The Final Kingdom E-Book

Pyotr Volkov

• Herausgeber: Orthodox Logos
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 725

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 1905

Beschreibung

Pyotr Volkov (born in Uruguay as Diego Daniel García), is an anthropologist and historian with a special interest in past and current events related to the great history of Slavdom and Orthodox Christianity. For an entire decade, he worked to create an ambitious book in which Orthodox Christianity is put at the center of all political, economical, philosophical, and anthropological considerations which shape our modern world. In this very encompassing book, the author provides the reader with special tools to reach an almost impossible task: a holistic Meta-ideology (Normativism), being characterized by comprehension of the parts of reality as intimately interconnected to the grand whole of the divine and earthly, the spiritual and material opposites. The long journey expressed through this book goes all the way from ancient religions, the developing of Christian Orthodoxy, and contemporary philosophers like the polemical Russian thinker Aleksandr Dugin, whose provocative Fourth Political Theory is an invitation for the creation of new alternatives in the path to human salvation through civilizational redemption.

Through the results of his research, Volkov made clear that this work is by no way just a political and theological manifesto, but more like his final political and theological testament and a clear warning to present and future generations about the grim future provided by liberal civilization and deviation from the immortal teachings
of the Holy Fathers. In addition, Volkov proposes bold planning to safeguard the great legacy of what Guillaume Faye called “Euro-Siberia”: a new geopolitical paradigm different from both Eurasianism and Atlanticism, thus an opportunity for Christian Orthodoxy to overcome its great challenges.

Leseprobe

The Final Kingdom

Horizons of the Fourth Political Theory and Geopolitics of the Apocalypse

Pyotr Volkov

Orthodox Logos Publishing

THE FINAL KINGDOM

Horizons of the Fourth Political Theory and Geopolitics of the Apocalypse

by Pyotr Volkov

© 2021, Orthodox Logos Publishing,

The Netherlands

www.orthodoxlogos.com

ISBN: 978-1-914337-07-9 (Ebook)

This book is in copyright. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher, nor be otherwise circulated in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published without a similar condition, including this condition, being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.

Contents

Prologue to the English language version

VOLUME I

Introduction

I. PART I: THE REASONS FOR AN ALTERNATIVE

Introduction to the Fourth Political Theory

The language of the Fourth Political Theory

Downfall and rebirth in Russia

The philosophy for a change of political paradigm

Society as an organic whole

The political will of human beings

Historical situations and the DNA of liberalism

The origin and basis of capitalism

The dilemma of a world running out

II. PART II: THE NORMATIVE ECONOMIC SYSTEM

The Normative alternative

State control over business investments

The patriotic economic policy

The failure of the communist model driven inside (and outside) the U.S.S.R

Other communist models

The third political theory

III. PART III: THE STRUGGLE FOR WHAT IS SACRED

Rome’s Universalism against the Orthodox Church

From the schism of 1054 to the fall of Czarism

From Hitler to the new schism of 2018

The ancestral origin of orthodox thought in Russia

Doctrine of the Trinity

A brief summary of orthodox teaching

The need for a calendar different from the Western calendar

The ancient origin of Russian civilization

Thinking in spiritual races instead of biological races

Two spiritual races

Protest movements and the Fallen race

The Righteous spiritual race is the only bearer of civilization

God’s rule and the idea of the theocratic State

The political system

Making away with the poison of liberalism

Education for living instead of education for misery

Education in the theocratic State

Approaching authentic will

VOLUME II

Introduction

IV. PART I: BASIC CONSIDERATIONS

A real conspiracy

The US is a country scheduled for dissolution

Geopolitical relevance: shaping all World orders

A world of change

Foundations for a future foreign policy

Aiming towards complete success

The folly of restoring the Russian borders as a final goal

European unity is impossible without Russia

European Union as disunion

European public opinion

V. PART II: EURO-SIBERIAN VS EURASIAN ORIENTATION

The Chinese juggernaut

Problems with the Eurasian orientation

Alliances are not just partnerships

Inner Chinese conditions

The battle of civilizations

Future distributions of power

NATO and China are part of the same plan

NATO’s threat

Spiritual races and geopolitics of the apocalypse

A basic insight into geopolitics of the apocalypse

Spiritual race as a means to expand political and cultural influence

The elements of weakness versus the basis for strength

VI. PART III: EXECUTION OF AN EURO-SIBERIAN DOCTRINE

Naval strategy and its consequences

Russia’s naval muscle

Naval and diplomatic strategy in a future bipolar World

India and Central Asia

India as an ally

Assessment of the situation in Central Asia

Towards the federation

The reality of European nationalism

A Euro-Siberian Federation will be the only true Eurasian Union

Euro-Siberia’s last religious battle

INDEX

Prologue to the English language version

by Boris Nad

Pyotr Volkov’s book The Final Kingdom belongs to the books that open a much-needed and necessary discussion about the Fourth Political Theory, originally proposed by Aleksandr Dugin. It points out to us - among other things - the necessity of the emergence of the Fourth Political Theory itself: “Summarizing the various reactions provoked by the emergence of the Fourth Political Theory in the West (as well as in the East, where the book was also translated and published),” says its author Dugin, “I agree that ideas live their own lives, independent of the author. The idea belongs to the one who understands it. If you agree with the logic of the fourth political theory - that liberalism is a totalitarian and openly nihilistic ideology, if you reject it because of that and if you want to go further than communism and fascism - the fourth political theory is yours as much as mine.”

The fourth theory is an open intellectual project. “If you accept its basic principles, you can propose or make your own version of the fourth political theory.” Pyotr Volkov belongs to those authors who seek to develop it further. It is a necessity. “The fourth political theory is neither left, nor right, nor center,” Volkov himself says, “since people are extremely complex, we are more than a sector in the political spectrum.” And also: “To a greater or lesser extent, we mix parts of different thoughts when situations require it, and moral pragmatism must displace labels that are useless, and which only cause divisions.” I believe with complete certainty that a good ideology should be based on seeing such a comprehensive and transferable reality as thinkers achieve, because improving knowledge about things opens the door to improving the power of creation. “ Volkov’s book, in fact, has the ambition to transcend modernity itself, with Dugin’s book serving as his “basis and inspiration”.

The purpose of this preface is to introduce the reader to the world of Pyotr Volkov, to bring him closer to the world of his ideas and the problems we are talking about here. But before that, it should be said that Volkov strongly opposes any universalism, which tries to separate the world from its vital multipolarity: first of all, the universalism of the West, which possesses its resources and which is superior and thus more dangerous, because it tries to destroy any alternative, as which also opposes the universalism of the Vatican, which opposes Orthodoxy.

His considerations, moreover, come at a time when liberalism itself is dying, in the form of postliberalism and postmodernism, which destroys liberal rationality, giving birth to totalitarianism which seeks to destroy the very soul of the people. At a time when divisions like the left and the right are already obsolete, when their fall marks the arrival of a new era for the whole world and in which old ideologies must also be overcome, and societies need to understand themselves in a new light. And that is the breaking point. At that point, it is necessary to reject the old paradigms of civilization and establish new ones. It is necessary, in one word, to establish a “new Nomos of the Earth”, and that is not an easy task. It will be the “Fourth Nomos of the Earth”, a new relationship with the Earth and a new “agreement that will be valid for all the peoples who inhabit it”.

In this regard: “The challenges of the 21st century will not be faced with a completely new way of thinking or just an ancient thought, but with a synthesis of both.” The author’s proposal, which goes in that direction, is “Normativism”: normativism as a “synthesis of diverse ideas and systems of history, without representing an impossible utopia, but on the contrary, a valid alternative.” “It can be understood as an ideology that reconciles mankind’s thoughts. It is a synthesis of an asignificant part of the world’s political and philosophical thinking and possesses the capacity to represent a synthesis of everything and at the same time a denial of a large part of the whole. Because, finally, do nations want their own ruin (because that is exactly the path that leads to ruin) since old ideologies do not understand conflicts and misery in those societies, the loss of power that the people possess? The people are the “strength of its workers, owners, culture, overall economy, values and spirituality”, which is opposed by “international capital”, leading to erosion and destruction, but only to a point: the one where the collapse of society will deepen. That is the point at which prosperity will disappear as a result of the work of generations. The struggle for prosperity is a struggle for the welfare and preservation of many and diverse peoples. It is a struggle to open the horizon of our past, present and tomorrow. “In a world as globalized as today’s world, global prosperity is possible only if it is based on the well-being of societies in each country, so by contributing to the well-being of our peoples we help the well-being of the world by maintaining and repairing its essential part.”

Volkov’s considerations range widely: from the fall and rebirth of Russia, to the beginnings and foundations of capitalism, from the failure of communism to the history of the Roman Church in the fight against “Eastern schism”, all the way to Hitler and the “new schism of 2018”, Including the ancient beginnings of Russian civilization. The second part of his book has an intriguing title: “Geopolitics of the Apocalypse”....

Eurasianists (as myself) do not have to agree with Volkov in everything to enter into a special dialogue with him. One of the points where Eurasianists will disagree with Volkov is the question of Eurasianism versus Faye’s “Euro-Siberian paradigm”. The author stood upon the later paradigm, and therefore, in this book Russia is understood as “one of the last strongholds of true European identity” while China and the United States are regarded as “thalassocratic entities”.

This is certainly not the place to dispute the author’s conclusions. Let’s just say that Volkov’s claim that the civilization of Eurasia is an “artificial construction” opposes a number of dedicated researchers of Eurasian heritage in the so-called West and East, such as Danilevsky and Leontiev, who emphasize Russian “eastism” and “asianism”. Such disagreements with the Eurasian paradigm are perhaps inevitable, because the author of this book set himself a huge task: to go “beyond the horizon” and “beyond the past, present and future.” Perhaps the differences between Western Civilization and Russian (Eurasian) civilization, after all, are evidenced by the long-lasting and tenacious Russophobia, having its roots with the schism of 1054 and which occurs in various variants and with various inspirations, starting from the theological ones, creating a situation in which “Western Civilization” and “Russian civilization” are by now two different projects instead of one identical civilization.

Pyotr Volkov’s book should be read first as an open call for dialogue: a dialogue that is conducted above established ideological divisions, such as the one on the left and right, dialogue with the past and the future, who want to have a future, not to dissolve and disappear forever in the sea of liberalism. It is, above all, a call to reconsider “one’s own definitions of economic, political and cultural systems.” It succeeded perfectly in that: it undoubtedly makes us more aware of the main political problems and helps us to search for their solution. It is, in a word, a book intended for those who intend to search for the truth.

VOLUME I

HORIZONS OF THE FOURTH

Introduction

After the collapse of collectivist ideologies, there has been the statement claiming “the end of history”: capitalism and globalization were displayed as insurmountable things. Most people stopped pursuing true alternatives, and those who continued to do so, anchored their thinking to existing alternatives, with the bitterness of not seeing those alternatives come true, or with the disappointment of seeing it wasn’t what they were waiting for. We need a State and People capable of facing the problems regarding globalization, religion, immigration, and financial markets, but for doing so we must rethink our definition of economic, political, and cultural systems, and face dogma from liberalism, false religion, communism, and neo-fascism. This book aims, among other things, to help create an ideological approach that overcomes modernity, hence its title, so that the most fundamental political problems can be addressed and make people aware of them. This thought arises from an expansion of what was proposed by the Russian intellectual Aleksander Dugin. He had the decision to develop a fourth political theory to overcome modernity, opposing the three previous theories, liberalism, Marxism, and the third political theory (fascism and national-socialism).

Dugin served as a basis and inspiration for me to capture in this book what I believe should be the final structuring of this fourth political theory, a structure that I have decided to name “Normativism” since the purpose of it is to set standards in society, that is, ideals so that social sectors and economic, religious and political structures function as an organic body. The Fourth Political Theory must be, as Aleksander Dugin has said, something that does not belong to the left, neither to the right nor centrist political spectrum, but being something syncretic that integrate the useful thoughts of each one of the diverse schools of human thought. The Fourth Political Theory is an attempt to overcome the other three theories that have already revealed their nefarious consequences, that is liberalism, fascism, and communism. It is also an attempt to create a political theory to fight against the hegemonies that seek to strengthen the different universalisms in the world, and which try pulling the world aside from its vital multipolarity since they seek to create enormous centers of power and universalize doctrines, considered as the only possible truth. The universalisms that inevitably remain the main enemies of the Fourth Political Theory are the liberal universalism that comes from the West, and the universalism of the Vatican, from which everything possible has been done to expand the creed of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church, with the Eastern Orthodox Church as one of its principal obstacles. Of these two universalisms, the most powerful and therefore the most dangerous is liberal universalism, which possesses the resources of the West, trying to destroy any alternative to its economic, political and cultural system which they want to make see as the only possible alternative.

This book will show essential guidelines that can help in the historical evolution of politics, religion, and economics, accelerating this evolution with thoughts and reflections on various issues that affect the lives of Russians and other peoples around the world. We must consider as very important the classification of the popular will in authentic will and manifested will while posing a different economic system to both capitalism and communism, new anthropology based in spiritual races instead of merely biological and material classifications, a new form of government and a reborn spirituality. Through these concepts, Normativism aims to represent an alternative to the ideologies imposed by liberalism, like materialism, capitalism, and liberal democracy. According to Dugin, in a framework where there is no competition from communism and fascism, liberalism is presently dying in the form of post-liberalism and post-modernity, which destroys the liberal rationality itself and that of the modern world, giving rise to totalitarianism that tries to be a transgressor of everything, in an attempt to destroy the very soul of the peoples.

The parties calling themselves leftist and right-wing have become obsolete, their decline marks the arrival of a new era for the world, an era where the old ideologies must be overcome in the light of a new analysis of society. The intervention of the State will be crucial, in the context of new rules in the playing field among institutions, rules whose purpose is to determine the way in which the State itself establishes its relationship with the sectors of society and the world, in its civilizing role. But the role of other agents, different from the State, will be equally crucial, so that we can follow an ideological path that fills true popular expectations, without mortgaging the future of following generations or plunging us into the false conceptions which led to dead ends. The book mentions the economic, spiritual, and philosophical aspects on which the Fourth Political Theory is based, including those that concretely define the Normative ideal.

In addition to healthy protectionism, through a simple system which I propose, the book shows how supply and demand can be leveled aimed at building an economic harmony based on the suppression of free mobility of business capital and the end of crises caused by capitalist accumulation. The concept of freedom is more appreciated in capitalism than the notion of equality, while in communism the concept of equality is more appreciated than the concept of freedom. We must put into practice a system where neither of the two concepts is more appreciated than the other. The last half of the book is devoted to spiritual concerns, including the existence of spiritual races and the mission of the Russian Orthodox Church. Patriotism, as stated in this book, is not the same as the nationalism of the third political theory, but a thought aimed at the cooperation between different peoples to fight against liberal universalism and the other universalisms.

The history of the prolonged conflict between the Eastern Orthodox Church and Rome is also reviewed, and reasons to defend and clarify the theological thought of the Russian Orthodox Church are shown, together with contributions related to theology, spiritual anthropology, and a new focus for explaining World history. The Normative model and project consist of seven pillars, the first is a new economic system that differs both from capitalism and communism, which appears in the first part of the book, the second is a protectionist economic policy based on patriotism, the third, in the case of Russia, is the reconstruction of Russian international power, the fourth is the strengthening and protection of Russian traditions and ancestral values and beliefs, the fifth is the expansion and reform of the Russian Orthodox Church thought, the sixth it is the establishment of a new calendar different from the Gregorian calendar established by Rome, and the seventh and most important is to create a new consciousness in humanity.

This book is among other things an attempt to discredit liberalism, which is totalitarian because it coercively dominates the whole of society by imposing ideas and actions related to the chief idea of liberalism, which is that the concepts of liberalism must be accepted by all. The challenges of the 21st century won’t be faced with totally new thinking or merely ancient thought, but with a synthesis of both. Normativism is a synthesis of the diverse ideas and systems of history, without being an impossible utopia and being, therefore, a valid alternative. It can be understood as an ideology that reconciles mankind’s thoughts. It is a synthesis of a significant part of the world’s political and philosophical thinking and possesses the capacity to represent a synthesis of everything and at the same time a denial of a large part of the whole. I have proposed to myself the task of sustaining a clear alternative to liberalism, fascism, Roman-Catholicism, and communism, and not rest until these phenomena stop disturbing societies because these phenomena imply conflict and misery within those societies, the ruin of their peoples, the betrayal of laborers, and long-term harmful effects not only for workers.

The inevitable result is the loss of strength that a People possesses, the strength of their workers, their owners, their culture, their entire economy, values and spirituality, and the struggle against the People and against the basis of that same People, a fight against greatness, honor, and freedom. This struggle will inevitably lead to the destruction of the elements that serve as the basis for our individual and social life, to the dissolution of people’s strength, and to the degradation of life in them, where hundreds of civic organizations, ethnic groups, philosophies, and false religions will generate more and more division, along with confusion and political disintegration.

But international capital will rise above these divisions and establish itself as the only one that may have some benefit from this, but only for a moment, at least until the moment when the collapse of society deepens. The welfare resulting from the work of generations will continue disappearing, and we will continue perceiving how we gradually sink if we do not open a horizon from our past, our present, and our tomorrow. Our struggle must be for the well-being and preservation of many peoples, and this struggle is one of the most significant reasons for our life, it is what makes it possible to work and build in the task of providing a new heart to our societies. In a world connected by globalization as today’s world, global well-being is only possible if it is based on the well-being of societies in each state, so by contributing to the welfare of our peoples we are assisting the welfare of the whole world, maintaining and repairing an essential part of the structure of it.

We must gradually eliminate the processes that lead to the disintegration of our societies, and we will adhere to whatever is necessary to prevent our societies from degenerating thanks to civic associations and individuals who disintegrate them based on poisonous doctrines that must be fought with all our efforts, in the context of a gigantic ideological struggle. What makes lofty an ideology or a religion is the truth, and before sacrificing oneself in the struggle for justice, first, we should know what we must fight for. The sword of freedom is one disguised as many, and by service to it and God is that I write this book, being the service to God’s laws. Justice remains an idea that obsesses human societies, but there can be no justice without the strength to carry it out, and to be stronger, our ideals must possess a firm basis.

Those who every day create the vital rhythm of human societies can do it where they want, but they must not forget that societies do not exist purely by the work of a government, a religion, of laborers or owners, but they depend on the creative capacity of each person in the different sectors of society and institutions. The belief in Normativism is the belief that man must not do any other thing than his authentic will. The Normative ideal represents not an ephemeral ideal that can disappear, it is an ideal that has always been within us, as far as we have wished that societies function on the basis of authentic will, that’s to say the will to achieve true freedom of our self. The Normative ideal is achieved by mixing instinct with experience, experience with knowledge, knowledge with action, action with delicacy, and delicacy with devotion. The basis of this ideal must endure even if today it’s arduous for millions to find themselves above narrow minds and false notions. We have already structured a belief that allows us to easily travel this road to make our authentic will, now it depends on the choice that each one wants to make.

Normativism is much more than an idea, a political movement, or a form of State, it is the expression of the desire for freedom embodied in an ideology. The Fourth Political Theory is neither left, nor right, nor center, since human beings are extraordinarily complex, we are more than a sector in the political spectrum. We mix to a greater or lesser extent the parts of different thoughts when the situations and morality dictate that pragmatism must displace labels that are useless, that only cause division. I believe with total certainty that a good ideology should be based on a vision of as comprehensive and transmissible of reality as the thinker can achieve, as improving the knowledge of things opens the door for improving the power to create.

With the worthwhile goal of fighting against the ruffians within politics and false doctrines that head us to the abyss, a fighting front must be set to create a political and economic system superior to capitalism and communism, and to safeguard traditions, including Christian values, currently threatened by liberalism and its decadent materialism, and even by the Vatican.

The decadence of our society can only be resolved if the rulers act to make authentic popular will a reality, not merely the manifested popular will, being concepts that I will explain in detail. For the authentic popular will to become a reality, we must fight against the attack and silence imposed by pro-western media, against an attack that also begins in the education that the youngest receive in their mind. Nothing that helped make our peoples great and make them joyous is safe from this attack, starting over that which makes us strong in the spiritual, economic, and military aspects, including the symbols and thoughts of exceptional persons in our history. Only one way can ensure the welfare of our People, and this is to generate the organic cohesion we need if we want to avoid falling into the abyss. That can be achieved only in a society whose essential parts do not collide with each other due to division by the economy, culture, ancestry, or misguided doctrines.

I

PART I: THE REASONS FOR AN ALTERNATIVE

Introduction to the Fourth Political Theory

The language of the Fourth Political Theory

The Fourth Political Theory is an attempt to overcome modernity, starting with overcoming many of the words and concepts that emerged with modernity at the hand of liberalism, communism, and nationalism. Many of the words we use during social and political discussions and analysis are not ideologically neutral, words such as “individual,” “class,” “race,” and “nation.”According to Dugin, if completely out of ideological doctrines, those words lose their meaning or at least a significant part of it.

We can not display our attitudes to those words unambiguously, since the content of those words is modeled by context and semantics, and these three elements interact closely with each other. When we live in a state or a society with a clearly hegemonic ideology, it can be clearly seen how certain words are an indispensable part of certain ideological discourses. The meaning of words has an intimate link with ideology, transmitted through education in different societies around the world and is often clearly supported by an ideological and also active State apparatus. The State gives content to words and language in general, directing a significant part of the discourses, and setting the limits and moral nuances of the most significant set of concepts in politics and social sciences, as given in different parts of the world. To provide a straightforward example: if we live in a society in which liberalism has been established in a hegemonic way, the individual, which is the chief object of liberalism, liberal democracy, the concept of market, together with the Western concept of human rights, etc., start to prevail in language, helping to implant the liberal ideological agenda. If we live for example in a society where Marxism has been established in a hegemonic way, the concepts of working-class, communism, and class struggle are imposed in language.

But words that acquire an obviously negative content also begin to impose on language, in the case of Marxism concepts such as the bourgeoisie, fascism, capitalists, etc., and in the case of liberalism “authoritarianism”, “oppression”, “terrorism”, concepts that in addition to acquiring a negative connotation also acquire a specific meaning with which the liberals, communists, fascists, etc.; will clearly express disagreements. There is disagreement also when discussing the meaning of words in ideological discourses and social sciences. The way in which a communist sees a fascist or a liberal seems from the point of view of fascists and liberals as a distortion of reality created by the opposing side, and of course, vice versa, since for liberals and fascists it is natural to see communism as an evil of society, seeing themselves as radically different in comparison to their ideological detractors. For someone convinced of the universality of liberal ideology, communism and fascism are almost equally bad. The capitalist liberal does not consider himself being in the same way as the bourgeois seen through Marxism.

Speculation remains for that person a way to exercise their economic freedom seen as natural according to their world-view, and the system that such a person advocate is routinely considered by him as a society characterized by freedom and openness, where there are opportunities that in other societies do not come to be. Generally, neither the Marxist analyst who bases himself on the analysis of the appropriation of surplus value from Marxist theory, nor the liberal who bases his vision of the world on liberal universalist perspectives, neither the fascist who predicts his model of society as the only possible alternative in the face of communism or liberalism, can manage to convince each other of something.

According to Dugin, ideologies are in this respect quite similar to religion; therefore, within the framework of the strong ideological polarization that existed in Germany before, during, and after Nazism; the conservative ideologue Carl Schmitt used the expression “political theology.” Everyone who defends their position believes it sacred based on personal values and ideals, and the criticism of those values and ideals, or the advance of numerous ones usually does not cause many effects. As a result of the above, before using one or another term, it is necessary to know what ideology this term is used in, even if the ideology or term is not completely defined. Someone could merely say that science must adopt a completely neutral position. That is extremely problematic or indeed impossible. In this case, science should become “an ideology of truth”, from which in comparison all other ideologies would be distorted forms that start from the relativity with which human subjects perceive reality. But it is clear that developing such a thing is impossible and even the pretension to do so is insane.

As Dugin mentions, within the framework of religion, there are often teachings that start from syncretism, because according to different doctrines, “absolute truth” and the religions that were based on these “absolute truths” are only relative manifestations of various concepts that do not possess absolute potential. On the basis of this, one can easily intuit that these religions, as well as the ideologies that start from intellectual processes such as these, can not be adopted by the entire world and are necessarily limited to the belief of specific groups, which are considered by the rest as having wrong thinking. However, according to Dugin, we can not forget that which differentiate science from the main current ideologies:

1 - Science announces its position with respect to the ideological paradigms to be taken into account, since in fact people who do not have a complex academic education, often do not even suspect that what they consider their “personal opinion” does not arise totally as a direct fruit of them, existing discourse mechanisms of each ideology hidden for those people.

2 - Science gives its position with respect to the ideological paradigms to be taken into account, since in fact people who do not possess a complex academic education, often do not even suspect that what they consider their “personal opinion” does not arise totally as a direct fruit of them, existing discourse mechanisms of each ideology that are hidden for those people.”

3 - Science can elaborate on a matrix to compare the similarities between conflicting ideologies, establishing the similarities and differences between separate discourses and the elements that make them up.

In that way, when considering any concept, there are two options when proceeding: to interpret it from the position of the relative truths of one ideology or another, and for doing that we will be incapable to deepen in its elementary bases and we will be incapable to make comparison with other interpretations of the same concept, or on the other hand pay attention to the scientific method, which does not necessarily prevent us from attaching ourselves to relative truths that start from conflicting ideologies, but at least it forces us to reason according to the scientific approach. The concept of “the individual” is not ideologically neutral, since from there the liberal doctrine is formulated, where the individual becomes its chief object and the aim is to atomize society as much as possible, with the individual as its basis.

The Fourth Political Theory rejects that the individual being becomes the main object of its theory because it considers that the person and his society must be intimately linked as a body, and in fact they inevitably are, only that the link can be more or less stronger, varying from each person. Dugin presents an emblematic example of the lack of neutrality in the discourse of social sciences, in this case, the use of a term frequently being present in those sciences, the concept of “class”, to then emphasize in the least neutral concept of all, that is the concept of “middle class.” The concept of “middle class” is crucially fundamental for the ideas of capitalist liberalism in its numerous variants, ranging from those located more to the right-wing to those located more to the left (the most “social” versions).

Although this concept appeared after the Marxist theory, centered in the antagonistic class struggle, even the meaning of the term “middle class” has a much longer history, and it originates from ideological elements of the bourgeois revolutions against the Ancien Régime. As for the concept of “class” in general, that is clearly a concept of social organization that arises with modernity. The political and social systems of the past were based on castes and estates. The castes originated on the basis of the belief that the nature of different people differs in the sense that there are divine souls and earthly souls, or even savage and malefic ones. The reason that castes constitute a system with such limited social mobility is the belief that people can not alter the shape of their souls during the course of their life. It is in the caste system that concepts such as “the masses” have their origin given that society was seen as something divided between people of a divine nature and people of earthly or malefic nature, and based on this conception, the former should be above the others.

Over time, in many places, the doctrine that gave rise to the castes was replaced by a doctrine that allowed greater social mobility based on the system of estates. While this doctrine also proposes that there are superior and inferior people in their nature, this does not mean that the birth of a person in a particular place comprise the only factor to be taken into account to determine the position of a person in the social hierarchy or its amount of heritage, since in estates the accomplishment of different feats is considered as a demonstration of spiritual qualities superior to those of the majority. The bourgeois revolutions that took place in Europe demanded the replacement of many of the privileges of the clergy, the military aristocracy, and the nobility, and frequently involved the physical elimination of the members of those sectors. But the bearers of the liberal bourgeois doctrine were not the peasants, who were connected to the traditional society, but more mobile citizens, that is, the bourgeoisie, who since modernity placed themselves as an ideal of how a person should be in the capitalist State.

The bourgeois revolutions partially or completely eliminated the power of the Church and the aristocrats, and the result of this is the model for the making of a society based on capitalism and liberal concepts. To this end, the distinctions that gave rise to the estates are replaced, except for those that are not spiritual, that is, material distinctions so that the notion of class emerges as an indicator of inequality. In sociology, which arises from the bourgeoisie, the basic thinking of liberalism regarding the bourgeoisie being always at the top, is manifested in how the stratification model is being made, since in the upper class there is always the high bourgeoisie. In modern sociology, society is divided into a higher class, a middle class, and a lower class, a division to which it is sometimes added the completely marginal people. Ironically, classes and their importance in capitalist society were not perceived as clearly by liberal theorists as by Marx. In Marxism the fact that capitalist society is divided into classes is presented as one of the main ideas of this school, and that these classes are in struggle, until according to Marxists, capitalism is completely replaced by communism, which supposes the disappearance of what from Marxism thought is called as the contradictions of capitalism, and therefore the disappearance of the material inequality being a characteristic of that. According to Marx, in a class society, there are always rich and poor, and the rich always get richer, and the poor get poorer.

From Marx’s position, there can only be two classes: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. All Marxism is based on the belief that the struggle between these two antagonistic classes has been the motor force of history since the beginning of the capitalist system, and the difference between these two classes can not be relative but absolute from a Marxist perspective since each of these classes represents a different world. In capitalism, according to Marx, Engels, and later Marxist thinkers, the proletariat must acquire self-consciousness, to organize itself and put an end to the capitalist system, and to create communism in what according to Marx comprise the two stages of the communist system, whose first phase was called by other thinkers as socialism, and after all the remnants of capitalist society have disappeared, the communist society will enter its second stage, the stage called by subsequent thinkers as “communist stage”, although Marx in his writings prefers to use only the terms of a “first” and “second” stages of communism.

From a totally Marxist perspective, a “middle class” can not exist, since everything that exists between the high bourgeois and proletarians, such as the petty bourgeoisie or the prosperous peasantry, is essentially part of the bourgeoisie, or part of the proletariat, or a class that one can clearly define as dominant or dominated. That is why from a purely Marxist perspective, the “middle class” is something that does not exist, and through Marxism, it even can be stated that this concept remains an ideological tool of capitalism to promise the proletariat a future integration in the capitalist class, which according to Marx becomes impossible due to the appropriation of surplus-value by the capitalists. According to Dugin, Marxists and liberal thinkers have in common the fact that they admit a transition has taken place from a society based primarily on estates, where the considerations of the spiritual as well as material differences were established, to impose an order where now only material inequalities are taken into account. Also, Marxists and liberals agree that a class society, that is to say, a society based only on material inequalities, is “more progressive” than a society based on estates. But it is clear that liberal thought advocate that material inequality is justified, but not the communist struggle, while Marxist thought it is the other way around.

For liberals, something like “the end of history” can only start with the triumph of the capitalist system and liberalism, and the total consolidation of the “middle class”, while for Marxists, something like that only starts when the society of the proletarian class destroys capitalist society completely by establishing communism. What characterizes specifically the way of perceiving class in liberalism is the conviction that in a capitalist society, where liberal principles have been successfully established, there is only one class, and therefore the differences that may exist within that single class are relative and not as conditioning as conditional. While for Marx there are always two antagonistic classes, for liberals like Adam Smith there is only one class, the bourgeois class.

The poorer sectors of capitalist society are considered from this perspective as “incomplete bourgeois.” The richest are the most bourgeois of all, and justifying this approach is based on the premise that workers can always aspire to one day become owners. For example, a worker is hired by an owner, and after working as an assistant, he grasps what is necessary to be an owner as well. After some time he borrows credit and launches his business, and eventually hires an assistant for himself, which from the liberal narrative leads to a cycle. In this model, we see the whole society is a middle class since it is not considered that anyone is so low to be classified as “low class”, nor is it so different as to be considered “upper class”, since there are no more estates based on the consideration of spiritual differences and at the same time it is considered that the owner also accepts economic risks that can lead to bankruptcy and make him descend within that middle class. From the perspective of liberalism, the working class only represents those who can one day become owners or complete bourgeois.

Capitalism is based on the belief that the growth in the wealth of all members that make up society is constant, and therefore, according to the liberal perspective, all humanity can become “full bourgeois.” However, as Dugin mentions, it is necessary to show that within liberal ideology there are two alternative approaches with respect to the middle class. The first approach is that of the liberals who are farther to the left in the political spectrum, the so-called “social-liberals”, who insist the high bourgeoisie should share a part of its profits with members of the middle and lower sectors of the bourgeoisie, that is, those that are denominated from the modern sociological discourse as “the middle class” and the “lower class”, since this according to the “social-liberals” leads to a more stable system and to the acceleration of economic growth for the whole society.

The second approach is characteristic of the more right-wing liberals, who reject the fact that the high bourgeoisie is hindered by projects aimed at distributing part of their profits among other sectors, and to justify that approach it is stated that doing the opposite contradicts the liberal ideology and hinders the economic functioning of the capitalist system since it is the high bourgeoisie that stimulates the growth of other sectors of society, for example, the middle bourgeoisie, which in turn stimulates the growth of the petite bourgeoisie. For that reason, the concept of the middle class is for the “social liberals” an ideological slogan used when advocating the expansion of the “middle class” so that all become “complete bourgeois” through interventions in the capitalist system, while for the other liberals the growth of the middle class arises due to the natural development of the capitalist system, and the middle class does not require special attention to be raised.

Finally, we must consider the perspective regarding the middle class according to the third political theory of modernity, which comes from nationalism and within which is, for example, fascism. Like liberalism, nationalism is a bourgeois ideology, but unlike liberalism, it insists the goal of bourgeois society should not be all of humanity, but the People who belong to a specific Nation-state, and because of that, the Nation is seen as the maximum unit that according to the third political theory allows the unity of the People who compose it. The market is allowed to be open but only within national boundaries, and this is in order to safeguard national interests, which legitimize protectionist economic mechanisms.

From the third political theory, the middle class is seen first of all as the middle class of a given nationality within the limits of a State. Nationalism, like liberalism, accepts the bourgeois as a standard figure, but places more emphasis on its appearance as a citizen and, above all, as a citizen of a given National State. Subsequently, according to Dugin, for the third political theory, the Nation becomes a synonym of bourgeois society, with the State as an indispensable element without which that bourgeois society could not exist. The Nation is seen as a community composed of the middle class, and the aim of nationalism is to integrate the lower segments in the Nation and therefore in the middle class, for which the nationalists even use the help of State measures. That’s why nationalism has some features that also belong to the completely statist economic systems that have been called socialist or communist, but in this case, the ideological goal instead of being to put an end to the capitalist class is seen as pushing the economically weak sectors at the level that should be reached by the middle class, seen as a necessary task for national integration, and not as a necessary task for equality and material justice by themselves.

This resembles, for example, that which happens within the “social-liberals” regarding the fact that economic measures designed to push economically vulnerable sectors are considered necessary for the stability of capitalism, but the difference is that nationalists do not do so for the purposes of equality and justice by themselves, but for the strengthening of what is considered a National community with a historical mission. Nationalism has a negative relationship with some or all national minorities, especially with those who are immigrants, since, from the perspective of nationalists, these elements alter the homogeneity of the nation, and therefore the homogeneity of the middle class, or they are anyway conspiring against the Nation, as for example all Jews and Slavs according to the Nazi doctrine, who are, as in the case of Jews or foreign sectors of all kinds, blamed for hoarding too much material wealth due to their economic activity. Meanwhile, other minority sectors are blamed for increasing the number of people whose integration is hampered by the differences they have with those who make up a particular nationality that is the basis of a specific State.

Dugin rejects the class being the object of the Fourth Political Theory because the classes do not always manage to establish themselves completely and because the concept of “class” does not manage to properly explain the social reality and therefore does not manage to solve its problems. Dugin mentions that the transition from caste to estates, and from estates to classes is not a universal rule. This process may occur as it did in modern Western Europe, or it may not occur or occur only partially, as it is happening up to the present in the non-Western societies. Therefore, the concept of class experiences limitations in its applicability for the analysis of societies. Class and classes can be identified in modern Western European societies, but if they really replace the criteria for establishing inequalities that are based on spiritual grounds and human nature instead of material position, that is not obvious at all even in Western societies, where we see that certain inequalities exist because the nature of certain people or in some cases the nature of their spirituality are considered superior to those of the rest.

In addition to the concept of individual and that of classes, other emblematic concepts are not ideologically neutral. It is very important to clarify that I reject, like Dugin, the Western variant of the term called “race”, since it is a purely biological term and therefore is the result of Western materialism, being used extensively by proponents of the third political theory like Hitler, but also by members of the promoter elites of liberalism, in order to legitimize colonial efforts or segregation. This term is unneutral since it takes only biological considerations and leaves aside considerations about the culture and spirit of each People. Furthermore, it can not be employed correctly in anthropology, since groups with many biological variations, such as sub-Saharan peoples, are grouped within the same race.

But those who try to tear down the concept of “race” without replacing it with something, leaving in their place a void that they intend to fill with concepts such as “ethnicity”, or “phenotype”, and not a concept like “spiritual race”, are not ideologically neutral when making such thing, by promoting egalitarianism rooted in liberalism, which does not allow individuals and the People to be considered different, ignoring that taking into account variety is a key both for science and for politics and that human beings are not equal. That is why instead of using the term “race” or leaving a vacuum, the term “spiritual race” should be used.

With this term, I classify human groups that differ by spiritual characteristics and not mere material ones. A form of classification based on this is presented in the second half of the book, as a way for taking into account, not only people’s biological qualities but also spiritual qualities that differentiate them from each other and which originate from birth. The term spiritual race, instead of being a materialistic concept, like the concept of “race” in Nazism and the eugenicists of the USA, is a concept also related to spirituality, since undoubtedly, the different individuals besides biological differences also have spiritual and cultural differences that make them adopt forms of life, world-views, and even ways of looking at themselves that give rise to a very diverse spiritual whole, and when I refer to the spiritual I mean those factors that determine people’s willingness to interact with what surrounds them, and this will must be understood from the point raised by Nietzsche, that’s to say a will to power that people use to outdo themselves.

The concept of “Nation” is also not ideologically neutral and is not used correctly, because within a territory or a specific State, for example, the current territory of Russia, or the territories that in the past were part of the Russian Empire and of the Soviet Union, several nationalities or ethnicities live, while collaboration between these different nationalities is important since a single ethnic group can not alone face the globalization of liberalism, the other universalisms or environmental problems. In contrast to the previous political theories, the Fourth Political Theory has neither the concept of the individual, nor class, nor the Nation or the western variant of the concept of race as the central object of its theory, since it is based on the imperative of overcoming modernity and therefore liberalism, communism, and nationalism which gave rise to fascism and national-socialism. The object of the Fourth Political Theory in its complex version is Dasein, a concept that is the basis of Martin Heidegger’s philosophy.

Dasein is human existence, where its organic, cultural, linguistic, and spiritual history is present and closely linked. According to Dugin, the object of this theory in its simple version is the Russian concept “narod”, which can be translated as “the People”, but not in the sense of the People as “mass” or “masses”, that is, not as a group of individuals dominated by their “masters.” We can say that the Russian concept “narod” is, for example, the living presence of the Russians in a place with their specific qualities. Within the narod concept are included not only the Russians considered as ethnically Russian but also other peoples historically and culturally linked to Great Russia. The People and not the individual (as in liberalism) nor two antagonistic classes (as in Marxism), nor the State, the Nation or the race (as in the third political theory), is the central concept of the Fourth Political Theory so that the ideological concepts of modernity are overcome.

According to Dugin, in the Fourth Political Theory, there is no materialism, economism, neither recognition of the inevitability and universality of bourgeois revolutions, nor linear time, Western civilization as a standard, secularism, and also (in the form conceptualized in the West) neither human rights, civil society, liberal democracy, economic liberalism, or any other axiom of modernity. The Fourth Political Theory rejects capitalism, individualism, and the “cult of money” in liberalism, it also rejects materialism, atheism, progressivism, and the theory of class struggle of communism, while rejecting the fascist idea regarding the necessity of a predominance of certain nations and biological races over other groups. According to Dugin, both liberalism and communism and the third political theory are totalitarian, since in communism, it is claimed the predominance of the whole (society and the working class) over the individual, and the third political theory also proclaims the superiority of the whole, in this case of the State, biological race and ethnicity over the individual, and both in communism and in fascism this predominance is sought to be achieved through coercive and propagandistic means.

Regarding liberalism, this ideology is also totalitarian because it proclaims the individual as the most important subject-matter and places it above society, while the concept of the individual is used as a way to measure the character of all political, economic, and cultural thoughts, therefore liberalism tries to impose an element on society, in this case, the individual, using coercive measures that start in the State apparatus, that is, the State forces people to respect the liberal guidelines regarding the individual, and it uses propaganda, as well as the coercive pressure on the part of the people governed and influenced by the propaganda of liberalism over those who oppose this doctrine, while these influenced people generate their own liberal propaganda. The Fourth Political Theory is opposed to totalitarianism because this political theory does not propose the community being upon the individual or the individual being upon society.

From the Fourth Political Theory, people should neither be considered atomized individuals or just a sum in the whole, since a People integrates both the individual and collective reality of human societies and hence the importance of the concept of “People” as the chief subject of the Fourth Political Theory in its more simple version, being Dasein in its complex version, that is the human existence, where organic, cultural, linguistic and spiritual history is present and closely related between. However, according to Dugin, the Fourth Political Theory takes the ideal of liberalism regarding the value of freedom, although in this case, not individualistic freedom but the freedom of the community.

Dugin mentions that the Fourth Political Theory takes from Marxism the ideals of justice and equality understood as ethical ideals and the harmonious development of human coexistence based on the end of human alienation. Of nationalism, the Fourth Political Theory bears the idea regarding the value of the ethnic group, identity, religion, spirituality, family and State, although it does not pretend that some Nation or biological group predominates over others, but a harmonious coexistence between them, which can occur within the framework of the State and its People and in relation to the peoples which are outside political borders. While accepting components of the three previous political theories, the Fourth Political Theory proposes alternatives rejected simultaneously by liberalism, communism, and nationalism, and proposes a theory based on the essential knowledge of “narod”, or in a more complex version, the fundamental knowledge of “Dasein”, that is, human existence, where its cultural, linguistic, biological and spiritual history is present and closely linked to each other. In his works, Dugin also criticizes the view being held in the West regarding the process named as time, seen in the West as something linear and non-cyclical, and that only leads to a single direction, that is, the direction of modernity, the direction of the West’s new world order, an order that is totalitarian in its very essence, despicable and promoter of the superfluous and banal, being destroyer of the People’s essence, that’s to say their soul.

In fact, what we perceive in time and space are cyclical processes that lead to divergent directions, with each region possessing its own history and its own direction, even though the West wants to erase all those history and paths, leaving only those of the West, and therefore imposing a single world model for civilization, i.e. West’s liberalism transmuted into globalist and destructive post-liberalism. But I intend radicalizing Dugin’s thought in this sense, assuming that we should not consider giving its definite start and ending to things, considering that time, at least understood as something with an existence of its own, in fact, does not exist, and it is in the mania to set a starting and ending point to everything that people in the West forget the explanation of their origin, an explanation based on cycles, cycles that necessarily leave an echo from the development of the universe as a whole to the development seen in that microcosm called mankind.

Human beings are used to giving everything its starting and ending point, and especially from the West a linear conception of time has been made which its marked beginning and ending, without seeing the Eternal through its cycles of constant return. People wonder where God or his creation comes from, as if both are in need of a beginning or end, having neither beginning nor end of days, since past, present and future are a simultaneous reality, and time does not exist, that being the way of explaining existence itself, by not attributing the origin and end indicated by the illusion of time. Time does not have an existence by itself; it does not exist as something tangible, and it is only the result of the conjunction between the seen and unseen world that gives it origin, a conjunction that allows the seen world to be created and manifested in our consciousness as time since our consciousness and identity exist on the basis of starting and endings points that in fact are not real. To comprehend this, we should observe the fourth aggregation state of matter, called plasma, which does not exist independently. Its particles are electrically charged and have no electromagnetic equilibrium, but not by the action of matter, but by what underlies it. In the same way, it has been theorized that one of the fundamental forces in nature, called the weak nuclear force, does not have an existence independent of electromagnetism, this being an example of how there is a seeming set of independences which in fact are illusory.

So far I have mentioned elements of reality that exist as part of groups of four aspects, time is called the fourth dimension by the Einsteinian theory, plasma is the fourth state of matter, and there are 4 fundamental forces in nature. By means of the Fibonacci sequence, it is observed how ‘’4’’ is absent in nature, it is always an illusion, with the sole exception of the 4 cardinal points. The origin of these points is the convergence between infinity and end, between seen and unseen world: therefore ‘’4’’ is the connection between the seen and unseen world, between infinite and end, but it is neither the infinite nor the end, it is only that which connects both aspects, being the aspects of the unseen world always infinite, in the creative chaos and infinite smallness, or in the creative order and infinite largeness. This does not mean that ‘’4’’ is something to be regarded as exclusively detrimental since illusion generates in human beings both positive and negative effects. Human belief, although it uses illusion, remains the origin and engine of human societies, and within this framework, we should distinguish the positive from negative time, for using the illusion of time as something positive, which is not possible within the Western conception of time and within the Gregorian calendar.

Another essential aspect of Dugin’s theoretical approach is the call for a multipolar world where Eurasianism is destined to clash with Atlanticism, as an inevitable consequence of two different modes of culture, Eurasianism representing the living traditionalism of Dasein, and Atlanticism representing its antithesis, modernity and its consequence, post-modernity. Both exist alongside two different subsistence modes, since Atlanticism possesses as its domain the control of trade through sea lanes and waterways (thalassocracy), and Eurasianism has the domain over large landmasses (tellurocracy). A struggle becomes inevitable because these two modes of subsistence collide as large masses of land also need maritime routes and waterways, and these routes and waterways need vast masses of land provided with natural and human resources.