Table of Contents
Title Page
Copyright Page
Acknowledgments
Introduction
SECTION 1 - THE INDUSTRIAL LEGACY
CHAPTER 1 - PATTERNS OF INDUSTRIAL SETTLEMENT
INDUSTRY ARRIVES
TRANSPORTATION
WHY INDUSTRY LEFT AND WHAT IT LEFT BEHIND
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 2 - THE EMERGENCE OF AN INDUSTRIAL ARCHITECTURE AND AESTHETIC
INDUSTRIAL BUILDINGS—EARLY DEVELOPMENTS
INDUSTRIAL ARCHITECTURE AND THE MODERN MOVEMENT
INDUSTRIAL AESTHETIC AND RENOVATION
ENDNOTES
SECTION 2 - REDEVELOPMENT—AN OVERVIEW
CHAPTER 3 - PROJECT PLANNING STRATEGIES
PUBLIC OUTREACH: REQUESTS FOR PROPOSALS, COMPETITIONS, AND OTHER TOOLS FOR ...
GOVERNMENT-INITIATED PROJECTS
OWNER/DEVELOPER-INITIATED PROJECTS
COMMUNITY-INITIATED PROJECTS
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 4 - PUBLIC POLICY AND URBAN EVOLUTION
URBAN EVOLUTION, REZONING, AND DEVELOPMENT CONTROLS
RETAINING INDUSTRY
ART AS AN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ENGINE
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 5 - ENVIRONMENTAL REMEDIATION AND DEVELOPMENT
ENVIRONMENTAL REGULATION
SUSTAINABILITY ISSUES
REMEDIATION AND LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 6 - DEVELOPMENT FINANCING PROGRAMS
TAX CREDIT PROGRAMS
CONSERVATION EASEMENTS
TAX I NCREM ENT FINANCING FOR BROWNFIELDS
ENDNOTES
SECTION 3 - PROJECT TYPES
CHAPTER 7 - CULTURAL PROJECTS
ARCHITECTURE AS ADVERTISING
MUSEUMS OF INDUSTRY
ADAPTIVE REUSE
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 8 - RESIDENTIAL, COMMERCIAL, AND MIXED-USE DEVELOPMENTS
PIONEERING PROJECTS
THE ROLE OF SINGLE-PURPOSE ENTITI ES OR DEVELOPMENT CORPORATIONS
SELF-CONTAINED PROJECTS
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 9 - OPEN SPACE AND PARKS
CREATING NEW PARKS—AN OVERVIEW
RETAINING HISTORY THROUGH DESIGN
WATERFRONT PARKS
ENDNOTES
AFTERWORD
APPENDIX: RESOURCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
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Copyright © 2011 by Carol Berens. All rights reserved.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
Berens, Carol.
Redeveloping Industrial Sites : A Guide for Architects, Planners, and
Developers / by Carol Berens.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-470-39824-1 (cloth : alk. paper); 9780470649305 (ebk); 9780470649312 (ebk); 9780470649329 (ebk); 978-0-470-95017-3 (ebk); 978-0-470-95041-8 (ebk)
1. City planning-Case studies.
2. Industrial sites. I. Title. II. Title: Strategies for reclaiming the urban landscape.
NA9053.I53B47 2010
711’.5524-dc22
2010007961
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Writing is said to be a solitary experience; however, writing a book requires the help and support of many people. For their encouragement, valuable comments and suggestions, I would like to thank Julie Pecheur, Judith Bing, Ellie Becker, and Tom Doramus. Jacqueline and Dick Loehr patiently listened to me and also trudged out to take some photos. Paula and Philip Forman were, as always, stalwart supporters, and Anne Asher, Patricia Zedalis and Michael Strasser continually encouraged me. My travels would have been much less enjoyable and productive if it weren’t for the kind generosity of Diederik and Dana Advocaat in London and Bert and Malou Bakker in Amsterdam. In Paris, Patricia Bungener was always ready to set out to explore a new project. Patrick Weiller, Caroline and Jean-Francois Kindermans played hosts, guides, and translators in my journeys.
I greatly appreciate those who shared with me the details of their projects and the long paths to completion. Their recounting of the vagaries of the market, the endless public sessions, and the deadlines almost missed supplied invaluable information and conveyed the commitment required to undertake these projects. T. Allan Comp explained the complexities of establishing AMD&ART in Pennsylvania and the roles his impressive team played. Sarah Parker and Wendy Holmes of Artspace expressed their enthusiasm for and knowledge of creating artist housing. Tom Meyer and Jeff Scherer of Meyer, Scherer & Rockcastle, Ltd. outlined the perseverance required to sensitively renovate historic industrial structures to enhance today’s use, while Ligeia Uker kindly endured my requests for images. John Grady at the Philadelphia Industrial Development Corporation explained the redevelopment process of converting a naval base to become a new part of its city. Anath Ranon of Cho Benn Holback + Associates Inc. patiently led me through the renovation of the flamboyant American Brewery building into a center for Humanim, and Henry E. Posko, Jr. and Cindy Plavier-Truitt of Humanim described the nail-biting experience of being first-time developers. Kara Cicchetti of the Architectural Heritage Foundation helped me understand how the renovation of the Washington Mills Building No. 1 was achieved. The enthusiastic recountings of Emma Keyte at Wilkinson Eyre Architects and Richard Bevins of the National Waterfront Museum in Swansea, Wales, made their project come alive. Aurèle Cardinal of the Groupe Cardinal Hardy explained how Montreal approaches redevelopment and the transformation of its waterfront, while Eve-Lyne Busque shepherded the images for me. The team at West 8—Adriaan Geuze, Jerry van Eyck, Nicolette Pot, and Dianne van Essen—untangled the story of the redevelopment of Amsterdam’s Eastern Harbor. Regina Meyer explained the massive rezoning process in Brooklyn, and Brian Coleman and Paul Parkhill of the Greenpoint Manufacturing and Design Center traced the history of their development efforts to protect industry in a corner of Brooklyn. Tim Jones of Artscape in Toronto shared the importance the support of art and artists to his city, and Liz Kohn helped greatly in finding the images to support that claim. Norman Hotson of Hotson Bakker Boniface Haden architects + urbanistes remembered how the design and planning ideas embodied in Granville Island were new and untested at the time and Noreen Taylor helped unearth some old images. Steve Soler of Georgetown Land Development Co., LLC explained how he worked with the local community to seek approvals. Scott Erdy from Erdy McHenry Architecture shared the urban vision of the developer of Piazza at Schmitds and Kristine Allouchery helped me with the images. Tom Ogara, a local developer, and Dan Reardon of the Trust for Architectural Easements walked me through a project that showed that it is as economical to renovate as to tear down.
In addition, I am indebted to all those individuals who went out of their way to help me with photographs and permissions: Dana Kelly of Bruner/Cott & Associates; the Mairie de Noisiel, France, and Nestlé France S.A.S.; Fiona Small of Urban Flash and Richard Cooper from Photoflex Studios; Lisa Ries from the Albert Kahn Family of Companies; Ellen Flanagan Kenny with Cummings Properties; Mikko Heikkinen of Heikkinen-Komonen Architects; Caroline Leroy at the Pavillon de l’Arsenal; Mathieu Génon at the ville de Nogent sur Marne; Stefania Canta at Renzo Piano Building Workshop; Timothy Sullivan at Design Collective, Inc; Iwan Baan and the Friends of the High Line; Paul Januszewski; Ronald L Glassman; Emily Winslow at Greenpoint Manufacturing and Design Center; Richard Johnson at the Torpedo Factory; Ron Solomon; Michael Van Valkenburgh and Adrienne Heflich from Michael Van Valkenburgh Associates, Inc.; Jeroen Hendriks of cepezed; Karen Utz at the Sloss Furnaces National Historic Landmark; Galia Solomonoff and Steven Harper of Solomonoff Architecture Studio; Andrew Zago and Laura Bouwman from Zago Architecture; Jo Oltman with Cambridge Seven Architects; Annie O’Neill; Brian Rose; Silke Schmidbartl at Latz + Partner; Shelley Seccombe; Lara Swimmer; Scott Fraser at Granville Island; Porter Gifford; Rob Watkins; Kevin Weber; Teresa Lundquist; Jill Slaight with the New-York Historical Society; and last but not least, Philippe Besnard.
INTRODUCTION
In New York City, along the Hudson River’s edge where longshoremen once unloaded cargo and scows plied the waters, golfers now practice their drives and bikers cycle. In London, contemporary art hangs in a former power station. In Omaha, lofts and studios echo with the sounds of rock bands, not livestock. Throughout America and Europe, where smokestacks and warehouses once defined neighborhoods and even cities, today shade trees overhang park benches, museums attract streams of visitors, and new housing and office buildings bustle with activity.
For the last several decades, industry has been leaving the metropolitan centers of America and Europe in search of cheaper or more efficient places to produce goods. The swaths of derelict land and crumbling buildings left in its wake challenge architects, planners, politicians, and all those who are interested in the vitality of their cities. Redeveloping Industrial Sites describes the strategies that cities, towns, and determined individuals have used to turn their formerly uninhabitable and economically bereft land and buildings into parks, cultural destinations, commercial complexes, and vibrant neighborhoods.
Headlines mourning industrial abandonment have an eerie similarity; stories of reinventions, too, though varied in design and use, are related in process and intent. These projects show how three powerful forces guiding development today—environmental concerns, renewed urban cores and historic preservation—work together to redefine the post-industrial city. The many successful strategies recounted in Redeveloping of Industrial Sites have entailed decades of effort, multitudes of consultants, and concerted political will, to say nothing of extensive financial resources.
Although the course of industry has never been static, after WWII the advent of multi-laned highways swept industries from densely developed cities toward more sparsely populated suburban and rural areas where new industrial facilities had acreage over which to spread out and easy transportation access via the new arterial networks. Container ships demanded deeper, more mechanized ports than the traditional harbor cities could provide. It became cheaper to manufacture goods beyond the shores of America and Europe for consumption at home. Industrial ruins soon pocked cityscapes. Abandoned buildings with broken windows sagged amid the weeds on their bleak, forlorn grounds. Rotting piers silently testified to the past dynamism of waterfronts. Cities, former economic powerhouses of production and trade, reeled from these physical and financial blows. Cities, however, have proven more resilient than the naysayers’ warnings.
Now there are decades-worth of achievements ranging from well-publicized projects to those only known by their neighbors. The problems and ultimate solutions of the often long and arduous development process are examined in this book. One of the puzzling questions that arose is determining how the redevelopment of industrial sites differs from the standard development project, if at all. The difference, however, isn’t in process as much as in necessity. The vacant land and abandoned property of long-gone factories and failed projects stifle growth and effectively seal off sections of towns.
To look at some of the pioneering projects in the book is to see not only an apparently simpler era, but also to glimpse back at a time when economists and sociologists declared that “The City” was no longer a viable or even a necessary entity. Urban crime was rising, cities were going bankrupt, and urban investment evaporated. The uniform answer was to tear down what wasn’t being used, a policy influenced by government funding. Urban renewal created new high-rise housing in low-rise neighborhoods or left parcels vacant when the money ran out.
Slowly, with the help of a few strong personalities, the post-industrial urban center was redefined. New York’s artists rescued SoHo’s nineteenth-century cast iron factories, and in so doing unwittingly created a new approach to economic development. Vancouver’s Granville Island combined recreation, art, shopping, and industry to show that a layering of uses creates an active place people want to return to again and again. Paris turned industrial sites into parks in its eastern section to attract residents to formerly dreary neighborhoods. Baltimore’s Inner Harbor brought people close to the waterfront.
While we may take these projects for granted today, they forecast differences in approach to urban redevelopment of their time and point the way to some of the large themes of successful conversions. Far from being the result of anonymous change, I was struck by how many projects were the visions of strong personalities who saw beauty and possibility where others saw deterioration and hopelessness. With every conversation I had with the people behind these developments, I was struck by how determined they were to achieve what they did, and that without this personal commitment and advocacy, these projects would not have gotten done.
The projects in the book were chosen for their transformative nature. Contrary to those in vibrant neighborhoods or exurban areas, these projects are critical to a city’s financial health and urban fabric. Abandonment and ruin, often in strategic urban areas and comprising many acres, motivate the conversion of industrial sites. This is not an easy proposition, as these projects involve multiple layers not only of regulation and complicated financing, but also of history, emotion, and sometimes Byzantine land ownership patterns. These complexities lead to projects that entail government involvement as well as the cooperation of all development actors and can take years, even decades to complete. A long view and patience is required by all parties.
To look at these early projects and the more recent ones that have followed them, I’ve divided the book into three sections: A review of the industrial legacy, an overview of the redevelopment process and how it applies to industrial sites, and finally an examination of three broad project types—cultural, mixed-use, and parks and open space—and how they affect their cities.
The Industrial Legacy. Where industry settled and what kind of land it required play important roles in how these sites are redeveloped. Early industry needed water, either from the rivers or man-made canals and raceways, to power looms and other machinery. Cities developed around these economic generators as the workforce they attracted settled nearby. As a result, waterfronts in many industrial cites were inaccessible, reserved for working ports or factories. These areas now are in the greatest demand for recreation and residential use.
Industrial needs also spurred the development of new materials and building types for factories and the accommodation of machinery. The resulting spare forms of industrial buildings, their means of construction clearly expressed and not covered up, along with the prevalence of mass production of building elements greatly influenced designers and theories of modern architecture. Years after function or market changes rendered these buildings obsolete for their original use, the simple, wide-open spaces of factories and warehouses with their exposed structures ignited the imagination of new generations, who since the 1960s have been rescuing these buildings. Although there are many reasons for the reuse of these buildings and sites, the allure of the industrial aesthetic cannot be dismissed, and in many instances, is crucial to the success of their redevelopment.
Redevelopment Overview. Another overriding theme that arose in conversations with developers, architects and project proponents is that development has become more complex and expensive since those first transformative projects. Some of the early actors look back and are amazed at how simple, at least in memory, the process was when they first started tackling reuse issues. While the process might have been easier, the concepts were novel, requiring innovative thinking.
Some of the programs that evolved in response to redevelopment issues have added numerous layers of approvals, and mechanisms such as tax credits, which may make these projects economically feasible, but at the cost of complicated financing requiring a roomful of consultants. The rise in public participation in the form of community meetings and forums, as well as the increase in the use of competitions and requests for proposals for both design and development schemes, has led to a greater transparency and control of local projects, but has also added various approval levels and subsequently time to the development process. How well this process is managed is a key to success or failure. This more open public outreach has given individuals who see a potential project a way to galvanize their neighbors and the government. It also presents the same tools to their opponents.
Often, cities evolve on their own while government policy plays catch-up, legitimizing what’s already taken place without its prior approval. The initially illegal colonization of SoHo in New York City by artists has had an immeasurable effect on the economic development approaches of cities, to say nothing of zoning laws. Almost every hub city in America today has an arts or warehouse district. This “SoHo Effect”—both the spontaneous establishment of new neighborhoods “discovered” by artists as well as their dislocation because of the rise in value of the surrounding real estate—has molded public policy as well as methods to deal with it. Both Minneapolis’s Artspace and Toronto’s Artscape were established to provide affordable artist space so that artists wouldn’t be pushed out and have since expanded their development mandate. Other cities have changed their zoning laws to allow live/work areas and artists overlay districts to encourage artists to settle there.
As beneficial as the arts economy may be for cities, encouraging it must be balanced with other public policy decisions that relate to the character of the post-industrial city. Not everyone can be an artist. When a factory leaves, it also abandons its employees. How does a city maintain its tax base and middle class and retain industry? Several cities have addressed this problem through zoning and special industrial areas, with varying success. Should the property remain zoned industrial or has the march of time made that futile? Questions of public policy infuse these projects that affect more than their neighborhood but the character of a town.
Two major environmental milestones have facilitated, and in the best cases normalized, the redevelopment of industrial sites. The first is that after several years of pilot projects in the mid-1990s, federal brownfield legislation addressed legal liability and cleanup issues directly. In general, subsequent owners of property on which others caused pollution are not liable if an analysis is done beforehand and an agreement concerning cleanup can be reached with the authorities. The federal government as well as the states have initiated programs for voluntary cleanups in order to make these properties useful again. Along with these policies are grants to do this initial due diligence.
The second is the rise in green building techniques, such as LEED certification, that encourage the redevelopment of existing sites. Former industrial sites often have easy pedestrian access to existing transportation compared to new buildings on a new sites outside a city. LEED certification also promotes the reuse of existing materials and structures. Ironically, while environmental concerns with respect to industrial sites can be daunting, they’re often more easily addressed than the larger issues such as retaining population, city identity, and finding a marketable use.
At one time, almost all projects were conventionally financed; however, it is striking how complex financing has become today. The days of the simple bank loan are past. Almost all projects now have multiple funding sources, many of which make the project feasible but also add complexity and lawyers’ fees to the cost. The availability of tax credits for properties that are historical, old, or in underserved areas has had an inestimable effect on restoring industrial sites that fit in one of the allowable categories. Discussions of both environmental and financial aspects, however, are clouded by the variation in state and federal laws that are continually in flux as well as the ever-changing lending environment.
The increased role of not-for-profit groups in the redevelopment of industrial sites is noticeable. These groups, whether in the arts, social services or industry, are taking the initiative and becoming developers of their own projects. Rather than sitting back, they are building their own facilities. Groups with specific needs and outreach programs can use buildings that confound other developers. The Baltimore social service provider, Humanim, saw a building that stood vacant for over 30 years in an underserved neighborhood, undertook the renovation itself and invested the developer fee into the project. The Greenpoint Manufacturing and Design Center saw artisan manufacturing businesses squeezed out of their neighborhood in Brooklyn, struck a deal with the city to take over a rambling old rope factory, and became so good at what it does that it recently finished developing its fifth building. Stories of such not-for-profit group undertakings are scattered throughout the book and are an inspiration to those people and groups with little experience but a lot of drive.
Project Types. The projects in this book range from conversion of a small warehouse into a contemporary art gallery, to the remaking of the Amsterdam and London waterfronts, to the creation of a riverfront parks along the Hudson River in New York. Whether cultural, mixed-use or parks, change seldom comes quickly or without controversy. Some projects reflect investment spear-headed by government which is often the European model. Others are accomplished through collaborative efforts of government and private developer initiatives. In America, by far the most common story is that of a lone visionary or group of like-minded locals who see a rotting pier or an abandoned factory and then refuse to accept “no” as an answer in order to renovate it. From New York City to the small canal town, individual pioneers often initiate projects.
Two powerful economic development partners, art and tourism, often work together to rescue abandoned industrial buildings and sites and infuse life into moribund areas. Museums now operate in former mills, factories, and industrial wastelands in North Adams, Massachusetts; Tacoma, Washington; Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Swansea, Wales—just a few of the many cultural venues around the world that have pinned their hopes on being the key to their local and regional economic development renewal. Both large and small cities use their adaptive reuse projects—especially in the myriad mill museums that recount how things were made by the areas ancestors—to maintain a neighborhoods’ sense of history in hopes of attracting visitors who will not only come for the exhibits, but remain to eat, shop, and perhaps stay overnight.
The large spans and raw spaces of these former industrial buildings are comfortable spaces for contemporary art, with its large sculptures that often don’t fit into traditional museums. The unfinished surfaces of these converted buildings resemble artists’ studios and are a perfect backdrop for this type of art.
Other cities pinning their hopes on creating tourist destinations opt for attention-getting structures that use their architecture as advertising. Merging the world of the culture and economic development, high-profile museums and cultural centers lure visitors to once run-down former industrial areas with attention-getting buildings. Because of the large areas and huge infrastructure investment required, these projects are almost always government-initiated with the costs and efforts justified by projected job generation and the economic benefit gained through increased tourism and newly burnished image.
In America, the availability of land has traditionally fuelled growth, with companies and people accustomed to picking up stakes to start afresh in less populous or polluted areas. In Europe and more densely populated American areas where open space is scarce, the call for refurbishing blighted urban areas and existing underutilized facilities more easily resonates. In these areas, there may be a strong desire to restrict building and keep undeveloped land undeveloped.
The last half century saw people and resources move from cities to newly created suburbs and beyond, especially in America. While this outflow has not abated, the allure of urban living spurred in part by the revitalization of formerly undesirable areas that offer previously unavailable services and amenities now attracts the young as well as retains those with growing families. Projects are fueled in no small part by the revival in importance of urban public space. Not long ago, the urban landscape consisted of private spaces and often dangerous streets. With the rise of urban crime, the will to maintain or support public space diminished, or indeed was disparaged as an inappropriate public goal. The increased safety of certain cities coincided, and in some ways was due to, reclaiming the public realm for the public.
The mixed-use and parks projects address this American urban resurgence that has encouraged the market for redevelopment of industrial properties within its cities, making the real estate investment worth the risk. This turnaround has also left communities thirsting for more public space and amenities. The modern urban lifestyle now includes active outdoor pursuits such as biking and kayaking as well as visiting museums, shopping, strolling in parks, or eating at an outdoor café.
The fine line between neighborhood improvement and gentrification is a recurring theme heard throughout the planning and redevelopment process of these sites, both in America and Europe. With some exceptions, neighborhoods adjacent to these industrial sites fall into two large categories: Either they are the last refuge of affordable housing in their cities or they were severely underused and then unofficially homesteaded by a particular group such as artists or newly arrived immigrants. As houses, stores and parks replace boarded-up factories, existing nearby residents and businesses fear becoming strangers in their own neighborhoods, unable to afford or adapt to changes and concerned that future stores and services will appeal to a different class or group of people. There is no fixed response to this situation, whether based on an unspecified fear of change or deep-seated class antagonism or other concerns, as will be seen throughout the projects presented. Even though these issues arise time and time again, they must be addressed specifically with each project.
The large issues of deindustrialization and globalization are directly tackled on local levels as individual communities are left to deal with the effects of these macroeconomic issues. Often what appears to be a controversy over a specific development is at root an argument about the past and what used to be, not purely a fight over the future. The stage is set for conflict. Each project creates its own advocates and opponents—union workers pitted against nearby residents or newcomers versus long-timers, for example—that may not be obvious at the outset as each project confronts anew the fallout of sociological as well as economic change.
Until the late 1950s, packages for Uneeda Biscuits and Oreos, printed in a factory in Beacon, New York, were loaded onto trains and delivered to the Nabisco Bakeries on West 16th Street in New York City. Today, that bakery is the Chelsea Market, a rambling mixed-use food market and office building, that printing plant is the museum, Dia:Beacon, and part of that railroad is called the High Line, New York City’s newest park. How these and other projects were accomplished are explored in this book.
SECTION 1
THE INDUSTRIAL LEGACY
CHAPTER 1
PATTERNS OF INDUSTRIAL SETTLEMENT
INDUSTRY ARRIVES
Starting with the first factories, facilities for manufacturing and distributing goods produced indelible marks on the physical layout and sociology of cities, and indeed countries. Although the whys and wherefores of the Industrial Revolution are complex and beyond the scope of this book, the changes wrought by this historical event shaped the built environment, influencing how and where cities developed. The story of the impact of industry’s arrival and establishment can be read from their remains today—urban population concentrations, patterns of transportation networks, and the evocative ruins of factory and warehouse buildings. Industry’s monopolization of urban waterfronts, the wide swaths of land consumed to accommodate machines and production, and the system of roads, canals, and rails over which supplies and finished merchandise flowed shaped and often created these cities.
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