The Journal of Christopher Columbus (during his first voyage, 1492-93) E-Book

Clements R. Markham

• Herausgeber: Edizioni Savine
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2023

Beschreibung

THE Council of the Hakluyt Society decided upon issuing a translation of the Journal of the First Voyage of Columbus on the four hundredth anniversary of that momentous expedition. It was also arranged that translations of the documents relating to the voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real would be included in the same volume. Those voyages were direct consequences of the great discovery of Columbus.

Leseprobe

THE JOURNAL

OF

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS

(During his First Voyage, 1492-93),

AND

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE VOYAGES

OF

JOHN CABOT

AND

GASPAR CORTE REAL

Translated, with Notes and an Introduction,

By

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.,

PRESIDENT OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY,

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY,

LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS, W.C.

INTRODUCTION.

I.—Journal of Columbus.

THE Council of the Hakluyt Society has decided upon issuing a translation of the Journal of the First Voyage of Columbus on the four hundredth anniversary of that momentous expedition. It has also been arranged that translations of the documents relating to the voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real shall be included in the same volume. Those voyages were direct consequences of the great discovery of Columbus. The Society has to thank Mr. Harrisse, whose exhaustive works on the Cabots and Corte Reals leave little but translation to be done, for his kindness in giving permission for the translation from his texts of some important documents,1 the originals of which are difficult of access : and also for permission to reproduce portions of the Cantino and La Cosa maps from his impressions. The thanks of the Society are also due to Mr. H. Welter, the publisher of Mr. Harrisse’s last work, for permission to make use of the plates of the maps of Juan de la Cosa and Cantino.

Our late Secretary, Mr. R. H. Major, by his production of the Select Letters of Columbus (1847 ; 2nd ed., 1870), brought within the reach of members of this Society all the letters written by the Admiral himself on the subject of his four voyages, as well as some other original documents. There remains for the Council to furnish the members with a translation of the Journal of the first voyage, the only one that has been preserved, and this in a mutilated form. Our series will then contain all the contributions of the great discoverer himself, that have escaped destruction, to the history of his mighty achievements.

It is necessary, for the proper understanding of the Journal, that it should be preceded by the Toscanelli correspondence, because constant allusion is made to it by the Admiral ; the places mentioned by Toscanelli were anxiously sought for at every turn; and the letters of Toscanelli were practically the sailing directions of Columbus. The famous Florentine astronomer, Paolo Toscanelli, was looked upon as the highest authority on cosmography and navigation in that age. King Affonso V of Portugal, through the Canon Fernam Martins, made an application to Toscanelli for information respecting the voyage westward to India. The astronomer replied fully on June 25th, 1474, enclosing a map. Soon afterwards Columbus, who was then at Lisbon, and had long pondered over these questions, resolved to make a similar application to the Florentine philosopher. He sent a letter, together with a small globe embodying his ideas, to Toscanelli, entrusting them to the care of an Italian named Lorenzo Birardi, who was going to Florence.2 The reply was satisfactory.3 Toscanelli sent his correspondent a copy of his letter to Martins, and a copy of the map, with some additional remarks. It was that letter and that map that were destined to play so important a part in the conduct of the first voyage. Columbus replied, and received a second briefer but equally cordial letter from Toscanelli. The Toscanelli correspondence is given in Italian in the Vita dell Ammiraglio,3 and in Spanish in the History of Las Casas.4 Both these translations are inaccurate, and several passages are inserted that are not in the original, which was in Latin. This original Latin text was discovered in 1860, in the Columbine Library at Seville, by the librarian, Don Jose Maria Fernandez de Velasco. He found it in the Admiral’s own handwriting, on a fly-leaf of one of the books which belonged to Columbus.5

I have translated from the Latin text, as given in his life of Columbus by Don Jose Maria Asensio.4 The Toscanelli map is lost. It was in possession of Las Casas when he wrote his history, and that is the last trace we have of it. But it is so minutely described in the letter that its restoration, with help from the globe of Martin Behaim, is not difficult. This has been well done in Das Ausland (1867, p. 5), and the restoration there given has been repeated to illustrate this volume.5

With the letter and map of Toscanelli as his sailing directions and chart, Columbus began to make entries in his Journal of Navigation, morning and evening, from the dav he left Palos. He gives no special description of his three vessels, but it is believed that sketches of them, drawn bv his own hand, have been preserved. In the Columbine Library at Seville, in the edition of the first decade of Peter Martyr, which belonged to the Admiral’s son Fernando, there is a map of Espanola drawn with a pen, and showing the earliest Spanish forts and settlements. In two places on the map there are outline sketches of the three caravels, and in the opinion of competent persons these sketches are by Columbus himself. If so, they are the only authentic representations of the first vessels that ever crossed

the Atlantic. One of them has been reproduced to illustrate this volume.6

The Admiral diligently wrote his Journal until the day of his return to Palos. It was forwarded to Ferdinand and Isabella ; but it is now lost. Las Casas had access to it when he wrote his history, and gives a very full abstract,7 which was condensed by Herrera.8 It was also used by Fernando Columbus in the Vita dell Ammiraglio.4 In one place, where the Admiral describes his proceedings in the storm, when he threw a brief account of the voyage overboard in a barrel, the version of Fernando is much more full than that of Las Casas, and appears to be copied word for word. I have noticed the differences in their place. It is probable that Bernaldez also had access to the Journal, but made no great use of it,9 and Oviedo never appears to have seen it.10

In the archives of the Duke of Infantado there was, in the end of the last century, a small folio volume in a parchment cover, consisting of seventy-six leaves closely written. It is in the handwriting of Las Casas. There is another old volume, but somewhat later than that of Las Casas, also in folio, and with a similar cover, consisting of 140 leaves. These are duplicate copies of a full abstract of the Journal of Columbus. They were carefully collated by Don Juan Bautista Munoz, the learned cosmo-grapher of the Indies, and by Don Martin Fernandez Navarrete at Madrid, in February 1791. The abstract of the Journal, in the handwriting of Las Casas, was printed by Navarrete in the first volume of his Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Espanoles, and published in 1825. The present translation is made from the text of Navarrete.11

The Prologue, which is in fact the covering letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, is given in full. The rest is an abstract of the entries of each day, but there are long and frequent quotations, word for word, which are shown by the phrases “ the Admiral says”, or “these are the Admiral’s words”. In more than one place Las Casas complains of the illegible character of the handwriting of the original document from which he is making his abstract, but the mistakes appear to be chiefly with regard to figures. The substitution, of leagues for miles occurs several times ; and there are other blunders of the same kind, due to inaccurate transcription.

The Journal, even in the mutilated condition in which it has come down to us, is a document of immense value. Our sympathy and interest are excited in every page. We observe the conscientious care with which the great discoverer recorded his proceedings, and with what intelligence he noted the natural objects that surrounded him in the New World. All were new to him ; but he compared them with analogous products seen in other parts of the world, and drew useful inferences. The fulness of his entries was due to the rapid working of a vivid imagination, as one thought followed another in rapid succession through his well-stored brain. Even the frequent repetitions are not tedious, because they give such life and reality to the document, reminding us of the anxious and overwrought hero jotting down his thoughts whenever he could find a spare moment amidst the press of work. It has been said that his sole aim appeared to be the acquisition of gold. This unfair criticism is made in ignorance. It must be remembered that the letter of Toscanelli was his guide ; and that the gold, pearls, and spices were the marks by which he was to know the provinces of the great Kaan ; so that he was bound to make constant inquiries for these commodities. The eagerness with which he pushed his inquiries, and his repeated disappointments, are touching. He seeks to find the places mentioned by his guide, by fancied resemblance of names, as when he would identify Cipangu with Cibao in Espanola. This search, however, only occupied part of his thoughts. Nothing seems to escape his observation, and he frequently regrets his ignorance of botany, because it prevented him from being able to report more exactly on the new species of plants that surrounded him. But the feature in his remarks which comes out most prominently is his enthusiastic admiration of scenery, and of the natural beauties of the strange land. The Journal is a mirror of the man. It shows his failings and his virtues. It records his lofty aims, his unswerving loyalty, his deep religious feeling, his kindliness and gratitude. It impresses us with his knowledge and genius as a leader, with his watchful care of his people, and with the richness of his imagination. Few will read the Journal without a feeling of admiration for the marvellous ability and simple faith of the great genius whose mission it was to reveal the mighty secret of the ages.

The Journal is the most important document in the whole range of the history of geographical discovery, because it is a record of the enterprise which changed the whole face, not only of that history, but of the history of mankind. Even during the fourteen remaining years of the Admiral’s life its immediate result was the completed discovery of all the West Indian islands and of the coast of the New World from Cape San Agustin, 8° S. of the line, to the Gulf of Honduras, either by the Admiral himself, or by his followers and pupils.

The Admiral’s achievement aroused a feeling of emulation in other countries. There is a direct connection between the ideas and labours of the illustrious Genoese and the voyages of his country man John Cabot. From rather a different point of view the undertakings of Caspar Corte Real had its origin in the discovery of Columbus. The work of these two worthies, Cabot and Corte Real, therefore, finds its proper place in the same volume with the Journal of the Admiral.

The foot-notes in the Journal marked with N. are by Navarrete. Interpolations by Las Casas are in brackets.

II.—John Cabot.

A remarkable fatality has deprived posterity of any authentic record of the first English voyages to America. Not a single scrap of writing by John Cabot has been preserved. The map and globe of John Cabot no longer exist, and although a single copy of a map by his son Sebastian has survived, it was not prepared to illustrate his father’s discoveries, but is a compilation drawn for the Spanish Government nearly half a century afterwards. The secondhand information fails satisfactorily to supplement the meagre official documents, which consist of two Letters Patent and a few entries in the Privy Purse Accounts of Henry VII and his son. There are two short letters from Spanish Ambassadors, three newsletters from Italians in London, the reports of what Sebastian is said to have dropped in conversation generally, written down years afterwards, the reports of his intrigues with the Venetian Government, and a few brief notices of doubtful authenticity in English chronicles and collections of voyages. Even the principal entry in the Chronicles, said to be copied from Fabyan’s work, is not to be found in any known edition of Fabyan ; while the unfortunate habit of our greatest authority, Richard Hakluyt, of making verbal alterations in the documents of which he made use, further increases our difficulties.

These are the sources of information, such as they are, from which we must derive our knowledge of the first English voyages to America. By a careful use of them, and an equally careful avoidance of conjecture and hypothesis, we can piece together all that can now be known of the earliest important maritime enterprises in which England was concerned, and of the great navigator who conceived and led them.

Mr. Charles Deane contributed an admirable review of the materials forming our existing knowledge of the Cabot voyages to Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America (vol. iii, pp. 1-58), in which he treats the various questions bearing on the subject with sound judgment and great learning.

An exhaustive work on the Cabots, including the original documents in their respective languages, and valuable notes on the cartography, was published by Mr. Harrisse, at Paris, in 1882.12

Desimoni has published a work on the Cabots at Genoa,13 and a considerable work, also including all the original documents, by Tarducci, has recently appeared at Venice.14

John Cabot was probably a Genoese15 who, after having resided in Venice for fifteen years, from 1461 to 1476, was admitted to the rights of citizenship in the latter year.16 He was married to a Venetian woman, and had three sons, named Luigi, Sebastian, and Sancio, all of whom must have been of age when the Letters Patent were granted to them in 1497 ; so that the youngest cannot have been born later than 1475. As this was within the period during which John Cabot was qualifying for citizenship by residence at Venice, his sons must have been born there.

During the next twenty years the story of John Cabot is an almost entire blank. The Genoese was usually called a Venetian because he had acquired Venetian citizenship. He became an experienced navigator, and had commercial transactions along the Arabian coast, even visiting Mecca, or its port,17 where he witnessed the arrival of caravans with spices from the distant East, and speculated on the distance they had come, and on the difficulties of the route.18

When the news of the great discovery of Columbus became known, John Cabot eagerly sought for information, and was aroused to a spirit of emulation. He went to Seville and Lisbon to seek for help in the enterprise he contemplated19; and adopted all the ideas of his great countryman respecting Antilla and the seven cities, the Isle of Cipango, and the kingdom of the great Kaan. He then came to settle in London as a merchant,20 with his wife and three sons. Of good address and an expert navigator,21 John Cabot presented himself at the Court of Henry VII at the right moment. The great discovery of Columbus was being much discussed, and the courtiers were declaring that it was a thing more divine than human to have found that way, never before known, of going to the east where the spices grow.22 In the midst of this excitement, John Cabot, a navigator, “who had made himself very expert and cunning in the knowledge of the circuit of the worlde and islands of the same”, was presented to the King, and made his proposal to do for England what Columbus had done for Spain. He would show a new route to Cipango and the land of the great Kaan, and would bring back his ships laden with spices. He demonstrated his arguments by a chart, and eventually gained the ear of the wary usurper. Henry resolved to let the adventurer attempt the discovery of new isles, and granted him and his sons Letters Patent, as well as material assistance.

The Letters Patent, dated March 5th, 1496,23 grant to John Cabot, Citizen of Venice, and to his sons Lewis,24 Sebastian, and Sancio, the right to navigate in any direction they please, under the King’s Hag, and at their own costs and charges, to seek out and discover unknown lands and islands. They were authorised to become governors of the new territories, a fifth of all profits and revenues being reserved for the King ; and merchandise coming from the new lands was exempted from customs duties. All British subjects were prohibited from visiting the new lands without a licence from the Cabots, on pain of forfeiture of ship and cargo ; and the King’s lieges were enjoined to afford all necessary assistance to the adventurers.

John Cabot selected the port of Bristol for the equipment of his expedition, and there he embarked in a ship believed to have been called the Matthew,25 with a crew of eighteen men, nearly all Englishmen, and natives of Bristol.26 His young son Sebastian, then aged twenty-two at least, probably accompanied him27; but the other two sons are nowhere mentioned, except in the Letters Patent. The Matthew is said to have been manned and victualled at the King’s cost,28 which is unlikely ; and she was accompanied by three or four small vessels laden with merchandise,29 being the ventures of London merchants. But it does not appear whether more than one ship actually crossed the Atlantic.30

The expedition sailed in the beginning of May31 1497, and, after a voyage of fifty days, it reached land at five o’clock in the morning of Saturday, the 24th of June, being St. John’s Day,32 which was called “ Prima terra vista”. The name of St. John was given to another large island that was sighted.33 We know, from the map of Sebastian Cabot, that the “ Prima terra vista” is the northern end of the island of Cape Breton, and “ St. John” is in the position of the Magdalen Islands. This is just the landfall that John Cabot would have naturally made. His course is clearly pointed out by the object of his voyage, which was, like that of Columbus, to reach the territory of the Great Kaan. The course of Columbus was west, and that of John Cabot must also have been west.34 The distance is 2,300 miles1 in a voyage of fifty clays, or forty-six miles a day. Working her way slowly westward during many days, a vessel like the Matthew would have made a great deal of leeway, and during the latter part of the voyage the current would have set her two hundred or more miles to the south.2 The south coast of Newfoundland being obscured by mist, the north end of Cape Breton is exactly the landfall the Matthew might be expected to make under the above circumstances. Cabot hoisted the English standard on the newly-discovered land, and side by side with it he planted the lion of St. Mark, the Hag of his adopted country. He did not see any inhabitants, but brought back some snares for game, and a needle for making nets.

As he was back in the end of July, he had no time to spare, and must have started at once on his voyage home.3 Sailing from the north coast of

__________________________________

1Pasqualigo gives 700 leagues, which is nearly right. Soncino very much under-estimates the distance at 400 leagues.

2 The course actually made good would be half a point south of west.

3 Pasqualigo says: “ Andato per la costa lige 300"—“He went along the coast 300 leagues.” This is impossible. Such a cruise in the Matthew would have occupied three weeks at least from June 25th, or until the middle of July. As Cabot was back in Bristol in the end of July, it is clear that this additional cruise cannot have taken place. Pasqualigo was merely repeating second-hand gossip.

__________________________________________________________

Cape Breton on June 26th, with a southerly set, on the next day, after proceeding about seventy miles, he appears to have sighted land, on his starboard hand, near Sydney1 ; but he was short of provisions, and could not afford to lose time by stopping. As might be expected in going eastward, Cabot made a better voyage than when he was outward bound. It only occupied him about thirty-five days, and he arrived at Bristol in the last days of July or the first week of August.2

John Cabot was received on his return with great honour. The King granted him money for his personal expenses. Pasqualigo wrote to his brothers at Venice to report how the great discoverer was dressed in silk and styled the Grand Admiral, was residing at Bristol with his family, and preparing for

______________________________________________

1 “A1 tornar aldreto a visto do ixole ma non ha voluto desender per non perder tempo che la vituaria li mancava”—“ On the return he saw two islands on the starboard side, but he would not land because he could not waste time, as the provisions were running short” (Pasqualigo). See p. 201.

2 The date is fixed by Pasqualigo, who says that the expedition was absent three months; and also by a royal grant of £10 to Cabot on August 10th. Allowing for two or three days at Bristol on arrival, the journey to London to report himself, the audiences, and the time for the consummation of the penurious Henry’s bounty, the ship must have arrived at Bristol at least ten days previous to the 10th of August. See extract from Privy Purse Accounts, Henry VII, Biddle, p. So,n.____________________________________________________

a second expedition on a larger scale. The Milanese envoy, Raimondo di Soncino, being personally acquainted with Cabot, wrote a more authoritative despatch on the subject for his master, Ludovico il Moro. Soncino, as well as the Spanish Ambassador, had seen the chart of his discoveries prepared by John Cabot, and also a solid sphere constructed by the great navigator. The Milanese envoy had the advantage of conversing with Cabot himself, and heard from him of the enormous supplies of fish to be obtained on the Newfoundland banks, which were considered likely to supersede the trade in stock-fish with Iceland ; and of his design to reach the Spice islands by way of Cipango, in imitation of Columbus. Soncino also spoke to several of the crew, including a Burgundian, and a Genoese barber from Castione,35 both of whom anticipated great results from the second voyage.

New Letters Patent were issued on February 3rd, 1498, this time to John Cabot alone, without mention of his sons. The discoverer is authorised to equip six English ships in any port within the King’s dominions, being of 200 tons burden or under, and to take them to the land and isles lately discovered by the said John. He is empowered to enter all men and boys who may volunteer for the service ; and all officers and others, the King’s subjects, are commanded to afford needful assistance.

The second expedition was also fitted out at Bristol. Sebastian probably accompanied his father again,36 and it would appear that Thomas Bradley and Lancelot Thirkill, of London, commanded two of the other ships, having received royal loans of £30 for their equipment.37 John Carter is also mentioned as receiving £2. The expedition consisted of five armed ships, victualled for a year, with 300 men, according to Peter Martyr and Gomara. They sailed in the summer of 1498, at some time before the 25th of July.38 One was driven back by a storm.39

The few details respecting this second voyage of John Cabot are derived from the reports of statements made long afterwards by his son Sebastian, which appear in the works of Peter Martyr, Ramusio, Gomara, and Galvano. His actual discoveries were shown on his map, a copy of which was sent to Spain, and transferred to the famous map drawn by Juan de la Cosa in 1500. John Cabot first directed his course to the north, and went so far towards the

Pole as to meet with icebergs, and to experience almost constant daylight in July.40 Seeing so much ice. he turned to the south, and came to the bank of Newfoundland, where he met with enormous quantities of fish called Bacallaos.2 The people are described as being covered with the skins of beasts, and many bears were seen. Continuing on a southerly course along the North American coast, he reached the latitude of Cape Hatteras,41 whence he was obliged to return home owing to want of provisions. The Spanish Ambassador had reported, in July 1498. that Cabot was expected to return in the following September. We know nothing more of John Cabot. Neither the return of his expedition, nor the date or place of his death, is recorded.

Juan de la Cosa was supplied, through the Spanish Ambassador in London, with a chart, showing the discoveries of John Cabot. On his mappe-monde of 1500 he indicates the discoveries by English flags

along the coast of North America, with a number of names of capes and bays between them. This coastline cannot be exactly identified, as there are no lines for latitude, and the West India Islands are placed north of the tropic; but it appears to be intended to extend from 50° to 30° N. from about Cape Breton to a little south of Cape Hatteras.42 This would be in accordance with the statement of Peter Martyr.

John Cabot was the pioneer of English discovery and English colonisation. A long life of mercantile adventure had prepared him for the great work ; and the experienced old navigator was at least sixty years of age when he offered his services to Henry VII. His great merit was that he at once appreciated the genius and prevision of Columbus, and understood the true significance of his magnificent achievement. He studied the theories and the methods of his illustrious countryman, and understood the great work that was left for others to achieve by following his lead. The results more than justified his representations. In his first voyage he showed the way across the Atlantic in high latitudes ; and in the second he discovered the coast of North America, between the Arctic Circle and the Tropic of Cancer. We learn no more of his career, and nothing of the close of his life ; but this is enough to secure a place for John Cabot among the greatest navigators of that age of discovery.

The work of John Cabot bore fruit in subsequent years, and the way he had shown across the Atlantic was not forgotten. On March 19th, 1501, Letters Patent were granted to three merchants of Bristol, named Warde, Ashurst, and Thomas, associated with three natives of the Azores.43 They made a voyage across the Atlantic, and the isle discovered by John Cabot was again visited.2 In the three following years other voyages were undertaken across the Atlantic.44

III .—Sebastian Cabot.

Since the results of recent researches have been known, the son can no longer be associated with the discoveries of the father. With regard to the place of Sebastian’s birth, he told Peter Martyr, in 1519, that he was a Venetian born45; he told Contarini, in 1522, that he was born in Venice46; and he told Richard Eden that he was born at Bristol.47 His own w'ord can have no weight, for he made statements respecting the place of his birth just as it happened to suit his convenience. But we know from the Letters Patent that his younger brother must have been of age when they were granted in 1497. Sebastian must have been at least a year older. So he was born not later than 1474. His father had his domicile in Venice from 1461 to 1476. Sebastian was, therefore, born in Venice.

It is uncertain whether Sebastian Cabot accompanied his father on his voyages of discovery. He is reported to have said that he was himself the discoverer, ignoring his father ; and, on the other hand, the general belief in England was that he never visited the new land himself.48 On the whole, it seems most probable that John Cabot did take his young son with him, who was then about twenty-two years of age. There is also reason for thinking that he was employed by the Bristol merchants in their voyage in 1502, for he is said to have brought three men, taken in Newfoundland, to the King in that year.49 During the next ten years we hear nothing of Sebastian. But he must have occupied them in business connected with navigation and cartography; for, when there was an agreement between Henry VIII and Ferdinand Y to undertake a combined expedition against the south of France, in 1512, Sebastian Cabot was employed to make a map of Gascony and Guienne.50 Lord Willoughby de Broke had command of the troops which were landed at Pasages in June 1512,51 and Sebastian accompanied him.52 By that time the younger Cabot must have become a draughtsman of some note, for King Ferdinand applied to Lord Willoughby for his services, and, on September 13th, 1512, gave him the appointment of a captain, with a salary of 50,000 marks.53 In March 1514 it had been arranged that he should undertake a voyage of discovery in the Spanish service, and in 1515 he was appointed a pilot. He married a Spaniard named Catalina Medrano,54 and it was at this time that he became acquainted with Peter Martyr, who wrote : “ Familiarem habeo domi Cabottum ipsum, et contubernalem interdum”—“ Cabot is my very frend whom I use familiarlye, and delyte to have hym sometymes keepe my company in my owne house.”55

On the death of King Ferdinand in 1516, Sebastian Cabot went to England with his wife and daughter Elizabeth, and he appears to have remained there during the rule of Cardinal Cisneros, although he was still in the Spanish service. He is said to have been concerned in the equipment of an expedition for Henry VIII in 1517, which is alleged to have “ taken none effect” owing to the “ faint heart” of one Sir Thomas Perte.56 But as Cabot was then in the Spanish service, and as he declined similar employment in 1519 on that very ground,57 there must be some mistake. He may have given advice, but nothing more ; and at this very time he was engaged in an intrigue with a Venetian friar named Stragliano Collona, proposing to leave both Spain and England in the lurch, and to devise a plan by which Venice should secure all the benefits to be derived from the northern voyages. His own words are plain enough as regards England. He said: “ As by serving the King of England I should not be able to serve my country, I wrote to the Cesarean Majesty that he should not, on any account, give me permission to serve the King of England, because there would be great injury to his service.”2 In the face of all this it is not credible that Sebastian Cabot undertook a voyage for the King of England in 1517. Indeed, the words of Eden, “the voyage took none effect”, can only be explained by the assumption that the Atlantic was not crossed by Perte’s ship. There was some intention of employing Sebastian on a voyage from England in 1521, but it came to nothing, and he was all the time playing a double game with Spain and Venice.

Cabot returned to his employment at Seville in 1521, having previously received the appointment of Chief Pilot.58 Yet, while in the service of Spain, and in possession of all the intentions and secrets of the Spanish Government, he engaged in an intrigue with the Venetian Senate to transfer his services to the Republic. He employed a native of Ragusa, named Hieronymo di Marin, to convey his proposals to the Council of Ten, under a vow of secrecy sworn on the sacrament. These proposals appear to have been no less than, by the use of knowledge acquired in the English and Spanish services, to transfer all the advantages and benefits of the contemplated northern voyage to Venice. The Council of Ten heard what the Ragusan had to say, rewarding him with a present of 20 ducats, and they considered the matter to be of such importance that the Venetian Ambassador in Spain, Gasparo Contarini, was instructed in a letter, dated September 27th, 1522, to have an interview with Sebastian Cabot and report the result.

Contarini’s account was that his first step in the negotiation was successful. He quietly ascertained whether Sebastian was at Court, then at Valladolid, and sent his secretary to tell him that there was a letter at the embassy which concerned his private affairs. This brought the Chief Pilot to the Venetian Ambassador’s house, and Contarini dexterously succeeded in gaining his confidence. Cabot related the circumstances of his employment in England and Spain, but declared that his desire was to benefit his native country, by proceeding to Venice and laying the details of his proposal before the Council of Ten. He proposed to get permission to proceed to Venice, on the plea of recovering his mother’s jointure, and other private affairs.

The Venetian Ambassador felt very doubtful whether the scheme of Cabot was feasible. Any expedition fitted out at Venice could easily be stopped by the King of Spain in passing through the Straits of Gibraltar. The only other plan would be to equip vessels outside the Mediterranean, on the shores of the Atlantic, or in the Red Sea. But the difficulties surrounding any such projects would render them impracticable. The cogency of the shrewd diplomatist’s argument was admitted by Cabot ; but he maintained that his great knowledge and experience had suggested to him other means by which the end could be attained, which he would only divulge in person to the Venetian Council. Contarini shrugged his shoulders, and the interview ended. But after an interval Cabot again came to the Venetian embassy at Valladolid, on the 27th of December —St. John’s Day. On this occasion he did all he could to impress Contarini with his great professional knowledge and skill, discussing many geographical points with him, and explaining a method he had invented of finding the longitude by means of the variation of the needle. Then, touching on the main business, he confidently asserted that the Council of Ten would be pleased with the plan he had devised, declaring that he was ready to go to Venice at his own expense. He entreated Contarini to keep the matter secret, as his life depended on it.

Four days afterwards, on the 31st of December 1522, the Venetian Ambassador, in a long and able despatch, reported the results of his interviews with Cabot; and on March 7th, 1523, he further reported that Cabot had delayed his visit to Venice because he was called to England on business, and would be absent for three months. This is explained by an entry respecting the funeral of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G.,59 from which it appears that Sebastian Cabot, Chief Pilot of Spain, came to London to attend at the obsequies of Sir Thomas in 1524, in compliance with a request in the will of the deceased. Cabot returned to Spain in the end of 1524.

Contarini received great praise from his Government for the way in which he had conducted the negotiations; but they fell to the ground, apparently owing to the important employment on which Cabot was soon afterwards engaged under the Spanish Government.

The Conference of Badajoz on the question of the right to Moluccas between Spain and Portugal was opened in 1524, and Sebastian Cabot was employed as an assessor. The decision in favour of Spain led to the equipment of an expedition for the discovery of the isles of Tarshish, Ophir, and the eastern Catay, of which Sebastian Cabot received the command.60 It consisted of three vessels and 150 men ; the two other ships being commanded by Francisco de Rojas and Martin Mendez, with whom the Captain-General disagreed. Miguel de Rodas embarked as a volunteer. The ships sailed in April 1526, and, in consequence of the quarrels between the leader of the expedition and his captains, Cabot adopted a very high-handed measure. He beached the two captains, Rojas and Mendez, and the volunteer Rodas, on the coast of Brazil. They were rescued by a Portuguese ship, and trouble was thus prepared for the Venetian on his return. Entering

the river Plate, Cabot explored the river Parana to its junction with the Paraguay, and established two forts. But he was eventually attacked by an overwhelming force of natives, one of his forts was carried by assault, and he was obliged to abandon the enterprise.61 He returned to Spain in August 1530, and had to meet serious charges respecting his treatment of Mendez and Rojas. On February 1st, 1532, he was condemned to two years of exile at Oran for excesses committed during the expedition62; but the Emperor pardoned him after a year, and he was again at Seville in June 1533-63

Sebastian Cabot must have been a man of great ability and address, while his knowledge and experience made his services very valuable. It is evident, from his restoration to favour, after returning; from his disastrous expedition, that the Government of Charles V entertained a high opinion of his usefulness. He remained Chief Pilot of Spain from 1533 to 1547, and it must have been at this time that the guest, to whose conversation Ramusio listened at the table of Hieronimus Fracastor, visited Cabot at Seville. Then the old navigator, who had reached the age of seventy, professed to be anxious to rest from active service, “ after having instructed so many practical and valiant young seamen, through whose forwardness I do rejoice in the fruit of my labours. So I rest with the charge of this office as you see.” The guest added that, among other things, Cabot showed him a great mappe-monde, illustrating the special navigations as well of the Portuguese as of the Spaniards. If this was the mappe-monde that was discovered lately, it bore the following title : “ Sebastian Cabot, Captain and Pilot Major to his Cesarean and Catholic Majesty the Emperor Charles V of that name, the King our Lord, made this figure extended on a plane, in the year of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ 1544.” It is a coloured map drawn on an ellipse, 4 1/4 feet long by 3 1/2 wide, having a series of descriptive legends, in Latin and Spanish, on the right and left. It is a compilation showing the then recent discovery of the Gulf of St. Lawrence by Jacques Cartier. Newfoundland is represented as a group of islands. The work done by John Cabot, in his first voyage, is indicated by the Prima Tierra Vista, at the north end of Cape Breton,64 and the I. de S. Juan in the place of the modern Magdalen Islands. Along the coast of

PART OF THE MAP

After Harrisse’s “ Jean et Sebastian Cabot," r<

Labrador is written Costa d el hues norueste. San Brandon Isle retains its place in the middle of the Atlantic. From Cape Breton a coast-line is made to run west and south, resembling that shown as discovered by the English, on the map of Juan de la Cosa in 1500. But the names along the coast of North America do not agree with those on the map of Juan de la Cosa.

The great value of the 1544 map of Sebastian Cabot is that it fixes the landfall of his father’s first voyage. On this point he is the highest authority, and his evidence is quite conclusive if it was given in good faith. Mr. Harrisse argues that it was not given in good faith, but not, I think, on sufficient grounds. He first endeavours to show that while Cabot was at the head of the Hydrographic Department at Seville, and responsible for the accuracy of the charts, the landfall in 48° was never shown, and the three maps of that period, that survive, all place the English discoveries between 56° and 6o°. Mr. Harrisse therefore infers that Cabot did not then claim discoveries further south. But the answer to this is that he did make such claim. He told the guest in Ramusio, Peter Martyr, and everyone he met, that he discovered all the coast as far south as Florida. It is true that, after the map of La Cosa in 1500, where the English southern discoveries are fully portrayed, they do not appear on Spanish maps ; but the statements of Sebastian Cabot prove that this cannot have been with his willing concurrence.

The omission must have been due to some other cause. The coast shown in 6o° N. on the Ribero and other maps of course refer to John Cabot’s second, not to his first voyage, when he reached Cape Breton.

Mr. Harrisse then justifies his hypothesis that Sebastian Cabot placed his landfall at Cape Breton, knowing well that it was really several hundred miles further north, by pointing out his constant mendacity and treason, and that such underhand dealings were in keeping with his natural disposition. But this is not sufficient without a motive, and the motive suggested by Mr. Harrisse seems quite inadequate. He says that the explorations of Jacques Cartier, from 1534 to 1543, had brought to light a valuable region round Cape Breton, suitable for colonies; and that Sebastian placed the landfall there in 1544 as a suggestion of British claims, a declaration that the region of the Gulf of St. Lawrence belonged to England, and a bid for favour. He went to England three years afterwards. But it would have been useless and unnecessary, as well as dangerous, to falsify an official Spanish map with this object; for the English Government possessed his father’s maps, and he had all along claimed the discovery, not only of this part, but of the whole coast as far as Florida. We may therefore conclude that, as Sebastian Cabot had no motive for falsifying his map, he did not do so ; and that the “ Prima Terra Vista”, where he placed it, is the true landfall of John Cabot on his first voyage.65

On November 28th, 1545, Sebastian Cabot was charged, in conjunction with Pedro Mexia, Alonso Chaves, and Diego Gutierrez, to examine and report upon the new work on navigation by Pedro de Medina, entitled Arte de Navegar,66 This is the last recorded duty performed by Cabot in Spain. Two years afterwards he left that country and arrived in England. The old man’s action must have been secret, and in the nature of a flight, for he resigned neither his pension nor his appointment before his departure. It was a betrayal, for he took with him a knowledge of all the secret counsels and intentions of the Spanish Government, acquired during an official career extending over a period of more than thirty years. The actual cause for this flight and betrayal is unknown. That the flight was arranged in concert with the English Privy Council is made clear by a warrant of £100 paid to one Mr. Peckham, on October 9th, 1547, for transporting “one Cabot, a Pilot, to come out of Hispain, to serve and inhabit in England”.

When Sebastian Cabot came to England, in the beginning of the reign of Edward VI, he was at least seventy-three years of age. On January 6th, 1548, he was granted a pension of £166 13s. 4d. (250 marks) a year,67 with the duties, though not the title, of Chief Pilot of England. The Emperor Charles V, through the English Ambassadors at Brussels, Sir Thomas Cheyne and Sir Philip Hoby, requested that Cabot might be sent back, “ forasmuch as he cannot stand the King your Master in any great stead, seeing he hath small practice in these seas, and is a very necessary man for the Emperor, whose servant he is, and hath a pension of him.” The despatch containing this request was dated at Brussels on November 25th, 1549.68 The reply, on April 21st, 1550, was that Sebastian Cabot refused to return to Spain, and that, being King Edward’s subject, he could not be compelled to go against his will.69 In the following year Cabot received £200 from Edward VI, by Council warrant, “by way of

the King’s Majesty’s reward”,70 and was evidently in high favour. Charles V made one more effort to recover his Chief Pilot, by writing to his cousin Queen Mary on the subject, from Mons, on the 9th of September 1553, but without effect.71

Meanwhile, Cabot had again opened communications with the Venetian Government, through Giacomo Soranzo, their Ambassador in London. His proposal was to conduct a Venetian fleet to Cathay through the strait of which he pretended to have the secret72; and the same excuse for asking permission to go to Venice, on urgent private affairs, was to be adopted as had been proposed in the negotiation with Contarini in 1522. It completely deceived Dr. Peter Vannes, the English Ambassador at Venice, who, in a despatch dated September 12th, 1551, reported to the Council the steps that had been taken to further Cabot’s business, and the goodwill of the Seigniory.73 The contemporaries of the astute old pilot had no suspicion of the intrigues revealed to posterity by the publication of the Venetian State Papers ; but this second negotiation ended in nothing.74

Cabot was employed to draw up instructions for the voyage of Willoughby and Chancellor in May 1553 2 and, when the Company of Merchant Adventurers was incorporated on February 26th, 1555, he was named Governor for life.75 In this capacity he superintended the equipment of the Searchthrift, under the command of Stephen Burrough, coming down to Gravesend to take leave of that gallant explorer on April 27th, 1556, and taking part in the feasting and dancing on that occasion.76

On the 27th of May 1557 Sebastian Cabot resigned his pension, and on the 29th one half of it was restored to him, and the other half was Granted to one William Worthington, apparently as a colleague appointed in consequence of Cabot’s great age.77 He was at least eighty-three. This is the last official mention of Sebastian Cabot, who probably died the same year.

There is evidence that Sebastian Cabot gave close attention to questions relating to the variation of the compass. In the geography of Livio Sanuto, that learned Italian says that, many years before the period at which he wrote, Guido Gianetti da Fano “ informed him that Sebastian Cabot was the discoverer of that secret of the variation of the needle which he then explained to the most serene King of England (Edward VI), near to whom (but then engaged in other affairs) this Gianetti was most honourably employed ; and he also demonstrated how much this variation was, and that it was not the same in everyplace.”78 In 1522, Cabot had told the Venetian Ambassador Contarini “of a method he had observed of finding the distance between two places east and west of each other by means of the needle, a beautiful discovery, never observed by any one else”.79 This fallacy, that the longitude could be found by observing the variation at two places, was subsequently adopted by Plancius, who even constructed an instrument for observing it. The idea haunted the mind of Cabot to his dying day ; but it was not original, being the conception of Jacob Besson.80 Eden mentions that Cabot continued to talk of a divine revelation to him of a new and infallible method of finding the longitude, which he was not permitted to disclose to any mortal, even on his death-bed. He adds : “ I thinke the goode old man, in that extreme age, somewhat doted, and had not yet, even in the article of death, utterly shaken off all worldlye vayne glorie.”81 Eden was present at Cabot’s death, but does not mention when or where it took place, or where he was buried.