Political wisdom E-Book

Rob Nijhoff

• Herausgeber: Sallux Publishing
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 224

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022

Beschreibung

Does faith belong in politics? According to Rob Nijhof it most certainly does. Everyone has some deep convictions that shape the way in which one conducts politics. People can be inspired to political wisdom from different sources. That diversity presents a good reason to listen to each other. It remains useful to draw from the broad Christian tradition that gave the Netherlands and Europe a unique constitutional and democratic character. This tradition traces its roots back to before the Renaissance or the Reformation. This book argues for a politics where ones values are acknowledged and where all players in the 'field strive together for wisdom and the general good for society. Churches can be relevant in this. The Political efforts of Christians normally proceed via the diverse political parties. However, the current network society offers Christians the chance to engage in alliances to act as a broad movement. Christian parties can give this movement a political face. It would be good if Christians would also across the borders of political parties seek to cooperate in a network. At European level this is happening in the European Christian Political Movement (ECPM). This book originally was published (in Dutch) in 2016 by the Mr. G. Groen van Prinsterer Stichting, the scientiffic Institute of the ChristenUnie political party which affter the 2017 election again took part in a coalition government, together with VVD, CDA and D66.

Leseprobe

Political wisdom

A future for Christian Politics

Rob Nijhoff

COLOPHON

Political wisdom: A future for Christian Politics

© 2017 Rob Nijhoff

English translation by Tiddo J. Mooibroek

Paperback format: ISBN 978-94-92697-02-8

Original title: Wat is wijsheid? Toekomst voor christelijke politiek.

Nijhoff, R.A. (Rob) ISBN/EAN: 978-90-79032-10-5

© 2016 Wetenschappelijk Instituut van de ChristenUnie, Mr. G. Groen van Prinsterer Stichting

© 2022 Sallux Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher

Contact data:

Sallux Publishing

[email protected]

EPub format: ISBN 978-94-92697-03-5

Cover design and lay-out: Reproserve

Disclaimer

Since 2011, the activities of Sallux have been financially supported by the European Parliament. The liability for any communication or publication by Sallux, in any form and any medium, rests with Sallux. The European Parliament is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information contained therein.

About

Scientific Institute ChristenUnie; Mr. G. Groen van Prinsterer Stichting

The Scientific Institute of the ChristenUnie wants to build bridges between Christian-social tradition, daily politics and future visions. We do this by publishing publications and organizing conferences, discussions and lectures. This way we want to be a voice in public opinion and help Christian politicians who are employed in local municipalities, provinces,

The Hague and Brussels (EU).

www.wi.christenunie.nl

Sallux | ECPM Foundation

Sallux is the political foundation for the European Christian Political Movement (ECPM). Sallux means “Salt and Light” and we want to spark a salted debate where needed and shed light on the issues we face. We present solutions by organising events and distributing relevant publications and will not stay on the safe side of the status quo.

www.sallux.eu

About the author

Rob Nijhoff PhD MTh MSc, 1964, has been researcher for the Scientific Institute of the ChristenUnie, The Netherlands,

from 2006-2016. He studied information sciences and theology, and completed in 2014 a PhD-thesis about the

‘logosphilosophy’ formulated by the first professional philosopher of the Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, Jan Woltjer (1849-1917). Since 2017 he has been working as a pastor serving a protestant congregation near Arnhem, The Netherlands, and since 2016 he is connected as an external lecturer Philosophy of Religion at the Evangelical Theological Faculty in Leuven, Belgium.

“There are those that want to make us believe that a church is a mere refuge for souls. The church, they say, may only occupy itself with saving souls. Well, yes, that is a fine religion. (...) That is a religion the emperor likes, and which he gladly grants state support. Such a religion will eagerly make way if the emperor approaches, and never bothers him. That is the religion that God ridicules. (...) The truth does not fit cautious folk. Those people have no need for the truth, merely a comfortable sofa”.

Kaj Munk1

Preface to the Dutch edition (translated and abridged)

Where should we go with Christian politics in the Netherlands? In what follows it will become clear that behind big words a more modest language can be heard. There is ample room for nuance in between the ideal of re-Christianisation of society at the one hand and the doom scenario of Christian politics disappearing altogether at the other hand. During the past 150 years, Christians in the Netherlands have contributed significantly to providing groups of citizens a voice within politics. As their motivation these Christians could point to the societal efforts that their fellow believers brought to bear since the first centuries. What started as an effort to help the poor and plague-sufferers, broadened to thinking about society as a complex whole of city- and landowners. How could Christians continue this tradition in the 21st century?

This book represents the final result of the project ‘Faith and politics in a post-Christian era’ (2012-2016) that was initiated by the scientific institute of the ‘ChristenUnie’ (an explicitly Christian political party in the Netherlands). The input comes from various sources. Not just sociological trend watchers and research institutes (e.g. The Council for Public Governance, in Dutch: de Raad voor het Openbaar Bestuur), but mainly from various discussion partners with a specific interest in the relationship between the Christian faith and politics. The input of some of these partners consisted of their meaningful life and/or their work in the form of books (e.g. the theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer or the philosopher Nicholas Wolterstorff). Others contributed as opinion makers in the media (e.g. Paul Visser, preacher of the Noorderkerk in Amsterdam), or through conversations (e.g. Cor Visser, director of ForumC, and preacher-theologian Dr. Ariaan Baan, promoted on the thinking of Stanley Hauerwas). Some have shown their commitment to the ChristenUnie on a theoretic or practical level (e.g. the philosopher and senator Roel Kuiper and the theologian and ethicist Ad de Bruijne), while others feel more (or also) connected to other political parties (e.g. some students that were interviewed for the project).2

The curatorium of the scientific institute of the ChristenUnie hopes that this book will stimulate conversations within and outside of the ChristenUnie about starting points, purpose, contents and style of Christian politics and other forms of political and societal efforts of Christians.

Jan van der Stoep

Chairman of the curatorium of the scientific institute of the ChristenUnie, The Netherlands

(January 2016)

Translator’s preface; politics in the Netherlands and the ChristenUnie

About this translation

Translating the book ‘Wat is wijsheid? from Dutch to English entailed more than a mere literal translation. This translation is intended to be understood by a broad audience, people that come from various different countries and thus contexts. I am thus very grateful to Paul Rowlands and Suzan Roulstone for being willing test subject for my initial translation. Their tips and corrections have undoubtedly made the text a better read than it would otherwise have been.

At places where the Dutch context is important, it might be difficult for a wide readership to fully appreciate the meaning of the author. In such instances some more background information has been added. The overarching political context of this book is unmistakably the context of politics within the Netherlands. More in particular, it is written from the perspective of the ChristenUnie, one of the political parties in the Netherlands. As Dutch politics and the ChristenUnie will be unfamiliar to most non-Dutch readers, it might be convenient to introduce these in very broad strokes.

The political system of the Netherlands

Politics in the Netherlands primarily occurs within a parliamentary democracy. The constitutional monarchy is mainly symbolic. The Dutch parliament consists of the first and second chamber of the States-General (eerste en tweede kamer der Staten-Generaal). The first chamber has 75 members, which are chosen every four years by representatives of each Dutch province (in a proportional manner). Their main responsibility is to test propositions for new laws and legislations against the constitution. Such propositions are formulated by the second chamber. The second chamber has 150 seats and the elections each four years determine which political party receives how many of those seats. Every proposition for new laws or legislation requires a majority support (i.e. 76 votes or more). A cabinet would thus typically aim to have a majority in the second chamber.

Political parties in the Netherlands

There were 23 political parties participating in the general elections for the second chamber in 2017. It is impossible to do these parties justice in this small introduction. Nevertheless, a rough classification of the main players in terms of left versus right can be helpful. These classifications are obviously oversimplifications, but some topics generally considered ‘left’ in the Netherlands include: more powers to Government, generous social security and benefits, higher taxes for higher incomes, the environment. Typical topics that are considered ‘right’ include: less government interference, stronger restrictions on immigration and more stimulations for businesses. The established parties in parliament after the 2017 elections were as follows (including their number of seats). On the left-wing are the Socialist Party (Socialistische Partij; SP, 14 seats), the Green Party (GroenLinks; GL, 14 seats) and the Labour Party (Partij van de Arbeid; PvdA, 9 seats). In the middle are the Christian Democrats (Christen-Democratisch Appèl, CDA, 20 seats); the Democrats (Democraten 66, D66, 19 seats) and the Cristian Union (ChristenUnie, CU, 5 seats). On the right-wing are the Peoples Party for Freedom and Democracy (Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie, VVD, 33 seats), the Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV, 20 seats) and the Politically Reformed Party (Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij, SGP, 3 seats).

The ChristenUnie

The ChristenUnie thus is a relatively small political party (5 seats) and situated in the middle of the political landscape. It is a relatively young party, formed only seventeen years ago, but has a rich history. In 2000 Meindert Leerling led the unification of the Reformed Political Union (Gereformeerd Politiek Verbond, GPV, (formed in 1948) and the Reformed Political Federation (Reformatorische Politieke Federatie, RPF (formed in 1975). Ultimately, the ChristenUnie has its roots in thinkers such as Augustine, Luther, Calvin, Groen van Prinster and Abraham Kuyper. The latter founded the Anti Revolutionary Party (Antirevolutionaire Partij, ARP) in 1879 by politically uniting various Christians in the Netherlands; the first (Christian) political party in the Netherlands.

The ChristenUnie has been part of the coalition government in 2006-2010 under the leadership of André Rouvoet. After the 2017 election, the ChristenUnie took part in a coalition with VVD, CDA and D66 (76 seats combined).

Pillarization and depillarization

The term ‘pillarization’ refers to a segregation within a society along politico-denominational lines. Such societies can be viewed as organised in ‘vertical’ segments –the pillars– according to different ideologies or religions. Such pillars can have their own newspapers, political parties, broadcasters, unions, schools, universities, etc.. The aim was to give a voice to groups of people who wouldn’t be heard in public without these organisations and without their leaders. As a result, interpersonal contact between people from different pillars, apart from these leaders, can be minimal. The Netherlands were such a society, where at least four pillars could be identified: Protestant, Catholic, Socialist/Communist and Liberal/Humanist. After the second world war people started to doubt the desirability of such a system and subsequently the country has slowly depillarized.

Tiddo J. Mooibroek, November 2017

Introduction: political wisdom

The misery of Christian political parties

“As far as I am concerned, they can be abolished. The Christian political parties. They only cause more harm than good. Achieve the opposite of what they intend”3.

Just before the election of the Dutch House of Representatives (the ‘Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal’) in 2012 this harsh critique was addressed to the Christian political parties. The sender was not a hard-line atheist. The quote appeared in a blog on the website ‘Protestant Amsterdam’ and was signed: Paul Visser, preacher.

Visser argued that Christian political parties often had the opposite effect of what they intended. According to him they existed to counteract the ‘de-Christianisation and the liberalization of our society’, but these processes were in fact accelerated by their existence. From the same blog:

“Especially when a Christian political party formulates their stance, others become extra alert. And as soon as they smell a Christian odour, if it has anything to do with the Bible, they become suspicious. Everything is fine, except something Christian. Undoubtedly this aversion sprouts from allergies of the past. But at the same time this means that issues raised do not get a fair chance and instead are discarded in advance. The ‘argument’ proceeds along the lines of the now notorious but often wrongly interpreted adagium of “separation of church and state”. Libertarians thus often become prototypical fundamentalists. The aversion sometimes gets the scent of “over my dead body”. Consequence: if a Christian political party raises issues inspired by their Christian heritage, forces are unleashed that work in the opposite direction. That is misery”.

Visser took a sharp stance. And it stood out that a renowned Protestant preacher posed such a proposition prior to election time. In the Christian newspapers like Nederlands Dagblad en het Reformatorisch Dagblad (dagblad means newspaper) the assertions were widely discussed. Later a symposium followed that was organised by the Evangelical Broadcaster (Evangelische Omroep). Visser had not been very nuanced, as he would subsequently admit.4

Apparently the preacher had hit a nerve with his direct language. Many Dutch people of an older generation have negative connotations with church or Christianity. This sentiment is particularly prevalent among libertarians. Among younger generations there is a growing number to whom Christianity does not say much emotionally; they simply do not know much about it. Christians themselves no longer see it as self-evident to vote for a Christian political party, let alone to engage in a long-term commitment to one specific political party. Old patterns of segregation fade.

At the elections for the Dutch House of Representatives in 2010 and 2012 this was particularly noticeable at the ‘Christian Democratic Appeal’ (CDA, the largest Christian political party in the Netherlands). The large electoral loss the party suffered did not result primarily from secularisation. Research showed that a large portion of those who left were active churchgoers.5 When considering absolute numbers, the ChristenUnie and the ‘Political Reformed Party’ (in Dutch: Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij, hence SGP) showed stability and growth in the past years. Yet even among their voters –particularly the younger ones– we observe hesitation and double loyalties: will it be a confessional or non-confessional party this time?6

From various Christian circles emanate a range of questions directed at Christian political parties. What is your business at the centre of power? Does not a Christian ‘label’ work contrarily? Should not Christians display a completely different type of politics instead of eagerly participating with ‘the big boys’? Some Christians consciously choose for a non-Christian political party, either on the liberal or the social-democratic end of the political spectrum. Others, such as Meindert Leerling (see also the translator’s preface),7 are a member of a Christian political party, but think things can be a bit sharper, aimed more at bearing witness: let the centre of power hear an uncut prophetic sound instead of applying some minor managerial corrections, while accepting all sorts of political compromises.

An enthusiastic member of the ChristenUnie that is handing out folders at a local market can feel fairly overwhelmed when fellow-believers are rather critical about Christian politics or show that they feel little connection to it.

Christians and Christian politics

The aim of this book is to seriously address the critical questions and doubts with which Christian political parties see themselves confronted. Paul Visser and Tjitske Siderius make individual choices with which they question the collective performance of Christians in politics. Does secularisation lead to these choices, or is it the other way around? And do individualisation and secularisation call for a new relationship between Christians and political power?

Hereafter the focus will lie on the question what Christians, churches, and Christian political parties, like the ChristenUnie, have to offer to take up the glove that individualisation has thrown at them. With individualisation is meant the growing importance of the individual and his or her choices for the ordering of our societies.

Why should Christians worry about politics collectively? And how can we best organise that in the Netherlands of today? By focussing on the individual and his or her choices, we get a good picture of a specific interpretation of secularisation:8 namely that as a choice from a multiplicity of ‘philosophies of life’.

Individualisation: a challenge and a given

What chances and problems does our culture entail for (Christian) politics and for party politics in particular? What broad developments are relevant for the ChristenUnie to relate itself to? We zoom in on individualisation, a very prominent societal process of the past decennia.9 This is not an easy concept.10 In the present context we mean the growing importance that the individual has on the layout of society. We try to illustrate this be looking at a city and urbanisation as example and metaphor.

Urbanisation is one of the most important developments of the past centuries. Traditional patterns of co-existence unravelled in the cities. This started already in the middle-ages. From rural areas that were governed by monarchs and nobles, evolved democratic urban communities where citizens knew some form of equality and freedom. The industrialisation of the 19th and 20th centuries caused urbanisation to accelerate. This development stimulated the transition from a hierarchical class society to the democracies as we know them today.11

In our age too, many people move from a village to ‘the big city’. That normally requires quite some adjustments. People miss the everyday greeting of others on the streets. ‘In the big city people live completely segregated, alongside each other’, so they say. The coin of urban freedom appears to have a flipside. Individualisation creates space, but also anonymity. The fact that people that meet each other in an urban setting are often strangers raises questions. What meaning do eye contact and greetings have here? Are more distant manners, such as in an elevator, not more appropriate? Anonymity and social isolation of individuals are side products of these more complex situations and beg for different, more fitting behaviour.

Urbanisation thus appears to be an example of a development that is accompanied by individualisation and new manners for contact between individuals. This process of individualisation does not only affect the experience and the behaviours of individuals, but also affects the functioning of social connections. The role of the individual is viewed as increasingly decisive. There is no immediate need for Christians to take opposition against this. New social situations can simply appeal more strongly to individual choices. And did not the good news of Jesus Christ, whom loved humankind as Gods image, strongly contribute to the awareness that each individual is valuable?12

Christian presence in a secular age

Individualisation influences all social connections, also the position of church and faith. More emphasis on individual choice means among others: more pronounced and more frequent reflections on loyalty. The connection that individuals feel with institutions is, on average, looser. Philosophies of life too are increasingly seen as choices that can be re-evaluated fairly easily.13

Cities not only symbolise individualisation: the process of secularisation was fastest there as well. It is no coincidence that critical questions about the Christian parties were asked by city preacher Paul Visser. In the big multicultural cities live people with various sorts of (non)beliefs, philosophies of life and spirituality. The amount of believers, especially those of traditional Christian descent, diminished faster in urban than in rural areas. Of all Christian political parties, only the CDA is represented in a council of one of the largest cities in the Netherlands –with one seat. The CDA council member Marijke Shahsavari will think twice before uttering ‘church’ in one of her campaigns. This context affects the self-image of Christians and the manner in which churches and Christian organisations present themselves.

It is likely that these changes, noticeable in urban areas, foretell what awaits areas outside of Amsterdam. The presentation of Christians within society undergoes a great change, possibly even a paradigmatic shift. It is now due time to reflect on the consequences thereof. Church buildings increasingly become a ‘cost items’ that require repurposing. Individualisation, secularisation, new forms of collaborations and new spiritual options present themselves – and Christians find themselves in the middle of it all. What forms of religious experience will Christians adopt in this mishmash?

The remarkably fast secularisation of the Netherlands has been described by church historian Peter van Rooden as an ‘odd dying’ of Christianity.14 ‘Dying’ might be too absolute an assessment. But this secularisation is not something to easily downplay or to over emphasise with optimistic interpretations of marketing-like plans for planting new churches. Learning lessons, revising church visions, seeking new opportunities or openings – they are all useful, but we should take the pain that comes along with secularisation seriously.

Christians that confess that secularisation too cannot unfold outside of Gods providence, sometimes seek deeper explanations: it is related to an ‘eclipse of God’ or even to Divine judgement. Such terms are not meant for, nor are they useful as, political input. They stimulate Christians to not just carry on, but reflect and repent. A theologian like Bram van de Beek and a philosopher like Jacques Ellul deconstruct the belief in human manufacturability of society like true prophets of penance.15 They focus attention to Jesus Christ himself – and rightly so! Only oriented towards and grafted on Him can a Christian truly be Christian. How else can one prevent that, despite all good intentions and new forms, one loses him/herself in a ‘self-chosen’ bustle of activity and/or the emptiness that lurks below this?

Only starting from this deepening, taking root, or internalisation, one can ask more, say more or relativize more. The noted developments do not only have negative aspects or a singular direction (‘dying’?!). Active Christians were never – or hardly ever – the majority in Europe.16 A minority position is thus not new – it just became unmistakably clear. The ‘cultural wind’ is blowing against us. This makes it less obvious to (continue to) go through life as a Christian.17 Making all sorts of (political) choices becomes less predictable, also within churches, and less embedded by a shared framework of a philosophy of life (which includes political colour).

Against abrupt radicality; political wisdom!

How to deal properly with the different sides of the coin of individualisation and secularisation? This requires small steps. Organisations as well as people manoeuvre slowly through bends. Newspapers develop their digital accessibility alongside the printed version. Why would developments at political parties proceed simpler, slower or more abrupt? The ChristenUnie made a big step in June 2015 by widening its constitutional scope to include all serious Christians –a step it took with nearly 95% support during a party conference. On the one hand this was not a radical abolishment of membership criteria, while on the other hand not being an overly cautious reformulation of the already existing constitution.

This book explores possible ways in which the ChristenUnie –amidst other political options available for Christians– can give meaningful contributions in a time of individualisation. The original Dutch title of this booklet, ‘Wat is wijsheid?’ (What is wisdom?), underlines that such an exploration does not produce quick, easy answers. Concurrently the title affirms the importance of political wisdom. Why this term? Because wisdom is connected with the future of contemporary Christian politics in three ways: via the carrier (the person), the application (the practice) and the sources (traditions).18 We will briefly clarify this.

(1) Wisdom is a personal virtue. This does justice to the emphasis on the individual in our current culture.

It is the individual politicians that carry political wisdom as a trait and it is these individuals that can nurture such a culture. The personality of a politician matters: his or her personal wisdom and character development, growth in virtue and an ability to know ‘what really matters’.19 It is the politician who, alone and with other nominees of his/her party, orients him/herself on the political reality (see 2) and the wisdom and foundations of one’s own or someone else’s traditions (see 3). On this basis he or she arrives at political goals and contributions.

(2) Wisdom consists of insight in a situation and a recommendable course of action.20 This is why the question after wisdom seamlessly fits political decision making, with the complex and practical character of the political craft.

Wisdom bears fruit in the form of practical decisions that politicians think of, based on their insight in and connection with political reality. To make starting points or principles fruitful, they need to be connected to the concrete political reality. Insight into that reality is therefore an important aspect of political wisdom. Politicians experience this in their work. For example, local issues can only be dealt with properly with knowledge of the local context.

(3) A characteristic of wisdom is that we are not born with it. She can be sought after, nourished, developed and transmitted in a more comprehensive tradition.

The practical realism (see 2) does not discard insight of others or ‘wisdom of the ages’. People, especially Christians, display political wisdom if they know that their insights depend partially on others (people of the past and the present) and if they seek to nourish that connection. Consciously or not, we draw upon traditions of wisdom that root in the past. Without broad, more encompassing intuitions about life, it is impossible for anyone to develop political wisdom. And everybody takes such wisdom from one source or another. Asking what tradition a politician draws upon is thus not only a suitable reflection of Christian politics. It is also relevant for those who recognise that politicians and politics generally operate within a society in which diverse worldview traditions present themselves as source material. Alongside –or, historically speaking, grafted upon– the Christian tradition, there is a conservative, a social-democratic and an economically more (neo-)liberal tradition. Islamic traditions are available in many Western countries nowadays as well.

A Christian vision of society

In developing their political wisdom, Christians can draw upon a uniquely long Western tradition. In the Netherlands this is more specifically the neo-Calvinistic and Roman-catholic traditions. Christian politics in the Netherlands can look back on a slowly evolved tradition with unique contents. One example thereof is a unique vision of society that (among others) breaks the imaginary wall between private and public. Christian thinkers came with a vision of society seen as a complex web. This web consists not merely of individuals and their mutual relations (such as governments), but of multiple ‘social spheres’ that each have their own character and competence: families, schools, companies, societal organisations, churches etc.. In this vision, individual liberty of conscience goes hand in hand with recognising the authority of the government – an authority that must be restricted because of its limited competencies and responsibilities (just like other ‘social spheres’ have their own place in society). This vision sprouts from the century old influence that the gospel had in Europe.21 The formulation of ‘social spheres’ as fundamentally different but of equal importance comes from Abraham Kuyper, who operated in the Netherlands of the 19th century. Politically engaged Christians benefit from this the world over: from Greece to Guatemala and from Brazil to South-Korea. The western individualisation does not mean that the individual sphere supresses all the others. But individuals get to play a bigger role within the diverse spheres.

Christians and party politics

In practice, there is room in the Netherlands for societal and political deployment of Christians for explicitly Christian politics. Who says that our depillarized time (see translator’s preface) offers no perspective for Christian political parties, does not see how they actually function. The professional cooperation of politically active Christians gives ample opportunity for substantive cross-pollination, mutual inspiration and political clout.

Of course, (Christian) party politics is not sacred. The specific form of national parties in a parliamentary democracy –particularly those tailored after a worldview– has only arisen in the 19th