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On a sunny January morning in 1833, through one of the Southern Channels of Tierra del Fuego, a British vessel sails alongside a smaller boat. The natives of the area, through screams and smoke, quickly communicate with each other the novelty, and dozens of canoes with hundreds of natives emerge to observe the peculiar event. Curious and friendly for the most part, somewhat aggressive at times, they observe the smallest boat approaching the shore with three Fuegians (two men and one woman) returning to their homeland after almost a year in London. To the surprise of their compatriots, who receive them almost naked, these three Fuegians dressed in European clothes, with short hair, speak English and they bring with them porcelain tea sets, bed linens, hats and dresses. This unique scene is only a small part of a larger story that was headed to oblivion at that hostile Southern tip of South America, except for the fact that it was part of extensive passages in the journey diaries of the two British protagonists of the same story: the expedition captain Robert Fitz Roy and the naturalist on board, and eventually one of the most influential scientists in the modern world, Charles Darwin. But in addition to those direct testimonies, a more or less standard version has been installed, restated time after time for almost two centuries; with a series of assumptions and errors that deserve to be reviewed and reassessed. The aim of this book is to reconstruct this story and, above all, review it from a critical perspective.
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On a sunny January morning in 1833, through one of the Southern Channels of Tierra del Fuego, a British vessel sails alongside a smaller boat. The natives of the area, through screams and smoke, quickly communicate with each other the novelty, and dozens of canoes with hundreds of natives emerge to observe the peculiar event. Curious and friendly for the most part, somewhat aggressive at times, they observe the smallest boat approaching the shore with three Fuegians (two men and one woman) returning to their homeland after almost a year in London. To the surprise of their compatriots, who receive them almost naked, these three Fuegians dressed in European clothes, with short hair, speak English and they bring with them porcelain tea sets, bed linens, hats and dresses. This unique scene is only a small part of a larger story that was headed to oblivion at that hostile Southern tip of South America, except for the fact that it was part of extensive passages in the journey diaries of the two British protagonists of the same story: the expedition captain Robert Fitz Roy and the naturalist on board, and eventually one of the most influential scientists in the modern world, Charles Darwin. But in addition to those direct testimonies, a more or less standard version has been installed, restated time after time for almost two centuries; with a series of assumptions and errors that deserve to be reviewed and reassessed. The aim of this book is to reconstruct this story and, above all, review it from a critical perspective.
HÉCTOR A. PALMA is a Philosophy Professor (University of Buenos Aires), Master of Science, Technology and Society (University of Quilmes) and PhD in Social Sciences and Humanities (University of Quilmes). He is currently a Professor-Researcher at the University of San Martín and University of Hurlingham. His most significant books are Gobernar es seleccionar: historia y reflexiones sobre el mejoramiento genético en seres humanos (2005), Filosofía de las ciencias: temas y problemas (2008), Infidelidad genética y hormigas corruptas: una crítica al periodismo científico (2012), Ciencia y metáforas: crítica de una razón incestuosa (2016), Huellas de Darwin en la Argentina (2016) and Mejoramiento genético en humanos: de la eugenesia al transhumanismo (2019). He edited the books Epistemología de las ciencias sociales (2012) and Conexiones y fronteras: desafíos filosóficos de las ciencias sociales en el siglo XXI (2017).
It was a sunny morning in January 1833, a strange and magnificent vessel along with a smaller boat is sailing through one of the Southern channels of the Tierra del Fuego. The natives, with screams and smoke, quickly spread the news and dozens of canoes with hundreds of them emerged. Most of them curious and friendly, others quite aggressive watching the smaller boat approaching the shore with some strange-looking men together with three Fuegians (two men and one woman), who were returning to their homeland after a long absence. To their compatriots’ surprise, who were receiving them almost naked and with certain disdain as well as some suspicion, the small boat was filled to the brim with porcelain tea sets, bed linen and mahogany dressing cases, coloured fabrics, hats and dresses that they had been given during their stay in London. The three unknown natives, after almost three years of absence, were returning to their homeland wearing European clothes, with neatly cut hair, gloves, and polished shoes, and speaking a little English. Although it was common for European vessels to take on board natives from visited regions for different purposes, which were in most cases neither noble nor innocent; this was certainly an implausible scene, probably unique in the history of numerous European voyages to the rest of the world since the fifteenth century, a minor picturesque event at that hostile southernmost tip of South America, fated to be forgotten in time.
But owing to at least three circumstances at that time, that episode is still recalled: the relevance that British protagonists have stated about in their own diaries; what happened thereafter with one of the three repatriated Fuegians; that the naturalist on board (on that return journey), after some decades, would become one of the most significant scientists in the modern world: Charles R. Darwin.
This book will consider these events with two main objectives: on the one hand, to review in some detail the extraordinary events these Fuegians experienced. On the other hand, to develop a critical analysis of versions and opinions on facts which, due to replication, have been installed as the standard corpus of the subject, but that a more detailed analysis shows—though the time elapsed—some controversial issues that should be examined. Direct accounts of these events described by some protagonists will be mainly analyzed, though a limitation: there are no Fuegian self-written records. This represents a foundational and irreversible deficiency, though it is still possible to develop a critical analysis of the European testimonies, loaded, as expected, with the epochal prejudices about racial hierarchies, the Eurocentric attitude to colonial expansion, and the typical nineteenth century sociocultural evolutionism.
Between 1826 and 1836, His British Majesty sent two sea expeditions (quite usual in those days) that sailed to different regions of South America, and the second one completed the navigation around the world. Regarding the first, under the command of Captain Philip P. King (1791–1856), and under circumstances that will be later analyzed, four Fuegian natives were taken on board to England. One of them died upon arrival and the other three were repatriated during the second voyage under Robert Fitz Roy’s (1805–1865) command. Our overall hypothesis is that the case of these Fuegians, and particularly one of them, has been exceptional, thus the almost general and traditional concepts used to analyze it have proved to be, at least, limited and partial considerations. Moreover, this exceptional feature invalidates any attempt to infer it as a case study.
The experiences of both extensive journeys were published in London, in 1939, in three volumes under the heading: Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty’s Ships Adventure and Beagle (1826–1836). The first volume deals with the first expedition commanded by Captain Philip P. King and appears under his name. However, due to health problems (which took him back to his homeland Australia in 1832), Captain Fitz Roy was in charge of the final drafting of this first volume which was completed with the notes taken by King but also with extensive concerns by Fitz Roy himself. The original text clearly states what links to each author. The second volume comprises the second round-the-world expedition under Fitz-Roy’s command on the Beagle. The third volume was written by Charles Darwin (1809–1882), a naturalist on board on this second voyage, and was later individually republished with different headings: in the same year, 1839, it appeared as Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle from 1832 to 1836. In the 1845 edition, the order of subjects was changed in the title and was named: Journal of Researches into the Natural History and Geology of… The final text, in 1860, was named Naturalist’s Voyage Round the World. In addition to the three main volumes, the initial publication includes an Appendix to Volume II, mostly written by Fitz Roy, which includes necessary reports for the trip by different authors. Citations from these three volumes in this book will be detailed as Narrative, Volume I; Narrative, Volume II; Darwin, 1839 (since it corresponds to that individual version published that same year as Journal of Researches), and Narrative, Appendix. In addition to the three main volumes, the first publication includes an Appendix to Volume II also written by Fitz Roy which will be noted here as Narrative, Appendix. Some of Darwin’s letters have also been considered, especially an autobiography written in 1876 and dedicated to his family rather than to be published, except for his son Francis’ decision after his father’s death.
In Chapter 1, two already mentioned voyages, the objectives, and the main personages, Charles Darwin, Robert Fitz Roy, and the four Fuegians, are described. Chapter 2 includes the episodes of the Fuegians capture, their stay in England, and above all, the considerations that Darwin and Fitz Roy have written about them. Chapter 3 is devoted to the repatriation process of the three surviving Fuegians. Chapter 4 reviews what happened to the protagonists after the Beagle journey. Chapter 5 analyzes some of the main features of the European mentality of that time that give sense to Darwin and Fitz Roy’s controversial and even contradictory considerations of evolutionism, racism, and human hierarchies. Chapter 6 shows a reinterpretation of facts, and a critical analysis of concerns that have been installed as commonplace for almost two hundred years.
Tierra del Fuego excited in me, has left an indelible impression on my mind. The sight of a naked savage in his native land is an event which can never be forgotten
—Charles Darwin, Autobiography
The European power expeditions to several lands of the world, with military, commercial, and also scientific objectives, as well as their explorers’ accounts, date back to the sixteenth century or even earlier. But it is not until the eighteenth century when more reliable journey diaries, according to a scientific criterion that included fauna, flora, geology, and human groups’ observations, were shaped. The accounts of those explorers were gradually moving from fabulous descriptions of beings and monsters in far and unknown lands to the enlightened and scientific spirit of the time. Famous epics such as the British James Cook’s (1728–1779), who, in 1768 started a series of journeys through Tahiti, New Zealand, the Antarctic, and New Caledonia; the French Louis-Antoine de Bougainville’s (1729–1811), and Jean-Francois de La Pérouse’s (1741–1788) are worth mentioning, as well as, a bit later, Alexander von Humboldt’s (1769–1859), the most famous and renowned explorer in Darwin’s time. In fact, Darwin, as revealed in his letters, felt both flattered and amazed when Humboldt expressed his desire to meet him and even more when, later, spoke highly of him.
Many of those explorers visited South America in general and the area of current Argentina in particular during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Nicholas Mascardi (1625–1673) travelled the Southern Andes between 1662 and 1670. Another well-known explorer was Felix de Azara (1746–1821), who experienced various journeys between 1781 and 1801. As well as Alejandro Malaspina (1754–1810), who went along the Patagonian coastline in an expedition aimed to carry out oceanographic, geological, botanical, zoological, and climatological researches of the Spanish lands. According to both J. Babini (1986) and Darwin, the most important explorer of these lands was Alcides d’Orbigny (1802–1857), frequently quoted and also recognized by Darwin as the most important explorer after Humboldt. D’Orbigny went across South American countries from 1826 to 1833 and then published Voyage dans L’Amerique méridionale, which comprises geological, palaeontological, botanical, zoological, and anthropological information of Argentina.
The episodes that will be considered herein took place, as already stated, during two expeditions aboard His British Majesty’s vessels. The first voyage (between May 22, 1826, and October 14, 1830) which reached South America and went back included the main ships Adventure and Beagle while the second one (between December 27, 1831, and October 2, 1836) included only the latter. Other vessels joined the two already mentioned main ones, for several periods: some schooners such as Adelaide, La Paz, and La Liebre (the first one to sail Fuegian channels and the last two hired in Bahia Blanca for a coastal survey); two sealing vessels (the Uxbridge and the Adeona); and one decked boat (the Hope), together with other minor ships.
The first voyage was under the command of Captain Philip Parker King; his Commander (and Surveyor) of the Beagle was Pringles Stokes. The young man Robert Fitz Roy was the first lieutenant until Stoke’s death when he became chief mate and was in command of the Beagle. This is Captain King’s account of the extreme situation which ended, among other things, in Stoke’s suicide:
The severity of the weather brought a most disagreeable accompaniment. Scurvy appeared, and increased; while the accidental death of a seaman, occasioned by falling down a hatchway, followed by the decease of two others, and also of Mr. Low, of the Adeona, whose body was brought to me for burial, tended to create a despondency amongst the crew that I could in no way check. The monotony of their occupations, the chilling and gloomy appearance of the country, and the severity of the climate, all tended to increase the number of the sick, as well as the unfavourable symptoms of their disease. The Beagle’s term of absence was, however, drawing to a close, and I caused a rumour to be spread, that upon her appearance we should quit Port Famine. (Narrative, Volume I, p. 144)
King had decided to appoint William Skyring the Beagle Commander after Stoke’s death, but once in Rio de Janeiro the station commander (Sir Robert W. Otway) rejected King’s decision and appointed Fitz Roy as Commander of the Beagle to come back to England. Stoke’s suicide had deeply affected the crew and King himself, and conditioned future Captain Fitz Roy to choose a partner from his social class for the journey he would undertake years later. That partner, an unknown young man then, who will turn out to be one of the most renowned scientists in the modern world, was Charles Darwin.
The missions of the first expedition were to conduct a hydrographic survey of South America’s southern extreme and map the coastline between Montevideo and Chiloé, mainly the Fuegian channels; and at the same time to collect animal, vegetable and mineral samples from those regions. Captain King, some pilots, a surgeon, volunteers, a botanic collector, one gunner, a carpenter, fifteen marines and about forty “seamen and pages” (about 76 people) were on the Adventure (“a roomy ship, of 330 tons burthen, without guns, lightly though strongly rigged, and very strongly built”), while on the Beagle (“a well-built little vessel, of 235 tons, rigged as a barque, and carrying six guns”), Commander Stokes, surgeons, volunteers, some officers, about ten marines and also about forty “seamen and pages” (about 63 people). Throughout the journey, there were many changes including those mentioned with the expedition command.
Initially, the second expedition started only with the Beagle, with some structural modifications as regards the previous journey, and other ships were integrated later, as it was already mentioned. This vessel, according to Fitz Roy’s evidence, set sail with the young naturalist Charles Darwin, thirteen crew members—officers and their assistants—, one doctor, one carpenter, “seven privates,” thirty-four sailors, six cabin boys, Darwin’s servant (Syms Covington, who escorted him to his on-horseback journeys through Uruguay, Chile, and Argentina), Reverend Richard Matthews, the already renowned draughtsman Augustus Earle (who left the expedition in Montevideo and was replaced by Conrad Martens, author of some of the best-known expedition’s paintings, and who also left the expedition in 1834, in Chile), and the three Fuegians. Naturally, there were some changes with the on-board crew over those significant five years.
Darwin briefly specifies the objectives1 of the H.M.S Beagle expedition:
The object of the expedition was to complete the survey of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, commenced under Captain King in 1826 to 1830—to survey the shores of Chile, Peru, and of some islands in the Pacific—and to carry a chain of chronometrical measurements round the World. (Darwin, 1839, p. 1)
As it was already mentioned the double British expedition is part of large series of voyages to different regions of the globe as an expansion strategy designed and developed throughout the nineteenth century (which some historians name as “Imperial century”), with the already known result, the British Empire—the largest in history—dominated in the early twentieth century about twenty-five percent of the population and a twenty percent of the world’s territory, apart from other forms of diplomatic and commercial domination. The colonial empires, which formal and administratively had occupied a vast quantity of territories around the world under the leading European powers (UK, Italy, Germany, France, the Netherlands, and Belgium) and the USA were consolidated. Most of those territories emerge out of the disintegration of both Spanish and Portuguese empires.
Out of the five-year-long second journey, approximately one year took place in Argentinian lands. Darwin states that on July 24, 1833, the expedition set sail south from Maldonado in Uruguay, and on June 10, 1834, the Beagle sailed across the Strait of Magalhaens to the Pacific Ocean towards the Chilean central region.
They witnessed the Concepcion devastating earthquake, in 1835. While in Santiago de Chile, Darwin crossed the Andes to Mendoza Province (Argentina). He spent there several days and one night in the Lujan de Cuyo region, he was attacked by lots of “Benchucas”2. This episode has fostered the never-confirmed version that Darwin would have died from Chagas disease caused by the Trypanosoma cruzi parasite transmitted by the above-mentioned insect.
Many years later, an aged Darwin reflects on the voyage of the Beagle in his Autobiography:
The voyage of the Beagle has been by far the most important event in my life, and has determined my whole career . . . I have always felt that I owe to the voyage the first real training or education of my mind; I was led to attend closely to several branches of natural history, and thus my powers of observation were improved, though they were always fairly developed. . . . The glories of the vegetation of the Tropics rise before my mind at the present time more vividly than anything else; though the sense of sublimity, which the great deserts of Patagonia and the forest-clad mountains of Tierra del Fuego excited in me, has left an indelible impression on my mind. The sight of a naked savage in his native land is an event which can never be forgotten. (Darwin, 1892, p. 61)
Charles R. Darwin, son and grandson of doctors, was born on February 12, 1809, in Shrewsbury (England) and died of heart disease on April 19, 1882. He came from a wealthy family and at the age of sixteen, his father sent him to study medicine at Edinburgh University together with his brother Erasmus. After two years in Edinburgh, his father learned of Charles’ lack of concern about medicine and sent him to follow an ecclesiastical career in Cambridge, but his vocation was not there either. However, as it had happened in Edinburgh, Darwin established many contacts with geologists and botanists. As he was very keen on natural sciences, Professor John S. Henslow urged him to study geology with Adam Sedgwick.
In those days, it was customary to have a naturalist on board, someone in charge of collecting samples of plants, animals (bones included), and to develop geological surveys. The Royal Navy, as a tradition, used to assign that position to the surgeon on board, and Robert McCormick was on the Beagle ready for that job. But Captain Fitz Roy did not consider him the right person for that position, perhaps due to his reluctant nature to accept orders or because of his Irish origin. However, it is possible that the Captain’s tradition of no socialization with subordinates (except for ship and journey matters), plus the fear of being isolated for several years—after Stoke’s shocking experience during the previous expedition—would have led Fitz Roy to select, though a stranger, someone from his social class. Therefore, he asked Professor Henslow to refer someone3 to him, and Professor Henslow mentioned Darwin, who accepted but with certain conditions: the freedom to leave the expedition whenever he wanted (indeed he did it, many times and for quite long periods), and to take charge of his own food expenses. Fitz Roy accepted, and shortly before setting sail, Darwin wrote an enthusiastic letter from Devonport (November 17, 1831):
Everybody, who can judge, says it is one of the grandest voyages that has almost ever been sent out. Everything is on a grand scale. . . . In short, everything is as prosperous as human means can make it. (Darwin, 1892, p. 218)
Apart from Humboldt’s book (Personal Narrative), Darwin took the Bible and the recently-released first volume of Lyell’s Principles of Geology, which suggested a new vision of the Earth’s geological changes (uniformitarianism), and that strongly influenced him. Lyell stated that the geological characteristics of the Earth are the product of a slow and continuous process of causes in constant operation, contrary to what catastrophists stated (that they were out of large and sporadic cataclysms). In addition, Lyell believed, compared to most naturalists of his time, that the age of the Earth dated back several million years.
The Darwin who sets sail on the Beagle is merely a lucid and restless 22-year-old man, enthusiastic about outdoor life and horseback riding, and who had never imagined the central role he would play in the history of science and in the Western culture. However, in the Diary he completed to be published upon his return, he describes with great care those naturalist’s issues and also gives anthropological and sociological considerations on the inhabitants of the visited regions, as an experienced professional rather than a restless young man. This shows his vast analytical observation skills as well as great conceptual creativity to develop plausible hypotheses. But at that point, he was not the Darwin who published, almost three decades later, one of the most important books of the nineteenth century, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection or the Preservation of the Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (hereon The Origin). It was still many years before Darwin could finally shape up his theory, though some findings in Punta Alta (south of Buenos Aires province), in the Andean Mountains, in Patagonia, and on the Galapagos Islands hold an outstanding place in the future puzzle of evolution. There is nothing in Narrative (Volume III) to conclude that the idea of evolution would have appeared during that voyage, except for trivial Argentinian, Chilean or Ecuadorian chauvinism about a privileged place and an exact moment that helped Darwin with his dangerous idea.
Our next protagonist is Captain Robert Fitz Roy. He was born in England (Suffolk), in 1805. Although a bit older than Darwin, he was only twenty-one at the beginning of the first expedition and twenty-six during the second. He belonged to the British aristocracy, and at the age of 13 he joined the Royal Navy. He was an expert in meteorological observations and for his hydrographic studies aboard the Beagle he was awarded a gold medal by the Royal Geographical Society. He was also governor of New Zealand from 1843 to 1845. He was a very religious man and held in very high esteem the role that missionaries could play in “civilizing” the natives of different areas of the planet, that is, to ascend from their state of savage to the degree of civilization (European).
It is worth a brief digression here since it is relevant to understand, to a large extent, what was one of Fitz Roy’s motivations behind the decision to take the Fuegians to England. In an 1836 forgotten article, written with Darwin4 , he attempts to confront an adverse observation on Christian missionaries stated by the Russian explorer Otto von Kotzebue, who argued that those missionaries had destroyed native cultures under the excuse of the evolution of civilization and had even disguised European colonial expansion. The article also highlights the missionaries’ engagement that helped to improve “moral state” in Tahiti.
A more orderly, quiet, inoffensive community I have not seen in any other part of the world. Every one of the Tahitians appeared anxious to oblige, and naturally good tempered and cheerful. They showed great respect for, and a thorough good will towards, the missionaries (of the London Missionary Society); and most deserving of such a feeling did those persons appear to be, with whom I had the sincere pleasure of making acquaintance,—Messrs Pritchard, Nott, and Wilson. (Fitz Roy & Darwin, 1836, p. 224)
Considering that that condition was not attached to the Tahitians’ own culture that, before the arrival of the missionaries, used to have customs and habits “at odds with morality and civilization,” it is stated:
On the whole, it is my opinion that the state of morality and religion in Tahiti is highly creditable. . . . Credit due for what has been effected, is not allowed. It appears to be forgotten by those persons, that human sacrifices,—the bloodiest warfare,—parricide,—and infanticide,—the power of an idolatrous priesthood,—and a system of profligacy unparalleled in the annals of the world,—have been abolished,—and that dishonesty, licentiousness, and intemperance have been greatly reduced, by the introduction of Christianity. In a voyager it is base ingratitude to forget these things. (Fitz Roy & Darwin, 1836, p. 228)
It was a quite widespread idea since the mid-eighteenth century (we will go over it in Chapter 5) and would have the practical effect of easing trade relations and the settlement of Europeans in their lands.
That kind of apparently humanitarian attitude, unthinkable nowadays in any unprejudiced tone of mind, satisfied to some extent, the political and commercial interests of European colonialist governments that financed exploration voyages to various regions of the world. (García González & Puig Samper, 2018, p. 76)
This belief in the inferiority of some human groups and their certainty that Christian education would reverse it explains to a large extent Fitz Roy’s effort with the three Fuegians. However, von Kotzebue’s above-mentioned judgment about missions will also reappear time after time and will be highly relevant to the development of the tragic events we will consider.
Finally, the available information about Patagonian natives, the other protagonists of this story, was quite significant and detailed. Fitz Roy reproduces in the Appendix quotes from Antonio de Viedma’s Diary (published in 1783) which was sent to him by Don Pedro de Angelis through Sir Woodbine Parish5. Viedma thoroughly describes the customs, idiosyncrasies, and physical aspects, clothing, beliefs, and rituals of Patagonian natives. He also gathers descriptions written by Thomas Falkner6, and Fitz Roy generates his own descriptions of natives, geographic distribution, and ethnicities. He asserts the information “principally derived from the natives who went to England in the Beagle; and from Mr. Low, who has seen more of them in their own country than any other person” (Narrative, Volume II, p. 129). The available reports have some errors due to the lack of conceptual and scientific tools, the prevailing prejudices, and others probably as a result of idiomatic differences. But they are amazingly accurate.
Nowadays, it is assumed that at the time (before the epidemics and massacres that decimated them) there would be about ten thousand people in the present-day Tierra del Fuego region, nearby islands, and the Strait of Magalhaens coastlines, divided into four groups with different languages and customs. Two of those groups (the Yámanas7 and the Alacalufes8) were canoeists; the other two groups (the Selk’nam, also named Oens or Onas, and the Haust) were not navigators, but guanaco hunters.
1. He was an experienced explorer, who had made four survey expeditions to the Australian coastline, between 1817 and 1821.
2. Currently “vinchucas” in Argentina (