from one another, but developed their religious systems in parallel lines. It is not claimed that there were any mountain barriers which separated the races according to belts of latitude and made them subject to such differences of climate, for the mountain chains all run in a north and south direction, while in the Eastern hemisphere they run in an east and west direction. Still it will be found that the races were so separated from one another that they developed different phases of society, different modes of government, different forms of religion, and to a great degree different languages. There were several causes of separation. In the first place, there were wide belts in which the climate and soil kept certain tribes hugging the sea coast, and others the forest belts and regions in the interior.
The chain of the Great Lakes and the rivers ran east and west, and formed lines along which certain races clustered; the Gulf of Mexico and the Southern sea drawing other tribes. To the west of the Rocky Mountains there were rivers and long valleys in which separate tribes were settled, each having its own mode of life, its own social system and, to a certain extent, its own religious customs; while in the midst of the mountains and on the great plateau of the Interior there were other tribes and races, which adopted religious practices peculiar to themselves. The effect was that a great variety of religious systems arose on this continent; systems which were largely the product of the region, and greatly influenced by the peculiarities of the natural surroundings.
1. To illustrate: the Esquimaux were scattered along the shores of the Arctic Sea, and were confined to the ice fields and to a region where the year was divided into a long winter of darkness and a short summer of daylight. The natural consequence of this was that they developed a form of religion, or superstition, entirely different from any which existed elsewhere. The people here were fishermen and their religion consisted in the superstition which peopled the sea with strange creatures, which they imagined to have supernatural powers and at the same time had the human form. To the south of this was the second district, which extended from the Arctic Sea to the chain of the Great Lakes and as far south as the Ohio River. It was occupied by a people mainly hunters, who lived on the creatures found in the forests and rivers and lakes. It was natural that they should have developed a form of religion which had regard to the wild animals which prevailed in the forest, and that their mythology should have abounded with descriptions of strange creatures which dwelt in the water. Stories were told about fish and serpents which were naturalistic and at the same time fraught with supernatural powers.
2. There were tribes living on the prairies as far west as the Rocky Mountains and as far north as Lake Winnipeg, who might be called nomads and were constantly moving about in pursuit of game, spending a part of the time in villages scattered along the streams, and a part of the time in mountains. All of these tribes were totemistic in their beliefs, and yet their totems varied, for the people who dwelt in the forest took the wild animals which abounded about them, and made them their totems, while those who dwelt on the prairie lands took the buffalo and other animals which roamed on the prairies as their totems. The mythology of the two classes varied almost as much as did the animals themselves. Even the form of government varied — in one case it was matriarchy; in the other, it was patriarchy.
3. Another region is worthy of notice because of the diversity of population and the peculiar form of religion which prevailed. It is the region in which so many mounds were situated — mounds which contained a great variety of relics, on which the greatest number of symbols have been discovered. These symbols are speechless, but they tell the story about the religious system which prevailed, and have great interest for the archaeologist. It appears that there was a great variety ill these symbols, and the conclusion is that there was a great diversity in the religious beliefs of the people who dwelt here. They were symbols which abounded with crosses and circles, crescents and squares, animal figures, spiders, birds, and serpents; all of which had a latent significance. In fact, the symbols all indicate that sun worship was the chief system which prevailed here, though it was modified by the lunar cult, and by a regard for certain animals and insects, which were connected with Nature worship. This is the region where serpent symbols are very numerous, but the pyramid is also found here; the two indicating that there was a greater variety of religious systems than prevailed farther north.
4. The arid region will be considered next. This was separated from the region just described, by a wide range of mountains, but was, and still is, occupied by a people who have a form of religion, as well as a mode of life, distinct from either of those which have been described. Here we find mountaineers who are at present shepherds, but were formerly hunters. The Navajos are the best representatives of them. But in the midst of the mountains the Great Plateau arises, which has been called the "air continent." It is an arid region, yet it is occupied, and has been tor an unknown period, by the Pueblo tribes, who have developed a communistic state of society and are practicing a form of religion which differs from any other on the continent.
5. There was a district in the Valley of Mexico, but which stretched far to the south into the region of Central America. Here society had developed beyond the hunter stage, even beyond the ordinary agricultural stage, into a stage in which there were many different employments, but all under the control of kings and priests. It was a region into which the Spaniards entered, and where they found many things which surprised them. The form of religion which existed here was a matter of greater surprise to the Spaniards, than the social development. The symbolism which prevailed here is very elaborate and worthy of study. There was here a system of writing, which differed from all others in the world, a system which consisted of hieroglyphics, but so mingled with pictographs that it was difficult to decipher. The system which existed here may be regarded as a solar cult, modified by the worship of the elements and a regard for personal divinities, who seem to be the personification of the heavenly bodies and the Nature powers. This is a form of religion which we shall need to study, for it differs from any found elsewhere. We may say, however, that it so resembles that which prevailed in Central America, Peru, and other parts of South America, that it should be classed under the same head. A term has been devised by Major J. W. Powell, which represents the chief peculiarity; the term is "Henotheism." It consisted in the worship of the Nature powers as personified, but making some one of these powers the chief object of worship and ascribing to it a personal character, but also personifying other Nature powers and making them subordinate. Thus the religious system corresponded to the state of society, of which there were different grades and different offices, and at the same time it corresponded with the works of nature and peculiarities of climate, the correlation between the religion and the geographical surroundings being very close.
Now, this is a mere summary, but it shows that there were many different forms of religion and different systems of mythology, on the continent of North America, and that they all corresponded to the geographical surroundings. The origin of these religions and the different stages through which they have passed, is another point, but so far as they have been studied, the systems all were closely conformed to the geographical situation. We are not able to trace any of these systems back to a very early period; certainly no such early period as existed in the lands of the far East, but we do find an adaptation to the surroundings, which are quite as striking as any that can be traced in other lands.
It will be acknowledged that in the continent of Europe there were different systems of religion, and that they corresponded with the physical surroundings. The mythology always abounds with stories which bring the natural scenery into view and give the picture a background, which is not only natural but interesting. Such is the case with the Scandinavian and Teutonic mythology. But much of the mythology of America is equally beautiful and interesting, and at the same time it pictures the American scenery as it was before the white man appeared, and is all the more interesting on that account. It is true that each tribe or group of tribes was confined to a particular locality, and developed its own mythology and religious system, but this gives great variety and furnishes an unbounded field for research and for speculation.
The continent of America, in fact, furnishes more systems of religion and of mythology than any other continent upon the face of the earth, but they are all systems which seem to have grown up in the same region where they are now found, and they are full of allusions to the physical character and topographical features of the region where they are preserved.
II. This brings up the point which is of great interest to the scholars who have studied the subject of comparative religions. One of the first questions is: What is the lowest form of religion, and through what stages did it pass? We, who live in Christian lands, know what the highest form is, but the question is as to the lowest.
On this question there are great differences of opinion, and no two are really in agreement. The study of the problem in connection with the races which were found on this continent, may be of service to u«, especially when we consider the correspondence of their religion to their social state, their domestic life, and their peculiar habits and ways.
We begin with the Hyperboreans, who dwelt on the shores of the Arctic Sea, the most degraded of all the races upon the face of the earth. There never was a people more stupid in their religious ideas than these people at the far North, and none more degraded in their personal character. The dark night, which continued so long and presented such a strange contrast to the ghostly icebergs and cold ice fields, undoubtedly had the effect to keep alive the superstitions which prevailed. It is not strange that with the muttering icebergs and swashing of the waves underneath the icy shores, that there should have arisen a superstition that a supernatural being dwelt under the water, and could be seen at times amid the waves.
The story, as told by the Esquimaux, is that Sedna was a female who accompanied her husband, or liege lord, in a canoe voyage over the northern sea, but while they were in the midst of the waters, there arose a fierce storm and both were likely to be overwhelmed. The canoe was overthrown, both fell into the water, but the man was able to climb into the canoe again, while the woman was only able to cling to the sides. While in this attitude, the storm blew upon them and the waves threatened to engulf them, and death seemed near, but the man, taking his stone knife or axe, cut off the fingers of the woman and thrust her away, so that she sank beneath the waves. The superstition of the natives is that this Sedna, who became a monster and yet retained her character as a woman, still lives under the sea, and whenever a fierce storm arises and the waves toss high amid the blasts, and the wind's shriek, they can not only hear the voice of this first of all created beings, but they can see her face dimly looking out from beneath the sea, the water and the face mingling together to arouse their fears. Sedna is the chief divinity of the Arctic regions. She maybe regarded as the personifications of the sea and the storm, for she is supposed to be as cruel as either, and as ready to seize upon all who come within her reach and draw them down into the dark depths.
There is another system which prevails in the same region. It consists, in the belief that there is not only one living person who can be regarded as a demon or a ghost, but that there are many such, and they continue to inhabit the rocks and the earth, and even the air, and are constantly present to deprive the people of their food, by driving away the deer from their habitations, keeping them from success in fishing, and bringing upon them disease and death. This is another form of demonism, but the demon now becomes visible and inhabits the land as well as the sea, There is no ordinary person who can overcome the demons or banish them from the sky or earth, except the Shaman, and it is his chief mission to protect the people from the evil influence, and counteract it by his own charms. Illustrations of this fact may be found in what may be called the pictographs or bone cuttings, specimens of which are given in the cuts. These carved bones are, perhaps, the rudest of all the specimens of art which have been found on this continent, but are suggestive of the system of religion which prevailed. Some have compared the bone carvings to those which are found in the caves of Europe, and have drawn the inference from the resemblance and other circumstances, that the Esquimaux were the descendants of the old cave dwellers of Europe; but we know nothing about the religion of the cave dwellers and, therefore, can trace no resemblance between the two systems.
We learn from the pictographs and carved bones that the people believed implicitly in the power of the presence of demons, and therefore were led to rely upon the power of the Shamans, or priests, to dispel or drive away the demons, and to bring in the game. We see this illustrated by the cuts, in all of which we see the reindeer, and even the fish and other creatures subject to the Shaman, while the people were subject to his power for their very subsistence. This may be compared to that form of religion which prevailed in the far East in early historic times, which consisted in the belief in demons, and depended upon the power of the priest to exorcise them, survivals of which were recognized late in history, even among the Babylonians. Demonism similar to that which still prevails in the ice fields of the North, prevailed in archaic times in the regions of the far East, especially in Babylonia. This has been made known by the recent discoveries. It is supposed, also, that the various animal figures which are still common here, and have been discovered among the ruins in the midst of the mounds of Babylonia, are really the survival of the totemism which prevailed there.
Similar to this belief in demons and growing out of it, was the habit of cutting the shapes of the human face upon the surface of the rocks, and placing within them great glaring eyes, which seemed to resemble demons looking out from the depth of the earth, suggesting the thought that Sedna, the great demon of the sea, had changed her abode from the sea to the rock, and though silent and speechless, yet was haunting the earth. Some have interpreted this as an evidence that animism was the earliest form of religion, and that it prevailed here, along with demonism. This may, indeed, be a true interpretation, for it is one characteristic of the superstition that there is a hidden soul or spirit in almost every object in creation. It is not often that the soul has lineaments which can be seen, as in this case of the face in the rocks, but it is rather a shadowy ghost and is oftener heard of than seen. Such is the belief of the degraded Africans and many other races, who dwell far away from the seats of civilization.
The system of animism is associated with demonism, and awakens fear in the mind of the savage, just as the shadow and a ghost would awaken a fear in the minds of the partially civilized. The three systems which are to be found in the far North of this continent may well be compared to those which are called the rudest and lowest, i.e., fetishism, animism and totemism.
III. The system of totemism comes up next for consideration. This has been often described, and yet it is poorly understood. It consists in the belief that animals were the first ancestors, and are at present the chief divinities. The names of the animals are given to the clans, with the idea that there is a charm in the name itself. To make this, however, more forcible, the people place the figure of the animal on the tents or in front of the houses, on their graves, and in every place which they occupied. Some of the tribes cut the hair, so as to represent the animal whose totem they worshiped. There are individual totems which are in reality dream gods, for they are seen only after long fasting and in connection with their visions or day dreams. This form of religion is quite widespread, but prevailed mainly among the hunter tribes, but varies according to locality. The totemism which existed among the Algonquins differed from that found among the Iroquois, and this again from that found among the Dakotas, the variations appearing even among the separate tribes. The study of symbolism will bring us into contact with this totemism, and it is important that we should realize how deeply-seated it was in the mind of the people before we undertake to interpret the symbols.
It would seem as if all nature was haunted by supernatural beings, who were regarded by the people as tribal totems and
as personal divinities. These fabulous animals dwell under the waterfalls, in lakes, in caves, in trees, hills, and people the landscape everywhere, so that it seems almost impossible to escape from their presence and power. Reminders of the totems are found upon the tents and houses, the garments, personal decorations and ornaments, and fill even the amusements with strange associations and thoughts. The most singular feature about totemism is that every individual, as well as every clan and tribe, is under the special care and guardianship of some animal. The figure of the same animal is often placed upon the wooden tablets which are placed over the grave of the individual. These grave posts recount the exploits of the individual, as well as the religious beliefs, and in this respect resemble the grave stones and monuments on which the virtues of the deceased are mentioned.
The cuts represent the grave boards which are still common among the Ojibwas. One of these (Fig. 4) represents the totem which is the deer, it is placed upside down, to denote the death of the person. Along with it are marks showing the battles which the person had fought, and below are personal decorations and signs of honor as well as the religious beliefs. Another one (Fig. 5) represents the crane, which was a common and prominent totem in the region. Figures 6 and 7 represent the turtle and the bear, which were also prominent totems. Figures 8 and 9 represent the grave boards of the
Ojibwas, which give the private records as well as the totems of the individual.
It is acknowledged by all students of comparative religion that there is a complete series, which can be traced out by the study of the ancient monuments of the East; but that there was any such series to be found upon this continent, is somewhat novel, and yet the fact that we have the same social conditions here which correspond with those which were common in the East at various dates, makes the continent a very favorable field for the study of the subject. The prevalence of totemism in Old Testament times is shown by the dying words of Jacob, for in them he described the animal figures which were shown on the escutcheon of each tribe. The lion, on the escutcheon of Judah; the serpent, on that of Dan; the wild ass, on that of Issachar; and the hind on that of Naphtali. Totemism prevails among the tribes of Arabia to this day. It also existed in Scandinavia and may be recognized in their mythology, as well as in the ornaments and symbols, especially the symbol of the dragon seen upon their boats.
A modified form of totemism is found in the Mississippi Valley, especially on the Ohio River and the Gulf of Mexico. Here we see amid the stone graves and in the mounds, a great variety of pottery vases, shell tablets, and other relics, on which are inscribed circles and squares and spiral lines, crescents, sun symbols, winged figures, and human images. These suggest a thought that sun worship was mingled with animal worship and that religion had grown out of totemism into sun worship and assumed a new form.
IV. There was a system of religion which prevailed among the tribes of the Northwest coast. It consisted in the worship of supernatural beings in the form of birds, animals, fishes, and double-headed serpents; the four elements — air, earth, water and fire — each being represented by a special divinity. The bird, which is supreme upon the land, is the raven, called Yehl. It dwells in the forest, but reigns supreme over the creatures in the air. The bear is the animal which is regarded as the ruler of the earth. His supernatural character is shown by the manner in which he is pictured, for there always is a great glaring eye looking out from every part of the body of the bear; his paws, his different limbs, his head, and his ears have eyes. In fact, he seems to be all eyes. This is, perhaps, a modification of the previous system in which the eyes were looking out from the solid rock, but in this case the bear seems to be alive, and yet possessed by a hidden spirit. The myths are very different from those which prevailed among the tribes of the Interior, for they relate to the adventures of sea monsters, who had the power of transforming themselves into human beings, and again into animals. This was the case with the totems of the hunter tribes, for transformation was very common and many stories are told of the tricks played by means of this transformation. There was such a correspondence between the animal totems and the Nature powers, that the animals were supposed to dwell at the different points of the compass and send the winds and the rains. These were not strictly totems, at least not personal or individual totems, but the mingling of the totems with the Nature powers personified, formed the basis of a great variety of myths, which are very interesting.
The sea is supposed to hide another divinity called the whale killer. This is a fabulous creature, and is capable of changing its shape, for there are many stories in which the creature appears as a great canoe, but is transformed into a sea animal. There are figures upon the fronts of the houses, which represent this whale killer as held in the claws of the raven, thus indicating that the sea gods and gods of the sky have been drawn close together. In this figure the eye is very conspicuous, but the winged feathers and the vertebrae of the bird and of the whale are also clearly seen. The double-headed serpent is generally carried in the hand, and is a symbol which served an important part in the dances. It is called the sisul and is generally worn in front of the stomach. The human face and eyes may be seen at the center, the animal head and eye at either end, with the serpent body and scales between the heads. This illustrates the habit of bringing together their divinities into one object.
The stories are numerous which celebrate the exploits of these various creatures, but they all convey the idea that they are supernatural beings and to be worshiped as well as feared. There are many dances and religious ceremonies in which the natives cover themselves with blankets and put upon their heads great masks representing the head and jaws of the wolf, This suggests the idea that human beings are sometimes transformed into animals, and reminds us of the transformation which is so common in all parts of the continent, for there were no hard and fast lines between the different animals, or between animals and men. The supposition formerly was that they were designed as the totems of the tribes, but the opinion now is that they embodied the mythologies and represent the villages, as each village was founded by a supernatural being who gave power and authority to the chief, or human founder, to represent him; the result was that the different crests were carved into the poles, some of them representing the supernatural being, the bird or fish, or some other animal; also the crest of the village chief, and the crest of the different descendants of the first chief. It is to be noticed that the humanizing tendency was very strong, so that all the birds and animals and creatures of the sea were spoken of as having human attributes; the eye, the symbol of humanity, being placed in all parts of the bodies, whether beasts or birds.
Mr. Hill-Tout says: "The sculptures and paintings were ancestral and not totemistic in character." The son inherited his father's rank and property, with all his carvings and crests and emblems, which were largely commemorative in character. There was a tendency among all these people to humanize everything. The raven, the wolf and the bear, and all other animals were humanized, and stories were told about them, as if they were human beings. Conversation is held between men and women and the animals, and even between the heavenly bodies — the sun, moon, and the stars. There were no lines which separated the material from the animal, the animal from the human, the human from the divine or supernatural being. An immense amount of mythology has accumulated in this way, for everything on the earth, in the air, in the sea or sky, whether animal, men and women, or heavenly bodies, are mingled together, intermarry and converse, and their adventures are very numerous.
V. There is a form of religion still existing in the interior of the continent, which well deserves our attention, and we hope to describe it more at length in the future. It is found among the Navajos, who dwelt among the mountains of Utah and Colorado. This religion consists in the worship of the elements, such as the clouds, the sky, the rainbow, the mountains, lakes, hills, and also animals, birds, and other creatures, which inhabited them. The mythology is very beautiful and picturesque, and shows that the love of nature abounded with all this people. There is no mythology that is more beautiful than that which comes to us from the tribes who dwelt in the deep interior of the continent. Their mythology was founded upon their religion, and their religion sprang from the love of nature. We may call it superstition, yet it was a superstition that peopled everything with harmless divinities. Even the serpent, which was generally supposed to be treacherous and hostile and dangerous is represented as a benefactor, and always bestowing gifts upon the people; in fact, the serpent is a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is always a welcome visitor. The people watch the sky closely, for their very existence depends upon having rain.
There is a distinction between the religion of the Navajos, who were formerly hunters but now are shepherds, and the Pueblos. The Navajos were mountaineers, yet they retain the same religion they had when in their wild state. Their mythology is very beautiful and abounds with allusions to all the beautiful things of nature — clouds, sunbeams, sparkling waters, crystals, rocks of the mountains, mosses, twigs of trees, animals which inhabit the caves and rocks, birds among the trees, supernatural beings that are in the clouds, divinities that dwell on the mountain tops; all are mingled together, and the strangest fancies are indulged in, in describing them. There seems to have been, also, a deeper apprehension of the meaning of nature than most people have, certainly much deeper and more varied than anything found among the white population of that region or any other. Everything was shadowy and filled with supernatural creatures.
VI. There was a form of religion which prevails among the tribes of the Interior, which consisted in the worship of the Nature powers, under the figure of the serpent.
There are occasional figures upon the pottery found in the mounds, and upon the shields and other ornaments found among the Pueblos, which represent winged figures. These can hardly be called totems, for they are more like mythological creatures. They may be regarded as connecting links between totems and a higher form of symbolism. In will be seen in the figure that the serpents have feathered heads and large wings; the body is open, so as to show the heart. The sun symbol is connected with each winged serpent. The figures on the shields have wings, but they also have the serpent below the feet.
These serpents were also regarded as divinities which ruled over the different parts of creation. There was, however, the same superstition that prevailed elsewhere on the continent, that there were supernatural beings everywhere present, in the sky above, in the depths of the earth below, in different directions upon the -earth; and that all the elements, — the air, the earth, fire, and water, were haunted or possessed by unseen creatures. The main difference between this system and that which prevailed farther north, was that the serpent took its place in the sky, instead of a raven, as it was the personification of the cloud and was supposed to bring the rains. This furnishes an explanation for the celebrated snake dance. The people, it appears, were not satisfied with offering their prayers to the cloud divinities, or making symbols of the rain clouds, when they performed their ceremonies, but they must have some live object which they could hold in their hands and mouth, and realize that they had brought it under their power. This was, perhaps, not thought out deliberately, but came to them from their habit of putting ail their prayers into sacred dramas and religious ceremonies, and making everything as concrete as possible.
It is to be noticed here that no prayer was effective unless it was symbolized and made substantial by something that
could be seen. It was on this account that so many frames, which are called altars, are erected, consisting of painted slats of wood, while in front of them are other figures of the rainclouds, surrounded by rods, the ears of corn and other objects placed as offerings in front of the altars. This form of religion is, perhaps, more reasonable than that which prevailed in the region of the North, for it consists of sacred dramas in which the prayers of the people are acted out, the ceremonies all proving to be very carefully observed, and there is generally a spirit of reverence among the people. The heavenly bodies are closely watched, especially the sun in its movements through the sky. The superstition is that when it approaches the solstitial point, that there must be a prayer and religious ceremony, or it will never return.
The Pueblos have a mythology which abounds with stories about the various animals, such as the wolf, the bear, the mole, as well as the serpent. The eagle is very prominent in their mythology. They carry with them shields upon which are inscribed or painted in different colors human figures, with turreted caps upon their heads, symbolizing the mountains, a bear standing on either side, a serpent below the feet, thus showing that the close association of animals, human beings, and divinities, all mingled together and surrounded by the elements of nature. The serpent figures vary conspicuously in their mythology. Much can be learned from the study of their religious customs, and especially comparing the myths and ceremonies common among them, with those which prevailed among the wild tribes scattered about them.
VII. We shall next consider the religion of the so-called civilized races, such as the Nahuas, Mayas, and others situated in Mexico and Central America, including the Quichuas in Peru. The religion of the Mayas was fundamentally the same as that of the Nahuas. Most of the gods were deified heroes, though we occasionally find traces of an older sun-worship, and the conjecture is that an original astral worship once prevailed.
This is illustrated by the cuts. One of which represents the frescoes on the walls of a buried temple in Honduras. In these frescoes human forms are covered with animal heads and surrounded by figures representing plumed serpents. Another cut (Fig. 12) represents paintings from Monte Alban in Mexico. In these an animal headed creature seems to be facing a draped altar. The significance of the picture is unknown. Another cut (Fig, 13) represents a row of idols, which has also been discovered in Honduras. There are no altars in front of these and so they form an exception to the general rule, for in most cases where human images are seen, there are altars in front of them; many of them being in the shape of animals or huge dragons or nondescript creatures.
VIII. There was a form of religion which prevailed in Peru. It consisted mainly in the deifying of the Incas, who were regarded as the sons of the sun, and so, in a measure, divine. The symbols in Peru were, however, mainly images of the sun and moon. These were placed on the walls of the temples, the best specimens of which were seen by the Spaniards at Quito. It appears that sun-dials were numerous and that from these the Peruvian priests calculated the seasons, and by this means regulated all the affairs of the nation. There were no such carved statues in Peru, as have been discovered in Central America, and no altars which betokened that sacrifices were offered to kings; yet the government of Peru was based on the idea that the Inca was superior to all, and that the Inca race belonged to a different order.
The patriarch Jacob, just before his death, called his sons together and prophesied their future destiny and that of the tribes that were to descend from them. In doing so he used certain symbols or emblems which were probably prominent in their tribal escutcheons, and made these the basis of his prophecy. The following is his language: "Judah is a lion's whelp;" "The Scepter shall not depart from Judah until Shiloh come;" "Issachar is a strong ass couching down between two burdens;" " Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path;" " Naphtali is a hind let loose;" " Joseph is a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well;" "Benjamin shall raven as a wolf, in the morning he shall devour the prey and at night divide the spoils." — Genesis, Chapter 48: 8, 14, 17, 21, 22, 27. In these expressions, we have a series of word pictures which clearly portray the characteristics of the different tribes, their history, as well as a description of the geographical localities which they occupied. How the patriarch came to use this language is a mystery, but there may have been a kind of picture language prevalent in the patriarchal age which he used to designate the traits of each one of his children, and, to show that the history of each one of the tribes which should descend from them, would partake of these traits. It is known that at a very early time significant names and emblems, were given to individuals, and that these were transmitted to the children, and as their posterity increased, they became tribal emblems. There were also dreams which were prophetic, and it may be that the patriarch in his dreams saw the emblems which belonged to the different sons, and in them read the history of the tribes which should be raised up from them. Whatever the explanation is, the passages, furnish a good illustration of a custom which was common-, among the uncivilized races, and is still prevalent among the aborigines of America, namely: the custom of giving the names of animals and plants to the children, and making these serve as emblems of the clan or tribe.
In most of the tribes these names were given by the mother, or rather were taken from the clan to which the mother belonged, and were transmitted by a fixed law, for the children by the law of matriarchy, always belonged to the clan of the mother, and carried the name and emblem of that clan. It was in this way that the clan, tribal and family names first appeared. They were not names which were taken from the employments, occupations, or trades, nor were they names which were descriptive of personal exploits or incidents such as some of the Indians have borne, nor were they arbitrary nick names which were given to describe the characteristics of the individual, but they were ancestral names and resemble in this respect surnames which are now extant. The main difference between the historic and prehistoric surnames was that the latter were always the
names of animals which were regarded as ancestors, while in historic times, surnames were derived from occupations, etc. Occasionally there was a name which was altogether private, and which might be called the dream name for it was the name of some animal which appeared to the individual in a dream. These dreams came after long fasting, and were the result of the hidden exercises of the mind which would naturally occur before the initiation of warriors. When the vision of some animal appeared, the young man felt himself prepared for his initiation as a warrior, and as he presented himself for the rite he would take the skin of the animal or some figure of it as a personal fetish or charm and would join the society which bore the name of the animal that had appeared to him. In this way there arose a system of religion which was very wide-spread and very powerful among all the hunter tribes of America which was called totemism.
Now it is to this totemism that we shall devote the present chapter. [Note: The name was derived from an Ojibwa word which signifies tribe or family, but brings to view a system which was very wide-spread and very powerful, especially among the hunter tribes. It was in fact the system according to which nearly all aboriginal tribes wore organized, and which also embodied their tribal history and regulated their tribal customs, but itself arose out of their mythology and especially out of their cosmic myths. In the east it was called animal worship and the name animal tribe was given to those who practiced it. In America the term totemism is used, for it brings up the thought of the peculiar relationship which was involved, and dismisses the idea of worshiping animals which is very subordinate, if it existed at all. There was a reverence for animals inasmuch as certain animals were regarded as ancestors of the tribes, a few were also regarded as mythological beings who were both "Culture heroes and Creators." These emblems or figures were very prominent in the " bark records" and picture writings.
I. We shall begin with a description of the system and the new kinship introduced by it.
(1) There were two kinds of kinship, the natural and artificial. The natural was that system which led to giving the names and emblems of the mother or father to the children, but the artificial was that which introduced into all the totemistic tribes a new relationship which transcended kinship according to the flesh. According to totemism, every male person must marry outside of his clan. The children which were born belonged to the clan of their mother and took the name of her clan rather than that of the father. There were a few tribes, like the Dakotas for instance, in which the law of matriarchy was changed to patriarchy, and the children in that case took the name of the father but it was generally the mother who gave the name. The name was taken always from some animal, and generally from one that abounded in the region.
(2) This relationship which came from history and from religion, dated back to the time when the different tribes were clans of one tribe, and so were descended from a common ancestor. The power of religion and regard for ancestry, led the people to value the archaic kinship as more binding upon the families than the relationship which then existed.
(3) It was a fraternity which ran through the different tribes of a stock or confederacy, and which brought together all of the clans which bore the same animal name and had the same totem, and made them brothers.
To illustrate: The Iroquois, who dwelt in New York, were composed of five tribes, each tribe was divided into ten or twelve clans named after animals — the wolf, bear, beaver, turtle, deer, snipe, heron and hawk. The tribes lived in the different parts of the state, and each tribe had its own council house, head chief, sachems and specific territory. They were named and situated as follows: Beginning at the east, Mohawks, called ''The Shield," next the Onondagas, called "Name-Bearer,'' Oneidas, "The Great Tree,'' Cayugas, "The Great Pipe," Senecas, "The Door Keeper,"' as they were the perpetual keepers of the door of the "long house."
A person who belonged to the wolf clan could travel along the trail which led from tribe to tribe, and would find the members of the wolf clan ready to receive him and protect him, and give him a home among them as if he was their own brother, as they were brothers according to an archaic fraternity and bore the same fraternal emblem.
There was also an emblem which every one carried about his person which indicated the clan to which he belonged. This may have consisted in the picture of an animal inscribed upon an amulet or it may have consisted in the fashion of cutting the hair, making the moccasins, or wearing apparel, or of ornamenting the person or tattooing the face. Whatever the emblem was, it was equivalent to a coat of arms, and was a native heraldry. This heraldry was recognized everywhere as significant of a totemistic brotherhood. It was supplemented often times by sign language, for each tribe had a name which could be expressed by signs.
The Pawnee, whose clan totem is the wolf is seen in a plate given by Catlin holding up the hand and fingers so as to show the wolf's ears. Among the Hurons and Dakotas the manner of cutting the hair was such as to make the head at once suggestive of the animal or bird whose totem the person carried. The tuft over the forehead and back of the head and ears resembling the wings, head and tail of the eagle, showed that the person belonged to the eagle clan. The ridge of hair which was left on the crown, resembling the back of the buffalo, showed that the person belonged to the buffalo clan.
Among the Haidas of the North West Coast the figure of the squid or frog, or cod, or sculpin, the double figure of the wolf tattooed upon the arms, legs, breast, or back or shoulders of the man and woman would indicate the clan or tribe to which they belonged.
This heraldry was equivalent to that which belonged to the royal families of Europe, and with some of the tribes symbolized the genealogy of the family and the exploits and traditional history. It was as much a sign of fraternity as the pins, badges and other symbols which are worn by the members of the various secret societies and college fraternities, but introduced a brotherhood which was stronger and more sacred than that which came from these societies.
(4) According to Mr. Morgan, there were two changes. First. The change of descent from the female line to the male line. Second. The change of inheritance of the property of the deceased member from the clan or gens in the collective capacity to the agnatic kindred, and finally to the man's children. Yet there were certain rights and privileges which inhere in the system. These were as follows: (a) The right of electing chiefs, (b) The right of inheritance of the property of deceased members. (c) The right of bestowing names upon members and adopting strangers into the gens. (d) The right of help, defense and redress of injuries, (e) Right to a common burial place and a share in religious ceremonies. (f) Right to a representation in council of the gens. (g) Obligation not to marry in the gens. All these rights and privileges were enjoyed by those who bore the clan emblem. The totem which he carried on his person brought an obligation on the clan which bore the same totem to defend him. They were all brothers, not by kinship, but by religion.
(5) In some tribes the communistic system prevailed. The families and persons which belonged to a particular clan had a share of the food which was to be had, whether it was in his own family or in some other family. The supply was to the clan rather than to the household. This did not always exist, for there were tribes where the family lived separate, and had its provisions separate, but it was very common. In such a case the totem may be said to have brought the provision to each person.
(6) The inheritance of landed property was in the clan. There was no property in severalty among the uncivilized tribes. The property and effects of the mother passed to her children, and in default of them, to her sister's children, but always remained in the clan. This is the case among the Algonquins. Among the Lagunas the land is held in common as the property of the community, but after a person cultivated a lot he had a personal claim to it which he could sell to any one of the community. Among the Iroquois the property was hereditary in the gens. Consequently, children took nothing from their fathers, but inherited their mother's effects.
(7) The history "of the clans is thus given by the totem. It appears that the different tribes grew up together and bore the names of a common ancestry, as the animal names of the clans were repeated in every tribe. This, to be sure, varied in the different tribes, for there were in some of the clans, or gentes, sub-gentes, which took other names. There were also clans which became incorporated in certain tribes, and these introduced certain emblems or totems. Still, even with this confusion the history of the tribe could be traced in the totems.
(8) The government of the clan was influenced by totemism. The office of sachem or civil chief is hereditary in the gens, but elective among the members. Each gens had the power to depose as well as elect its chiefs.
Carver says of the Dakotas: '' The office of sachem, or clan elder, passes from brother to brother, or from uncle to nephew. That of war-chief was bestowed as a reward of merit and was not hereditary. The sachem has more immediate management of civil affairs. His assent is necessary to all treaties "
Among the Winnebagos the sons of a deceased chief were not always eligible, for on the death of a chief his sister's son succeeds him in preference to his own son.
'' A practice was common among certain tribes, such as the Shawnees, Miamis, Sauks and Foxes, of naming children into the gens. This would enable a son to succeed his father in office, and enable the children to inherit the property from the father. The father had no control over the question of naming the children It was left by the gens to certain persons, most of them matrons, who were to be consulted when children were to be named, with power to determine the name to be given."'
Herrera remarks of the Mayas: "They were wont to observe their pedigrees very much, and therefore thought themselves all related and were helpful to one another. They did not marry any that bore the same name as their father. This was looked upon as unlawful."