Red Roses E-Book

Amy Licence

• Herausgeber: The History Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2016

Beschreibung

The Wars of the Roses were not just fought by men on the battlefield. Behind the scenes, there were daughters, wives, mistresses, mothers and queens whose lives and influences helped shape the most dramatic of English conflicts. This book traces the story of women on the Lancastrian side, from the children borne by Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt, through the turbulent fifteenth century to the advent of Margaret Beaufort's son in 1485 and the establishment of the Tudor dynasty. From the secret liaisons of Katherine Swynford and Catherine of Valois to the love lives of Mary de Bohun and Jacquetta of Luxembourg, to the queenship of Joan of Navarre and Margaret of Anjou, this book explores their experiences as women. What bound them to their cause? What real influence did they wield? Faced with the dangers of treason and capture, defamation and childbirth, read how these extraordinary women survived in extraordinary times.

Leseprobe

For Tom, Rufus and Robin

There in the flower garden

I will die.

Among the rose bushes

They will kill me.

I was on my way,

Mother, to cut some roses;

There in the flower garden

I found my love,

There in the flower garden

They will kill me.

Anonymous, Spain, c. 1400

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks go to Sophie Bradshaw, Naomi Reynolds and the team at The History Press for their encouragement and support, but to Sophie in particular for encouraging me to write this book and for being flexible when I overran my deadline. I have been particularly blessed to have some wonderful friends: thank you to Jonathan Howell, Magdalen Pitt, Anne Marie Bouchard, Neville Brett, Tim Byard-Jones, Geanine Teramani-Cruz, Sharon Bennett Connolly, Kyra Kramer, Karen Stone and Harry and Sara Basnett for keeping me sane during the writing of this book. There have been others. Thanks also to all my family, to my husband Tom for his love and support, to Paul Fairbrass and also the Hunts – for Sue’s generosity and John’s supply of interesting and unusual books. Most of all, thanks to my mother for her invaluable proofreading skills and to my father for his enthusiasm and open mind: this is the result of the books they read me, the museums they took me to as a child, and the love and imagination with which they encouraged me.

CONTENTS

Title

Dedication

Acknowledgements

Introduction: Time Honour’d Lancaster

Prologue: June 1509

Part One

One                Blanche of Lancaster, 1345–68

Two               The Girls’ Governess, 1368–71

Three             Constance of Castile, 1371–94

Part Two

Four              Mary de Bohun, 1380–94

Five              Richard II’s Queens, 1382–97

Six                Legitimacy, 1394–1403

Part Three

Seven            Joan of Navarre, 1403–19

Eight             Catherine of Valois, 1420–26

Nine              Mrs Tudor, 1426–37

Ten               Queen of Scotland, 1424–45

Part Four

Eleven           Potential Queens, 1437–45

Twelve          Margaret of Anjou, 1445–60

Thirteen        Queen in Exile, 1461–82

Fourteen        Tudor’s Widow, 1471–85

Part Five

Fifteen          The King’s Mother, 1485–1509

Sixteen          Royal Grandmother, 1509

Seventeen      White Swans, Red Roses

Bibliography

Plates

Copyright

INTRODUCTION

TIME HONOUR’D LANCASTER

Anybody who was anybody in medieval England had an impressive array of heraldic devices at their disposal. Animals and plants, colours and patterns, objects and astrological symbols; all formed a visual shorthand for the identification of rank and family, for loyalty, allegiance and service. The Lancastrian dynasty is a prime example of this: through the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, it was represented by the red rose, the crowned eagle or panther, the ermine (gennet) flanked by yellow broom flowers for the Plantagenet name, the columbine or aquilegia flower, the antelope, tree trunk, fox’s tail or the plume of ostrich feathers adopted by the Black Prince. Marriages and alliances brought a swathe of further connections, traceable through their banners and coats of arms, embroidered upon their liveries or carved above their hearths, trickling through the branches of the family tree. The Lancastrians were patrons of poets, knights in battle, riding the wheel of fortune through its full compass, and immortalised in the plays of William Shakespeare.

The most famous of all these Lancastrian symbols is the red rose, associated with the county itself and reputedly adopted by Edmund Crouchback, the first earl, following his marriage to Blanche of Artois in 1276. This was the genus of the dynasty, although the rose symbol lay fallow for a century until John of Gaunt adopted it again on his marriage to Blanche, Edmund’s great-granddaughter. Today, the red rose of Lancaster has come to possess an inviolable quality, a metonymic for an entire dynasty and its struggles to gain and retain the throne, taking on a life of its own centuries after its use. It is a cultural shorthand, an historian’s handle, a neat visual juxtaposition with the white rose of York. It represents the interface of fact and fiction, history and romance. Nowhere is this more clearly represented than in Henry Payne’s painting Choosing the Red and White Roses in the Old Temple Gardens, now displayed in the Commons East Corridor of the Palace of Westminster and familiar from the front cover of many books dedicated to what we now refer to, anachronistically, as the Wars of the Roses. Completed around 1908–10 in the Arts and Crafts style, Choosing the Red and White Roses in the Old Temple Gardens infuses the flowers with a profound political significance, representing the moment hostilities broke out and allegiances were declared. But this scene comes from fiction; more specifically, from drama. It is an illustration of Act II, Scene IV in Shakespeare’s Henry VI Part I, in which the characters of Richard of York (Richard Plantagenet) and Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset select their colours. Yet this gentle symbol, the red damask rose, is essentially martial and masculine. While writing this book, I was searching for another symbol that could stand for the collective biographies of dozens of women, very different in role, character and fate, overlapping across a span of 150 years. I wanted something that would represent the very different way in which women experienced life as members of this famous, much-defined dynasty.

It would not be easy. The range was vast. The women in this book were born into a variety of circumstances, in a number of different countries: England, France, Castile in modern Spain, The Hague in the Netherlands and what is now the Czech Republic. Nor were their destinies clear at birth; some, such as Blanche of Lancaster, Joan, Queen of Scots and Margaret Beaufort, were daughters of Lancastrian parents, destined to become ambassadors for the family, while others joined it through marriage. Some of those marriages seemed full of promise but were cut remarkably short by rapidly changing events. French princess Catherine of Valois was Henry V’s queen for just over two years, while Margaret Beaufort’s marriage to Edmund Tudor lasted a brief twelve months, though both were tied closely to Lancastrian fortunes by the life of a single, precious son. Others bore no children but contributed as consorts, wives or queens, though often their status was not enough to protect them when their enemies closed in, as Eleanor Cobham and Margaret of Anjou discovered. Some were happily married, even for love, while others were selected as brides for political reasons and, like Constance of Castile, won their husbands’ respect if not their love. Cecily Neville was born to, and Jacquetta of Luxembourg married, a Lancastrian but both changed sides to follow the fortunes of their husbands and children. The primary contribution of a few was to reproduce, like Blanche of Gaunt and Mary de Bohun, but the distinct phases of the dynasty meant that they never saw their children live to claim the throne or reap the rewards of their labours. A handful of later Lancastrian wives did become queens. Joan of Navarre, Catherine of Valois and Margaret of Anjou all married kings, whilst one of the two Joan Beauforts gained a crown through marriage. A couple of women who were close to the throne came within a hair’s breadth of becoming queen; Cecily Neville is considered by some to have been queen by rights, although such proximity proved to be the undoing of Eleanor Cobham. Later still, a few were forced to fight to defend their rights as the dynasty began to wane, taking far more political positions than they might have anticipated. Finding a suitable symbol for them all, to balance the masculine red rose, to demarcate their unique experiences from each other and from those of their men, would not be simple.

Room 40 of the British Museum is dedicated to items from medieval Europe. It houses a small white swan badge standing 3.3cm tall by 3.5cm wide, with additional length provided by a gold chain attached to a collar around the bird’s neck. It was made in Paris at the end of the fourteenth century, from gold overlaid with opaque white enamel, and has minute traces of pink enamel on the beak and black on the legs and feet. Known as the Dunstable Swan Jewel since its discovery at the priory of that town in 1965, it was probably a livery badge made to represent Lancaster, either owned by a member of the family or someone who wished to display their allegiance. The swan sounds very much like the one listed in Richard II’s treasure roll: ‘item, i cigne d’or amiell blanc ove i petit cheine d’or pendant entour le cool, pois ii unc, pris xlvis viiid,’ or ‘item, a gold swan enamelled with white with a little gold chain hanging around the neck, weighing 2oz, value 46s 8d.’1 It is very likely that it found its way into the royal treasury after the goods of Richard’s uncle, Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, were seized in 1397, which included a book embroidered with swans from the family of his wife. The Dunstable jewel has become an important medieval symbol, a rare survival drawing the attention of the museum’s visitors with its delicate beauty and its mysterious past.

The swan symbol came into the Lancastrian dynasty through the marriage of Henry IV, then Henry of Bolingbroke, to the heiress Mary de Bohun in the 1380s. Around the same time, Henry’s uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, married Mary’s elder sister Eleanor, her only surviving sibling, which transferred the entire de Bohun inheritance to the English royal family. Swans had been featured on the de Bohun family seal since earlier that century and may have come to them from their connection with the Mandeville family, the Earls of Essex, whose use of it may have been a reference to their descent from Adam Fitz Swanne. A contemporary of William the Conqueror, Swanne or Sweyn, owned a great deal of land in the north of England, including some properties in Hornby in Lancashire, and the swan device was also used by other families descended from him, including that of Cecily Neville, whose seal featured a swan with the shield of York upon its breast. Yet there may already have been a regal connection, given the daring motto Edward III had painted upon his shield: ‘Hay, hay the white swan, by God’s tout I am thy man.’2

As my research progressed, I found more evidence of the swan being used as a symbol in a way that highlighted the feminine contribution to the dynasty. The first Lancastrian king, Henry IV, married into the de Bohun family two decades before he claimed the throne and the swan forms the centrepiece of the seal used by his wife Mary: a white swan with wings raised but not fully outstretched, head bent forward and one eye visible, chained about the neck with a coronet collar. Her sister Eleanor, who married a son of Edward III, also used the swan, which features on her tomb in Westminster Abbey, while her will bequeathed to her son Humphrey a book and a psalter with white swans enamelled on the clasps, to be passed on from heir to heir. Her great-great-great-grandson, the Duke of Buckingham, was still using the swan well into the reign of Henry VIII.

As a result of this connection, the de Bohun swan became part of the visual culture of the Lancastrians; a constant reminder of the female contribution and what was owed to it: Henry IV rode a horse covered in cloth embroidered with swans and the seal of his son, the future Henry V, featured an ostrich feather in a scroll held by a swan. It was made into jewellery, such as the Dunstable Swan, which may or may not have been one of the New Year’s gifts exchanged by Mary and Henry mentioned in family records. It found its way on to Henry V’s banner, it was used by Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester and made into badges by Margaret of Anjou to distribute on behalf of her son. Not every woman associated with the Lancastrian dynasty employed the device of the swan, they often brought their own personal or family devices to an already crowded visual field, but the qualities embodied by the creature make it a fitting symbol of their varied endeavours.

Apart from the connection with Adam Fitz Swanne, the de Bohuns identified with the popular French story of ‘the Swan Knight’, known to us in its modern form of the myth of Lohengrin, the subject of Wagner’s famous opera first performed in 1850. The story was treasured among the de Bohun family; it was the subject of the book decorated with swan clasps, which Eleanor passed down to her son. It is not possible to know which version of the verse romance the book contained, but it would have been derived from the Crusade Cycle of the Chansons de Geste, from which the Chevalier au Cygne appeared in 1192 and then the late fourteenth-century Chevelere Assigne. The various accounts include a mysterious woman bathing whilst clutching a gold necklace, who captivates a passing man and becomes his wife, and bears septuplets before the jealousy of others drives the family apart for years. The themes are those of beauty and truth, romantic and passionate love, motherhood and fertility, misunderstanding and rivalry, unjust punishment and avenging justice, just as swans are frequently the artistic symbols of elegance and power, poetry and harmony. Not every woman associated with the Lancastrian dynasty used the swan badge, but its qualities could be metonymic for all their contributions. In addition, the chain around the bird’s neck speaks of a limited freedom, of the nature of women’s existence as the possessions of men, bound by their gender, although many of the ladies in this book challenged and defied such restrictions.

I thus elected to use the de Bohun swan as the uniting factor for these women. It provides the perfect foil for the red Lancastrian rose, illustrating the layered nature of history and the human experience: the dominating political masculine sphere which dictated the course of their lives and which has created an overarching metanarrative of the period above the symbiotic quieter, more marginalised feminine strand, less well understood and less well defined by the processes of history, a function of the male world yet also in constant difference and emergence from it, both within and without. The stories of the Lancastrian men have been told many times. They are full of larger-than-life characters, the giants of history, so this book seeks to trace a series of petits récits, or small individual narratives, to illuminate the biographies of the women in their lives. These daughters, wives and mothers did not necessarily live on the margins but have been sidelined by the dominant narrative. In fact, even a cursory glance at their biographies shows that these women played influential roles. This book seeks to ascertain the nature of their contribution and the means by which they influenced their men and historical events. It was largely a question of personality and circumstances.

Notes

  1http://www.history.ac.uk/richardII/dunst_swan.html

  2    Planché.

PROLOGUE

JUNE 1509

On a Saturday at the end of June 1509, the streets of London filled with people hoping to see the new King of England ride past on his way from the Tower to his coronation in Westminster Abbey. Banners fluttered in the breeze amid an air of expectation. From a house in Cheapside, members of the royal family had gathered to await the procession’s arrival. The most imposing figure was that of the new king’s 66-year-old grandmother, Margaret Beaufort, her tiny frame encased in a dress of tawny-brown damask and silk – a colourful change from her usual black and white attire and the headdress and wimple she wore as a vowess. Though she was three-times widowed and had resolved to live a religious life, this was not a day she intended to miss. She had hired the Cheapside house from a citizen for a daily rent of 2s 10d, though, for the sake of discretion, she was concealed from the crowds by a lattice.

It might have been the young Henry VIII who was about to be crowned, but it was Margaret’s skill in organisation that ensured the day ran smoothly. Over the previous two decades she had gained such a reputation for her abilities that the Privy Council had appointed her regent during the transfer of power from one king to the next. Margaret had wasted no time in assembling the councillors in her chambers to ascertain the correct proceedings and etiquette for the occasion, just as twenty-three years earlier she had set in stone the arrangements for the births of Henry and his siblings. Since then, she had played a central role at the heart of the Tudor dynasty and, before that, had fought against the odds to survive when her family’s very existence was threatened. There had been moments when her life was in danger, when she feared the only son she cherished, Henry VII, was dead and when he had spent years beyond her reach. The coronation of June 1509 was a bittersweet moment for Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby. It was a triumph, handing power seamlessly from one king to the next without the bloodshed or dispute that had marred recent decades, but it had only been possible because of the death of Margaret’s son. Henry VII now lay beside his wife in the chapel he had built at Westminster Abbey.

But the pathos of the moment was lost amidst the sound of trumpets. Heralds had run ahead to announce the imminent arrival of the king. At the far end of Cheapside appeared the blue robes of the new Knights of the Garter, anointed in a secret ceremony held overnight at the Tower. Behind them came a figure riding on horseback, a horse dressed in cloth of gold, walking slowly under a gold canopy held aloft by the Barons of the Cinque Ports. Henry VIII was just 18, tall at over 6ft, athletic, broad-shouldered, strawberry blonde and handsome. He wore a gold jacket embroidered with gems: diamonds and pearls, rubies and emeralds, underneath long robes of crimson velvet and around his neck was a collar of rubies. Following behind was his new queen, the Spanish princess Catherine of Aragon, to whom he had been married for only two weeks: two exciting weeks filled with passion and plans. Catherine was a petite, curvaceous beauty, wearing her long red hair loose for the coronation and a gold coronet with oriental stones set upon her head. She was dressed in white embroidered satin and riding a horse trapped in white cloth of gold. They made a handsome couple, with the blood of the dynasties of York and Lancaster flowing in Henry’s veins and Catherine’s Spanish heritage tempered by her descent from Catherine of Lancaster, the daughter of John of Gaunt. Their marriage brought the Lancastrian dynasty full circle, tracing its path from its earliest days, with the children of Edward III, through 150 years of turbulent history. By marrying a direct descendant of the Lancastrian line, Henry was honouring his grandmother’s family, herself a great-granddaughter of Gaunt. There was a pleasing symmetry to it, a sense of conclusion.

On the following day, Midsummer’s Day, Margaret took her seat in Westminster Abbey to witness the coronation. She had been given a privileged position in the choir, so she would have been able to see everything as her grandson swore his oath and stepped forward to be anointed at the high altar, his body daubed with holy oil in nine different places. Then the crown of Edward the Confessor was raised above him before being gently placed upon his golden head. It was a moment that resonated down the centuries, of the coronations of kings and queens less fortunate than Henry, whose reigns had been cut short, or marred by dissent, or tainted by scandal or violence. Margaret’s personal history, her family line, had been bound up with the lives of all of them: the Lancastrians Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, the Yorkists Edward IV and Richard III, and her own son Henry VII, the first king of the Tudor line. It was an intimidating legacy and Margaret knew it. The day also brought to the surface her particular blend of superstition and fatality: for her, happy events always contained a kernel of tragedy, of fear for the future, just as the wheel of fortune could be trusted to keep on turning. She wept tears of fear as well as tears of joy that day.

Such superstition was only to be expected. As she sat in the choir watching her grandson being crowned, Margaret was both central to the proceedings and marginal to them. As a woman, even such a strong one, the line of inheritance had passed through her but her sphere of influence was necessarily limited, her voice muted. Behind that long line of kings was an equally long line of women whose fortunes had been intimately associated with the Lancastrian dynasty, marrying its men and bearing its children, through peaks of success and terrible losses and failures, struggling to survive and enduring the unexpected, on both personal and national levels. Since the house of Lancaster had first claimed the English throne back in 1399, it had been a tumultuous ride and, for a while, the cause had almost seemed lost. Margaret had played a significant role in the final phase of the struggle, a wise and shrewd player for whom patience had reaped the ultimate reward.

The coronation of Margaret’s grandson marked the end of her journey. Five days later, she died peacefully in the Deanery of Westminster Abbey and was given a state funeral. Many of her predecessors had not met with such a fortunate end. They had been deposed, exiled, lost their lives in childbirth or plague, endured violence or rejection, or outlived their loved ones and died alone. Each woman was a single piece of the family’s picture, a branch on the tree that had finally blossomed. This book tells the story of Margaret and all the other women who helped build the Lancastrian dynasty.

PART ONE

1

BLANCHE OF LANCASTER, 1345–68

… the brightest lights and the darkest shadows meet.1

I

On the last day of December 1347, a ship limped into the harbour at Genoa in northern Italy. Its journey had been long and perilous, ‘delayed by tragic accidents’ as it brought survivors home from the siege that was taking place at Caffa, far away on the Baltic Sea. The Genoan citizens nervously watched it approach. After months of hearing terrible reports of atrocities inflicted by the Mongols on the Christians trapped behind Caffa’s walls, news of the ship’s arrival spread through the streets and people left their homes and businesses and hurried down to the docks. As Gabriele de’ Mussis of Piacenza, who is thought to have been among those on board, recounted, ‘relations, kinsmen and neighbours flocked … from all sides,’ hoping to hear news of their loved ones. And yet, those staggering off the ship on to the quay had brought home more than they had bargained for. ‘To our anguish,’ says de’ Mussis, ‘we were carrying darts of death. When they hugged and kissed us, we were spreading poison from our lips even as we spoke.’2 Within days the first ominous signs began to appear. Genoa’s citizens fell ill with icy chills that developed into burning fevers, racking headaches and the glands in their armpits and groins swelled up, hard, painful and discoloured. The signs of plague were unmistakeable. Tragically, they were also unavoidable. Thus began one of the worst pandemics of the medieval era: the Black Death.

In the mid-1340s, the bubonic plague had crept slowly across Europe: a tiny bacterium, invisible to the naked eye, which thrived in the guts of fleas. Those fleas burrowed into the fur of rodents running through the city sewers, or crept into the folds of cloth brought by merchants from the east. It had devastated the Mongol army at Caffa, who loaded their trebuchets with piles of bodies and propelled them over the city walls and on to their enemies, in the belief that the stench of the dead would infect the very air the Christians breathed. De’ Mussis believed that ‘one infected man could carry the poison to another, and infect people and places with the disease by look alone.’3 Genoa would prove to be its foothold in Europe. By the end of January, the disease had taken hold in Venice and Marseilles, the ports along the Ligurian Sea and the Côte d’Azur. Then it started to spread north.

By April, the first cases were being reported in Avignon. Its resident pope, Clement VI, was the fourth of seven to choose to base himself in the French city instead of Rome. Louis Heyligen of Beeringen, a musician at the papal court, in the service of Cardinal Colonna, wrote that ‘when one infected person dies everyone who saw him during his illness, visited him, had any dealings with him, or carried him to burial, immediately follows him, without any remedy’.4 He reported that people were afraid to drink from wells or to eat sea fish, in the belief that it could have been contaminated by bad humours, and no one dared eat spices less than a year old in case they came from infected Italian ships. The pope ordered anatomical examinations of the corpses, which were found to have infected lungs filled with blood; he also consulted astronomers, who blamed the conjunction of Jupiter, Mars and Saturn, while popular opinion conformed to type by pointing the finger at the Jews. Yet the true cause of the pestilence, and the cure, continued to elude them. Heyligen’s employer, Cardinal Colonna, was among the casualties, dying on 3 July 1348. Another of Avignon’s victims was Petrarch’s beloved Laura.

By the summer, the pandemic was approaching the English Channel and the kingdom of Edward III, the seventh Plantagenet ruler. In Paris, Carmelite Friar Jean de Venette described how ‘those who fell ill lasted little more than two or three days, but died suddenly, as if in the midst of health, for someone who was healthy one day could be dead and buried the next.’ Five hundred bodies were being buried every day in the cemetery of the Holy Innocents.5 At Tournai, just 80 miles from the port of Calais, Gilles il Muisis, Abbot of St Giles, wrote in his Chronicle that ‘the mortality was so great that in many places a third of the population died, elsewhere a quarter or a half, and in several places only one or two people out of ten survived.’6

Its island nature could have been England’s salvation. However, as the cause of the contagion was not understood, nothing was done to curb the flow of maritime activity that was usually the country’s lifeblood. The household accounts of Edward III from this period show that over 15,000 mariners were currently in the king’s employ, divided among at least 700 ships, from Bristol in the west to Sandwich in the east, Southampton in the south, all along the coastline to Newcastle in the north and abroad in Spain, Ireland and Flanders.7 In fact, on 6 May 1348, instructions were issued to the collectors of customs at the ports of Sandwich, Winchelsea, Southampton and Chichester, to allow freer export of wool to Flanders.8 Additionally, towards the end of that month, free passage was given to Benedictine monks in England through Calais to St Mary’s Abbey at Lire, 80 miles west of Paris, where the plague was raging. As late as 6 August, Edward III ordered that a group of Knights Hospitaller must be allowed to embark from Sandwich for Rhodes ‘with their household and reasonable expenses in gold’.9 By this point, it was already too late. England was infected.

It only took one ship. The unhappy vessel had landed at Melcombe in Dorset carrying sailors from Gascony, and the first deaths were recorded as taking place on 23 June. The plague arrived at Bristol a week later and the Anonimalle Chronicle recorded that it ‘lasted in the south country around Bristol throughout August and all winter’, before spreading north and west the following year, so that ‘the living were hardly able to bury the dead.’10 By Easter 1349, it was raging through East Anglia and July saw the first cases arrive in Lincolnshire, the Cistercian Abbey of St Louth recording the loss of its abbot and that ‘so great a pestilence had not been seen, or heard, or written about, before this time’.11 It did not help that constant rain fell ‘from Midsummer to Christmas’ or that the harvests failed and the lack of available fish meant that ‘men were obliged to eat flesh on Wednesdays’, the traditional Catholic day of fasting.12 Rents went unpaid, lands went to seed, lying uncultivated, and prices soared. The Rochester Cathedral Chronicle reported that ‘there were in those days, death without sorrow, marriage without affection, self-imposed penance, want without poverty and flight without escape.’13 Worse still, most people believed that the plague was a punishment sent directly from God, a divine visitation upon the heads of a world that had somehow offended. In Oxford, John Wycliffe predicted that the world would end in the year 1400.

The plague claimed rich and poor alike. The family of Edward III, King of England for the last twenty years, were to discover that royal blood and thick castle walls would provide no safeguard against its terrible, irrepressible spread. With his wife Philippa of Hainault and their ten surviving children, Edward listened to the reports of the disease’s devastating effects on his people and avoided some of the worst afflicted places. Having returned from laying siege to Calais only that October, he came home to a devastated realm and chose to pass the Christmas season of 1347 at Guildford Castle. Behind its stout closed doors, the royal family could forget for a moment that the world outside was disintegrating and throw themselves into celebrations. The court donned fantastic costumes for a masque, which included the heads and wings of fourteen peacocks, headpieces of silver angels and the heads of virgins and ‘wodewose’ or wildmen.14 There was also a royal marriage to be planned. In the summer of 1348, Edward and Philippa’s daughter, the 14-year-old Joan of England, left England to travel to Castile in order to be married. Her trousseau included a wedding dress of over 150yd of silk, a brown and gold silk dress embroidered with lions enclosed in circles, a gown of green silk sewn with wild men, animals and roses. Yet, as soon as her ship disembarked at Bordeaux, her party started falling ill and, despite fleeing the city, Joan died on 2 September. Two of her younger brothers, Thomas and William of Windsor, then aged about 1 year and 10 weeks respectively, were also lost during that summer.

In Lincolnshire, another family with small children were bracing themselves for the arrival of the plague. At Bolingbroke Castle, situated in the open countryside between the city of Lincoln and the North Sea coast, Henry of Grosmont, Earl of Lancaster, was hoping that his home was remote enough to shelter his family from the coming onslaught. It had been built in the 1230s, with five towers, walls 12ft thick and a moat almost eight times as wide. The ground rose to hills on three sides, which afforded them some natural protection. Animals were kept in the outer bailey and several fishponds would have kept the family supplied with fresh food. By the summer of 1349, it had passed into Lancaster’s hands, and the earldom had been created for him, as a great-grandson of Henry III. Lancaster was a veteran of the Hundred Years’ War and Scots Wars, having paid his own exorbitant ransom after spending a year in captivity in the Low Countries, on account of the king’s debts. He had been married for twelve years to Isabella de Beaumont, the granddaughter of John of Brienne, King of Jerusalem, a French nobleman who had fought in the fifth and sixth crusades and ruled in Constantinople. The pair had at least two daughters: Maud, who was ten in 1349, and Blanche, whose age may have been anything between four and nine. The existence of another daughter, Isabel, is suggested by a gift of white wine made to her and her mother in 1338 by the Borough of Leicester, although she appears not to have survived infancy.15

As the plague spread closer, Lancaster was already aware that his best chance of survival was to stay away from London. Along with his peers, he had been due to attend a session of Parliament summoned to Westminster for that Easter but, in early March, letters were issued from the palace insisting that no ‘magnates and other lieges’ must attend ‘until further order, as the king has prorogued that Parliament until a new summons because that mortal plague which caused the previous prorogation … is increasing’ and their assembly would be ‘too dangerous’.16 Members of Parliament heeded this advice, fled their city homes and took refuge on their estates, hoarding provisions, shutting the gates and sitting the danger out. Through that summer, the plague swept up to the walls of Bolingbroke Castle and devastated the surrounding county. A mere 20 miles north, the chronicler of the Cistercian Abbey of Louth described what happened when the first cases appeared that July; many of the monks died, including the Abbot, Walter de Louth, with the illness killing ‘confessor and penitent together’. So great a pestilence, wrote the monk, ‘had not been seen, or heard, or written about before this time’ and ‘struck the whole world with immense terror.’17 The Bishop of Lincoln consecrated new cemeteries to receive the victims of the plague, at Great Easton on 4 May and at Stragglethorpe on 9 June, a further 18 miles north of Bolingbroke.18 The number of deaths among the Lincolnshire clergy rose from fifteen in June to sixty in July and eighty-nine in August, while the entire nunnery of Wothorpe was wiped out, save for a single nun. It has been estimated from vacant benefices that the Deanery of Bolingbroke lost about 39 per cent of its inhabitants before the plague finally went into decline with the onset of autumn.19

For the moment, Lancaster and his family were among the survivors. He received another summons from Westminster in November 1350, for Edward’s twenty-ninth Parliament, once it was judged that the danger had passed. Then, with an estimated 1.5 million dead out of a population of 4 million, the magnates would meet between 9 February and 1 March. Five days later, Edward would elevate Henry’s earldom to the duchy of Lancaster ‘and grant to him all the royal rights pertaining to the county palatine, in that country, to hold for life, and that he should have executions by writs and ministers there’.20 This might have been as a result of his swift bravery at the Battle of Winchelsea, otherwise known as the Battle of L’Espagnols sur Mer, that had taken place on 29 August 1350. A fleet of Castilian privateers mounted an unexpected attack upon Edward III’s ships, which were anchored off what was then the busy port of Winchelsea in East Sussex. Lancaster’s swift action saved the king’s two sons from the sinking vessel: young John of Gaunt, then aged ten, and the all-important heir, Edward, the Black Prince. According to Froissart, ‘during this danger of the prince, the Duke21 of Lancaster … approached … and saw that his crew had too much on their hands, as they were bailing out water, so he drew his ship alongside for the prince to board’.22

According to his own memoirs The Book of the Holy Doctors, written in the medieval tradition as penance for a life of vice, Lancaster was tall, fair and slim in his youth, fond of fine clothes and jewels, hunting, jousting, dancing, feasting and the pleasures of the flesh.23 One source suggests the existence of an illegitimate daughter by the name of Juliane, who was married to a William Dannet of Leicester at some point before 1380.24 His various foreign crusades had resulted in campaigns, battles, treaties and a narrowly averted duel with the Duke of Brunswick, which was halted when King John II of France intervened. By his forties, Lancaster was ageing and suffering from gout, but his legitimate daughters were two of the most eligible young women in England.

II

As the daughters of the most senior peer of the realm, Maud and Blanche of Lancaster already had a connection with the household of Queen Philippa of Hainault before they entered it on a formal basis. With Blanche’s birth occurring somewhere between 1340 and 1348, an earlier date might suggest that she may have been placed with the queen by 1349, while a later one would indicate her likely presence in Lincolnshire during the plague, followed by her entry to the court in the early 1350s. Lancaster’s activities suggest that he was in England during the peak of the epidemic but his later foreign career might have led his duchess to seek the queen’s company in his absence, along with the surgeons, alchemists, cures and other benefits of the royal establishment. They also suggest that the young Blanche came into contact with Philippa’s third surviving son, John of Gaunt, whose ninth birthday fell three months before the plague ship arrived in Melcombe. Although confined within the domestic, female sphere, the queen’s women would have attended formal occasions, religious observances and feast days, where there would be opportunities to talk and perhaps even dance with members of King Edward’s household.

Philippa was reputed to be a ‘virtuous loving wife’ and ‘affectionate mother’,25 described by Froissart as ‘most liberal and most courteous’26 and renowned for having pleaded for the lives of the Burghers of Calais in 1347. A description of a child princess of Hainault, which may refer to Philippa or one of her sisters, paints a picture of a girl of 8 with hair ‘betwixt blue-black and brown’, her head ‘clean shaped, her forehead high and broad … the lower part of her face still more narrow and slender than the forehead. Her eyes are blackish brown and deep. Her nose is fairly smooth and even, save that it is somewhat broad at the tip and somewhat flattened yet it is no snub nose … her mouth fairly wide. Her lips somewhat full … she is brown of skin all over and much like her father … nought is amiss so far as a man may see.’27 Even if this account, by Walter Stapledon, Bishop of Exeter, referred to Philippa’s elder sister Margaret or the younger Joanna, only a couple of years separated the three, so the colouring and general sense may well be taken to describe Edward III’s queen. Moreover, at the end of her life, Philippa insisted that her tomb represent a realistic, honest depiction of herself rather than an idealisation. Her effigy in Westminster Abbey, carved by Jean de Liège of Brabant, bears out Exeter’s description of what might have been a family nose, smallish and even, with broad nostrils and flattened end.

Having spent her childhood at the sophisticated Hainault court, Philippa was a keen patron of the arts, gathering a collection of illustrated manuscripts and possessing an appreciation of poetry from an early age. On her marriage she gave her husband the gift of an enamelled ewer depicting characters from popular epics and romances of the day. Edward’s present to her had been a French translation of Petrarch’s dialogues the Secretum, an examination of his faith. In 1341, Philippa’s chaplain, Robert de Eglesfield, founded Queen’s College, Oxford, naming it in her honour, and the queen took a keen interest in the establishment, securing for it the revenues from a small hospital in Southampton.28 Philippa was also the patron of the chronicler Jean Froissart, who gained her attention with a narrative poem praising Prince Edward’s role at the Battle of Poitiers in 1356. She invited Froissart to England as her secretary in 1361, after which he described the queen as ‘tall and upright, wise, gay, humble, pious, liberal and courteous’. Such was the woman under whose influence young Blanche spent her formative teenage years.

As part of Philippa’s household, Maud and Blanche would have enjoyed even greater luxury than they had as the daughters of the premier peer of the realm, at the royal residences including Woodstock, Westminster, Eltham, Sheen, Windsor, Langley, Berkhamsted, Clarendon and Philippa’s own palace of Havering atte Bowe in Essex. Edward’s building programme of the 1350s also saw the development of castles at Hadleigh, Nottingham, Rotherhithe and the magnificent Queenborough, built by William of Wickham for £25,000. Among his innovations were roasting houses for his meat, glazed windows, tiled bathrooms and bronze taps with running hot and cold water.29 An examination of the records for a few months in the middle of 1353 gives an indication of the provision for the queen’s household. Her ferreter and fishmonger was to catch ‘conies [rabbits] in warrens and fish in fisheries and stews [ponds]’ for her table; the steward of her wardrobe was to bring timber; wine was ordered for the queen’s buttery; stock for her buttery, bakery and bakehouse; her usher of the hall was to supply brushwood and coal for her bedchamber and rooms; her clerk to buy stockfish and other victuals.30 A comparison between the daily food allowance made for an individual of ducal status and that of a mere knight in the late 1340s shows 13s and 4d for the former and only 2s for the latter.31 The girls would also have accompanied the queen on royal progresses, like her trip into the West Country in August 1347, and may even have been with Philippa at the convent near Winchelsea in 1350, where they awaited news of the sea battle off Sandwich. The girls’ arrival at court could well have been timed to fill the place of Philippa’s maids in waiting who had married, such as Elizabeth Vaux, who became the wife of Ralph de Buxton in 1351 and was well taken care of by a royal annuity of 40 marks awarded for the duration of her life.32 As such, Maud and Blanche could expect to be well looked after; then, and in the future.

In November 1351, Blanche, Maud and their mother were probably involved in the preparations for the marriage of Philippa’s eldest daughter Isabella to Bernard d’Albert of Gascony. The princess was furnished with a costly mantle of Indian silk furred with ermine, 119 circlets of silk and pearls each decorated with a gold agnus dei set on green velvet, jewellery and dresses of gold and silver in preparation for her departure after Christmas.33 It was set to be a fairy-tale wedding but, with only a week to go, the wilful Isabella refused to go through with the match and remained unmarried until the age of 33. The Lancaster girls would have felt the ripples of scandal run through the court and perhaps witnessed any public or private manifestations of the king and queen’s displeasure: it set a standard for a royal marriage, but also perhaps the precedence of love or personal inclination over duty.

Lancaster’s daughters grew to maturity in the 1340 and ’50s. They received the education of aristocratic women, developing the practical and refined accomplishments, such as deportment, dancing and needlework, combined with religious devotion and the reading of saints’ lives, which were designed to instil them with the virtues of nobility and humility, piety and duty. As soon as they became aware of their position, the girls knew that their futures would lie in the making of a successful marriage and the bearing of children. The elder sister, Maud, had followed the aristocratic custom of being wed in early childhood, her husband being the young Ralph of Stafford, eldest son of the first Earl of Stafford. Despite the example of Princess Isabella, Maud is unlikely to have had a say in this, probably spending very little time with the young boy to whom she had been contracted for the benefits of dynastic ties. The agreement was signed on 10 October 1344, with the wedding following on 1 November,34 when Maud was 4 or 5. The couple’s youth prevented this from being anything more than a match on paper and Ralph’s early death in November 1347, when Maud was only 7 or 8 years old, put an end to her hopes. A similar match was planned for Blanche, the agreement being made on 4 May 1347 for her to marry John of Segrave, the son of the fourth Lord Segrave. No actual wedding took place though, and this potential union was abandoned before 1350.

It was probably Queen Philippa who suggested a more prestigious match for Maud. Her new husband was to be the queen’s own nephew, William V, Count of Holland, Zeeland and Hainault, also known as William I, Duke of Bavaria, the son of Philippa’s sister Margaret. The wedding took place in February 1352 in the King’s Chapel35 at Westminster before the couple departed for Bavaria, accompanied by Henry Grosmont. Maud was 13 or 14 at the time of the marriage and Blanche was between 7 and 12, perhaps old enough to be able to understand what it meant and anticipate a husband of her own.

Blanche was renowned for her beauty yet no reliable contemporary image of her survives. However, a vivid pen portrait does, thanks to the presence of one of John of Gaunt’s most famous contemporaries. The poet Geoffrey Chaucer had been employed by the royal family from at least 1357, when he was listed in the household accounts of the wife of Edward III’s second son Lionel; in 1366 he was married to Philippa de Roet, a lady in waiting whose sister would later be employed as governess to Blanche’s daughters. Chaucer was thus well positioned to write his description of her as the White Lady, a play on her name, which appeared in his dream-vision poem, Book of the Duchess. According to his praise, her hair was ‘not red, ne nouther yelowe ne broun’ but ‘most lyk gold’ and her complexion ‘was whit, rody, fressh, and lyvely hewed’. He singled out her neck for particular praise, as ‘whit, smothe, streght and pure flat’, with a throat which seemed ‘a round tour of yvoyre [ivory]’. Punning on her name, he added that ‘goode faire White she het [was called]’ and ‘she hadde not hir name wrong’, being ‘bothe fair and bright’. Her shoulders were ‘right faire’ and her body was ‘long’, her breasts were ‘round’, her hips good and broad, and her back was straight and flat. Her white hands had ‘nayles rede’.36

Chaucer’s poem also gives some insight into the wooing of Blanche by the young John of Gaunt. Although it is likely, given their court connections, that the pair had known each other since their early days, the Book of the Duchess presents a formal, conventional courtship of romantic distance and idealised beauty. When invited to do so by the narrator, a young man in black (Gaunt) relates the circumstances under which he first saw his beloved. Coming into ‘the fairest company of ladyes that evere man with eye had seen together in one place’, he noticed one who was like none of the others, as bright as the summer sun, brighter ‘than any other planet in heaven’ or the moon and stars. She was accomplished, womanly and noble:

I sawgh hyr daunce so comlily,

Carole and synge so swetely,

Laughe and pleye so womanly,

And loke so debonairly,

So goodly speke and so frendly,

That certes y trowe that evermor

Nas seyn so blysful a tresor.37

Although the Gaunt protagonist observed that she ‘loved as man may do his brother’, he had little hope of winning her love, about as much as a man living in India. He lacked the language and wit to understand her and his spirits were too dull to ‘comprehend her beauty’. Yet he recognised that her face lacked all ‘wicked signs’ and was ‘simple and benign’ and that she never spoke ill against any man or woman, but only truth and, although she knew the ways of the world, she never chided or flattered. Without her, the company was as naked as a crown without stones. In the best conventions of the courtly lover’s complaint, she rendered him sorrowful, soft and quaking for dread, sometimes pale of face, sometimes red, hanging his head and fearful to speak. She refused him at first when at last he confessed his feelings, swearing to be true and faithful, loving her ‘always freshly new’, but took pity on him and gave him a ring.38

In reality, the marriage was probably arranged, or at least approved, by the king. John of Gaunt was the third surviving son of Edward III, born at the Abbey of St Bavo in Ghent on 6 March 1340. He had returned to England with his parents that November, where he entered the royal nursery with his siblings before embarking on the traditional programme of education for a king’s son by entering the household of his eldest brother Edward, the Black Prince. That year, he witnessed the English victory against the fleet of Don Carlos de la Cerda at Winchelsea because, as Froissart states, he was ‘too young to bear arms but [Edward III] had him with him in his ship, because he much loved him’,39 and was rescued by Lancaster. In 1351 he was granted the earldom of Richmond and in 1355, at the age of 15, took part in his brother’s campaign to fight across France from Bordeaux to Toulouse, which concluded with the English victory at the Battle of Poitiers. He had also accompanied the Black Prince north to Scotland and, after the English recaptured Berwick, he witnessed the documents by which Edward Balliol surrendered his claim to the Scottish throne in return for an English pension. At Christmas 1357, Gaunt can be pinpointed at Hatfield in Yorkshire, staying with his elder brother Lionel, among whose household was Chaucer, whose acquaintance with Blanche’s future husband probably dates from this period. The following April, the entire court was present at Windsor for the Feast of the Round Table, at which knights of the garter were created and lords tilted at the lists to amuse the captive kings of Scotland and France: no doubt Gaunt took the opportunity to impress Blanche with his fine armour and chivalric accomplishments.

One of the most persistent legends about John of Gaunt’s appearance was his reputed great height. A suit of armour in the Tower of London measuring 6ft 8in is said to have been made for him, although this identification dates from the reign of James I and the armour is, in fact, only a little older. Yet Chaucer’s depiction of him as a man of ‘noble stature’ might suggest that he was above average height. A description compiled by the Portuguese chronicler Fernão Lopes, who based his pen portrait on the descriptions of people who had seen him in life, claims that he had ‘majestic features and piercing eyes’ and was ‘well-built and straight’ but ‘did not seem to have as much flesh as required by the height of his body’.40 An illuminated miniature of 1380 in the St Albans Abbey Benefactors’ Book shows a man with wavy red-brown hair to his jawline, ruddy cheeks and forked beard.

The most well-known portrait of Gaunt is not contemporary but based on a lost original that was painted during his life. Commissioned in the 1590s, it depicts a man in armour overlaid with a red and black tabard embroidered with heraldic devices, wearing a crown over his helmet. Whilst displaying the fourteenth-century context lifted from the original, the style of the portrait is still resonant of the late Elizabethan era, comparable with the features and stance of the queen’s recently deceased favourite, Robert Dudley. In both cases, the face is shrewd and narrow with high cheek bones and red cheeks, eyes focused on the viewer under dark arched brows, thin pursed lips and the same style of moustache and slight beard. Both men have the lower part of their chins obscured, Gaunt by chain mail, Dudley by a ruff, but the similarities suggest that the process of copying Gaunt may have been affected more by contemporary fashions than veracity. One drawing of him as part of a fresco in St Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster in 1355 has partly perished, so that the face is obliterated, and the effigy on the often-sketched tomb of Gaunt, from the north side of the high altar at St Paul’s which perished in the Great Fire of London, was actually added in the reign of Henry VII.

Gaunt may have been captivated by Blanche’s beauty but it was not his first love affair. In the late 1350s, perhaps even in the year of his marriage, one of his mother’s ladies in waiting had borne him an illegitimate child, a daughter who was named Blanche, perhaps out of deference to his intended wife. According to Froissart, John’s lover had been Marie de St Hilaire, who was also connected with Hainault, or was perhaps the daughter of a family that had arrived in England with the queen, or later, thanks to her patronage. Marie appears to have had a sister, Joan, in the royal service, as they were both granted annuities in 1360, although Marie would later receive a pension from Gaunt after their daughter had made a good marriage to Sir Thomas Morieux. If Blanche knew about her namesake, she would not have been shocked. Despite the church’s teaching about lechery and fornication, such liaisons were considered as normal youthful discretions and indicate that Gaunt and his contemporaries found little difficulty in reconciling their spiritual and temporal selves. It also indicates the discrepancies in standards between aristocratic men and women of the day: Gaunt might father a bastard on a waiting woman but, for the sake of the royal inheritance, Blanche’s chastity must be unquestionable.

On Sunday 19 May 1359, Blanche and John of Gaunt were married at Reading Abbey. A papal dispensation had been issued on 6 January as the couple were third and fourth cousins through their mutual descent from Henry III. Gaunt was 19, Blanche at least 14, perhaps a few years older. The age of consent for girls was 14, and it was common for such marriages to be consummated once the bride reached that significant age. Blanche’s female relations do not set a consistent precedent though, her mother Isabel marrying at around 17, her sister becoming a wife at around 13, while her maternal grandmother Alice wed some time before her nineteenth birthday. When it came to the marriages of the royal family, where desirable heiresses were involved, average marital ages were fairly consistent with the age of consent. Blanche’s new mother-in-law, Queen Philippa, was wed five months before her fourteenth birthday and became a mother days before she turned 16.

In 1359, the entire royal family were present at Blanche’s wedding and her father-in-law, Edward III, gave her gifts worth £389 11s 6d including jewels: a ring with a ruby costing £20, a belt garnished with rubies, emeralds and pearls worth £18 and silver buckles worth £30.41 Other members of his immediate family gave gifts amounting to an additional £300, while Gaunt himself gave his bride a diamond ring and a jewel set in gold and surrounded by pearls.42 The ceremony was carried out by Thomas de Chynham, clerk of the Queen’s Chapel, who was paid £10 for his services. Three days of celebrations were held at Reading, where jousting took place in honour of the ‘new Diana’, followed by a further three days in London from 27 to 29 May. There, according to tradition,43 mysterious knights accepted the challenge to fight made by the city’s mayor, wearing the colours of the city. To the delight of the crowd, they were later revealed to be the king and his four sons Edward, Lionel, John and Edmund.44 The spirit of the wedding feasting may be suggested by Chaucer’s description of the Franklin, ‘the son of Epicurus’, in the general prologue to The Canterbury Tales, but it no doubt surpassed it:

His bread and ale were always fresh and fine,

And no one had a better stock of wine.

Baked meat was always in his house, the best

Of fish and flesh, so much that to each guest

It almost seemed to snow with meat and drink

And all the dainties of which one could think.

His meals would always vary, to adhere

To all the changing seasons of the year.

The coop was partridge-filled, birds fat as any,

And in the pond the breams and pikes were many.

Blanche’s marriage fulfilled exactly the expectations of her social position. With royal blood flowing through her veins, and as the daughter of the leading aristocrat of the land, as an intimate of the court and the possessor of great beauty, ability and nobility, if Chaucer is to be believed, she had easily attained her destined position by becoming Gaunt’s wife. If there was also a genuine attraction and affection between them, as far as it is possible to discern across the centuries, it would seem that she had something of a charmed life. She quickly proved herself to be fruitful, falling pregnant in the weeks following her wedding. It may have been the announcement of her condition that prompted the king to award her an annual £100 towards the ‘expenses of her chamber’.45

III

The marriage was five months old in October 1359 when John of Gaunt and Henry, Duke of Lancaster left England as part of Edward’s invasion force in France. Blanche remained at court well into the New Year, as a letter from Edward III to his wife testifies. Being ‘heavily pregnant’, and ‘because of the concern we feel for her condition’, the king wished her to remain with Philippa until a month or two before her delivery,46 which was anticipated at the end of March. Married aristocratic women often returned to their parents’ home to give birth, especially when their husbands were abroad, retreating from the world at around the eighth month of pregnancy, so it would have been February when Blanche made the journey north to Leicester Castle, the traditional residence of the Earls of Lancaster. There, probably with her mother, she awaited the birth of her first child, in rooms specially prepared and equipped for the delivery, lined with carpets, piled high with sheets, and with religious texts, icons and artefacts close to hand on a ‘cup-board’. Apart from the herbal concoctions and remedies prepared by her women, Blanche’s faith and determination would be all the relief she could expect during the coming ordeal. A magnificent bed would have been prepared, perhaps with a spare alongside for her to rest in once the sheets had been soiled. Those sheets would have covered mattresses stuffed with feathers, under an embroidered counterpane and tester hung from the wooden frame. One bed recorded in the Close Rolls as being owned by Queen Philippa cost £3,000 and was made of green velvet embroidered with gold and bore the motif of sea sirens holding a shield with the arms of England and Hainault.47 When Philippa had given birth in 1347, she had used twelve carpets at a cost of £60, probably lining the walls and ceiling as well as the floor. Blanche would have enjoyed a comparable luxury, but a greater degree of privacy, in her parents’ home.