The Mystical Element of Religion, as studied in Saint Catherine of Genoa and her friends.
The Mystical Element of Religion, as studied in Saint Catherine of Genoa and her friends.PREFACEPART I INTRODUCTIONCHAPTER I THE THREE CHIEF FORCES OF WESTERN CIVILIZATIONCHAPTER II THE THREE ELEMENTS OF RELIGIONPART II BIOGRAPHICALCHAPTER III CATHERINE FIESCA ADORNA’S LIFE, UP TO HER CONVERSION; AND THE CHIEF PECULIARITIES PREDOMINANT THROUGHOUT HER CONVERT YEARSCHAPTER IV CATHERINE’S LIFE FROM 1473 TO 1506 AND ITS MAIN CHANGES AND GROWTHCHAPTER V CATHERINE’S LAST FOUR YEARS, 1506 TO 1510—SKETCH OF HER CHARACTER, DOCTRINE, AND SPIRITCHAPTER VI CATHERINE’S DOCTRINECHAPTER VII CATHERINE’S REMAINS AND CULTUS; THE FATE OF HER TWO PRIEST FRIENDS AND OF HER DOMESTICS; AND THE REMAINING HISTORY OF ETTORE VERNAZZACHAPTER VIII BATTISTA VERNAZZA’S LIFECONCLUSION WHEREIN LIES THE SECRET OF SPIRITUAL PERSUASIVENESSAPPENDIX TO PART II CHRONOLOGICAL ACCOUNT AND CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIALS FOR THE RE-CONSTITUTION OF SAINT CATHERINE’S LIFE AND TEACHING.FOOTNOTESCopyright
The Mystical Element of Religion, as studied in Saint Catherine of
Genoa and her friends.
Baron Friedrich von Hügel
PREFACE
The following work embodies well-nigh all that the writer has
been able to learn and to test, in the matter of religion, during
now some thirty years of adult life; and even the actual
composition of the book has occupied a large part of his time, for
seven years and more.The precise object of the book naturally grew in range, depth
and clearness, under the stress of the labour of its production.
This object will perhaps be best explained by means of a short
description of the undertaking’s origin and successive
stages.Born as I was in Italy, certain early impressions have never
left me; a vivid consciousness has been with me, almost from the
first, of the massively virile personalities, the spacious,
trustful times of the early, as yet truly Christian, Renaissance
there, from Dante on to the Florentine Platonists. And when, on
growing up, I acquired strong and definite religious convictions,
it was that ampler pre-Protestant, as yet neither Protestant nor
anti-Protestant, but deeply positive and Catholic, world, with its
already characteristically modern outlook and its hopeful and
spontaneous application of religion to the pressing problems of
life and thought, which helped to strengthen and sustain me, when
depressed and hemmed in by the types of devotion prevalent since
then in Western Christendom. For those early modern times presented
me with men of the same general instincts and outlook as my own,
but environed by the priceless boon and starting-point of a still
undivided Western Christendom; Protestantism, as such, continued to
be felt as ever more or less unjust and sectarian; and the
specifically post-Tridentine type of Catholicism, with its
regimental Seminarism, its predominantly controversial spirit, its
suspiciousness and timidity, persisted, however inevitable some of
it may be, in its failure to win my love. Hence I had to continue
the seeking and the finding elsewhere, yet ever well within the
great Roman Church, things more intrinsically lovable. The wish
some day to portray one of those large-souled pre-Protestant,
post-Mediaeval Catholics, was thus early and has been long at work
within me.And then came John Henry Newman’s influence with hisDream of Gerontius, and a deep
attraction to St. Catherine of Genoa’s doctrine of the soul’s
self-chosen, intrinsic purification; and much lingering about the
scenes of Caterinetta’s life and labours, during more than twenty
stays in her terraced city that looks away so proudly to the sea.
Such a delicately psychological, soaring, yet sober-minded
Eschatology, with its striking penetration and unfolding of the
soul’s central life and alternatives as they are already here and
now, seemed to demand an ampler study than it had yet received, and
to require a vivid presentation of the noble, strikingly original
personality from whom it sprang.And later still came the discovery of the apparently hopeless
complication of the records of Catherine’s life and doctrine, and
how these had never been seriously analyzed by any trained scholar,
since their constitution into a book in 1552. Much critical work at
Classical and Scriptural texts and documentary problems had, by
now, whetted my appetite to try whether I could not at last bring
stately order out of this bewildering chaos, by perhaps discovering
the authors, dates and intentions of the various texts and glosses
thus dovetailed and pieced together into a very Joseph’s coat of
many colours, and by showing the successive stages of this, most
original and difficult, Saint’s life and legend. All this labour
would, in any case, help to train my own mind; and it would, if
even moderately successful, offer one more detailed example of the
laws that govern such growths, and of the critical method necessary
for the tracing out of their operation.But the strongest motive revealed itself, in its full force,
later than all those other motives, and ended by permeating them
all. The wish arose to utilize, as fully as possible, this long,
close contact with a soul of most rare spiritual depth,—a soul that
presents, with an extraordinary, provocative vividness, the
greatness, helps, problems and dangers of the mystical spirit. I
now wanted to try and get down to the driving forces of this kind
of religion, and to discover in what way such a keen sense of, and
absorption in, the Infinite can still find room for the Historical
and Institutional elements of Religion, and, at the same time, for
that noble concentration upon not directly religious contingent
facts and happenings, and upon laws of causation or of growth,
which constitutes the scientific temper of mind and its specific,
irreplaceable duties and virtues. Thus, having begun to write a
biography of St. Catherine, with some philosophical elucidations, I
have finished by writing an essay on the philosophy of Mysticism,
illustrated by the life of Caterinetta Fiesca Adorna and her
friends.The book’s chief peculiarities seem to spring inevitably from
its fundamental standpoint: hence their frank enumeration may help
towards the more ready comprehension of the work.The book has, throughout, a treble interest and spirit;
historico-critical, philosophical, religious. The
historico-critical constituent may attract critical specialists;
but will such specialists care for the philosophy? The philosopher
may be attracted by the psychological and speculative sections; but
will the historical analysis interest him at all? And the soul that
is seeking spiritual food and stimulation, will it not readily be
wearied by the apparent pettiness of all that criticism, and by the
seemingly cold aloofness of all that speculation?—And yet it is the
most certain of facts that the human soul is so made as to be
unable to part, completely and finally, with any one of these three
great interests. Hence, I may surely hope that this trinity of
levels of truth and of life, which has so much helped on the growth
of my own mind and the constitution of my own character, may, in
however different a manner and degree, be found to help others
also. This alternation and interstimulation between those three
forces and interests within the same soul, and within this soul’s
ever-deepening life, is, in any case, too fundamental a feature of
this whole outlook for any attempt at its elimination
here.Then there is a look of repetition and of illogical
anticipation about the very structure of the book. For the
philosophical First Part says, in general, what the biographical
Second Part says in detail; this detail is, in reality, based upon
the critical conclusions arrived at in the Appendix, which follows
the precise descriptions of the biography; and then the Third, once
more a philosophical, Part returns, now fortified by the
intervening close occupation with concrete contingent matters, to
the renewed consideration, and deeper penetration and enforcement,
of the general positions with which the whole work began.—Yet is
not this circular method simply a frank application, to the
problems in hand, of the process actually lived through by us all
in real life, wherever such life is truly fruitful? For, in real
life, we ever start with certain general intellectual-emotive
schemes and critical principles, as so many draw-nets and
receptacles for the capture and sorting out of reality and of our
experience of it. We next are brought, by choice or by necessity,
into close contact with a certain limited number of concrete facts
and experiences. And we then use these facts and experiences to
fill in, to confirm or to modify that, more or less tentative and
predominantly inherited, indeed ever largely conventional, scheme
with which we began our quest. In all these cases of actual life,
this apparently long and roundabout, indeed back-before, process
is, in reality, the short, because the only fully sincere and
humble, specifically human way in which to proceed. The order so
often followed in “learned” and “scientific” books is, in spite of
its appearance of greater logic and conciseness, far longer; for
the road thus covered has to be travelled all over again, according
to the circular method just described, if we would gain, not wind
and shadow, but substance and spiritual food.Then again, there is everywhere a strong insistence upon
History as a Science, yet as a Science possessing throughout a
method, type and aim quite special to itself and deeply different
from those of Physical Science; and an even greater stress upon the
important, indeed irreplaceable function of both these kinds of
Science, or of their equivalents, in the fullest spiritual life.
Here the insistence upon History, as a Science, is still unusual in
England; and the stress upon the spiritually purifying power of
these Sciences will still appear somewhat fantastic everywhere.—Yet
that conception of two branches of ordered human apprehension,
research and knowledge, each (in its delicate and clear
contrastedness of method, test, end and result) legitimate and
inevitable, so that either of them is ruined if forced into the
categories of the other, has most certainly come to stay. And the
attempt to discover the precise function and meaning of these
several mental activities and of their ethical pre-requisites,
within the full and spiritual life of the soul, and in view of this
life’s consolidation and growth, will, I believe, turn out to be of
genuine religious utility. For I hope to show how only one
particular manner of conceiving and of practising those scientific
activities and this spiritual life and consolidation allows, indeed
requires, the religious passion,—the noblest and deepest passion
given to man,—to be itself enlisted on the side of that other
noble, indestructible thing, severe scientific sincerity. This very
sincerity would thus not empty or distract, but would, on the
contrary, purify and deepen the soul’s spirituality; and hence this
spirituality would continuously turn to that sincerity for help in
purifying and deepening the soul. And, surely, until we have
somehow attained to some such interaction, the soul must perforce
remain timid and weak; for without sincerity everywhere, we cannot
possibly develop to their fullest the passion for truth and
righteousness even in religion itself.And then again a Catholic, one who would be a proudly devoted
and grateful son of the Roman Church, speaks and thinks throughout
the following pages. Yet it is his very Catholicism which makes him
feel, with a spontaneous and continuous keenness, that only if
there are fragments, earlier stages and glimpses of truth and
goodness extant wheresoever some little sincerity exists, can the
Catholic Church even conceivably be right. For though Christianity
and Catholicism be the culmination and fullest norm of all
religion, yet to be such they must find something thus to crown and
measure: various degrees of, or preparations for, their truth have
existed long before they came, and exist still, far and wide, now
that they have come. Otherwise, Marcion would have been right, when
he denied that the Old Testament proceeds from the same God as does
the New; and three-fourths or more of the human race would not, to
this very moment, be bereft, without fault of their own, of all
knowledge of the Historic Christ and of every opportunity for
definite incorporation into the Christian Church, since we dare not
think that God has left this large majority of His children without
any and every glimpse and opportunity of religious truth, moral
goodness, and eternal hope. Yet such a recognition of some light
and love everywhere involves no trace of levelling down, or even of
levelling up; it is, in itself, without a trace of Indifferentism.
For if some kinds or degrees of light are thus found everywhere,
yet this light is held to vary immensely in different times and
places, from soul to soul, and from one religious stage, group or
body to another; the measure and culmination of this light is found
in the deepest Christian and Catholic light and holiness; and, over
and above the involuntary, sincere differences in degree, stage and
kind, there are held to exist, also more or less everywhere, the
differences caused by cowardice and opposition to the
light,—cowardices and oppositions which are as certainly at work
within the Christian and Catholic Church as they are amongst the
most barbarous of Polytheists. I may well have failed adequately to
combine these twin truths; yet only in some such, though more
adequate apprehension and combination resides the hope for the
future of our poor storm-tossed human race,—in a deep fervour
without fanaticism, and a generous sympathy without
indifference.And lastly, a lay lover of religion speaks throughout, a man
to whom the very suspicion that such subjects should or could, on
that account, be foreign to him has ever been impossible. A deep
interest in religion is evidently part of our very manhood, a thing
previous to the Church, and which the Church now comes to develop
and to save. Yet such an interest is, in the long run, impossible,
if the heart and will alone are allowed to be active in a matter so
supremely great and which claims the entire man. “Where my heart
lies, let my brain lie also”: man is not, however much we may try
and behave as though he were, a mere sum-total of so many separable
water-tight compartments; he can no more fruitfully delegate his
brains and his interest in the intellectual analysis and synthesis
of religion, than he can commission others to do his religious
feeling and willing, his spiritual growth and combat, for him.—But
this does not of itself imply an individualistic, hence one-sided,
religion. For only in close union with the accumulated and
accumulating experiences, analyses and syntheses of the human race
in general, and with the supreme life and teaching of the Christian
and Catholic Church in particular, will such growth in spiritual
personality be possible on any large and fruitful scale: since
nowhere, and nowhere less than in religion, does man achieve
anything by himself alone, or for his own exclusive use and
profit.And such a layman’s views, even when thus acquired and
expressed with a constant endeavour to be, and ever increasingly to
become, a unit and part and parcel of that larger, Christian and
Catholic whole, will ever remain, in themselves and in his
valuation of them, unofficial, and, at best, but so much material
and stimulation for the kindly criticism and discriminating
attention of his fellow-creatures and fellow-Christians and (should
these views stand such informal, preliminary tests) for the
eventual utilization of the official Church. To this officiality
ever remains the exclusive right and duty to formulate
successively, for the Church’s successive periods, according as
these become ripe for such formulations, the corporate, normative
forms and expressions of the Church’s deepest consciousness and
mind. Yet this officiality cannot and does not operatein vacuo, or by a direct recourse to
extra-human sources of information. It sorts out, eliminates what
is false and pernicious, or sanctions and proclaims what is true
and fruitful, and a development of her own life, teaching and
commission, in the volunteer, tentative and preliminary work put
forth by the Church’s unofficial members.And just because both these movements are within, and
necessary to, one and the same complete Church, they can be and are
different from each other. Hence the following book would condemn
itself to pompous unreality were it to mimic official caution and
emphasis, whilst ever unable to achieve official authority. It
prefers to aim at a layman’s special virtues and function: complete
candour, courage, sensitiveness to the present and future, in their
obscurer strivings towards the good and true, as these have been in
their substance already tested in the past, and in so far as such
strivings can be forecasted by sympathy and hope. And I thus trust
that the book may turn out to be as truly Catholic in fact, as it
has been Catholic in intention; I have striven hard to furnish so
continuous and copious a stream of actions and teachings of
Christian saints and sages as everywhere to give the reader means
of correcting or completing my own inferences; and I sincerely
submit these my own conclusions to the test and judgment of my
fellow-Christians and of the Catholic Church.My obligations to scholars, thinkers and great spiritual
souls are far too numerous and great for any exhaustive
recognition. Yet there are certain works and persons to whom I am
especially indebted; and these shall here be mentioned with most
grateful thanks.In my Biographical and Critical Part Second, I have had, in
Genoa itself, the help of various scholars and friends. Signor
Dottore Ridolfo de Andreis first made me realize the importance of
Vallebona’s booklet. Padre Giovanni Semeria, the Barnabite, put me
in touch with the right persons and documents. The Cavallière L. A.
Cervetto, of the Biblioteca Civica, referred me to many useful
works. The Librarian of the Biblioteca della Missione Urbana copied
out for me the inventory of St. Catherine’s effects. And Signor
Dottore Augusto Ferretto, of the Archivio di Stato, made admirably
careful, explicitated copies for me, from the originals, so full of
difficult abbreviations, of the long series of legal documents
which are the rock-bed on which my biography is built.The courteous help of the Head Librarian of the Genoese
University Library extended to beyond Genoa. For it was owing to
his action, in conjunction with that of the Italian Ministry, of
the English Embassy in Rome, and of the British Museum Authorities,
that the three most important of the manuscripts of St. Catherine’s
life were most generously deposited for my use at the latter
institution. I was thus enabled to study my chief sources at full
leisure in London.The Rev. Padre Calvino, Canon Regular of the Lateran, made
many kind attempts to trace any possible compositions concerning
St. Catherine among the Venerable Battista Vernazza’s manuscripts,
preserved by the spiritual descendants of Battista’s Augustinian
Canonesses in Genoa; it was not his fault that nothing could be
found.The Society of Bollandists lent me, for a liberal length of
time, various rare books. I shall indeed be proud if my Appendix
wins their approbation, since it deals with subject-matters and
methods in which they are past-masters. Father Sticker’s pages on
St. Catherine, in theirActa Sanctorum(1752), are certainly not satisfactory; they are, however,
quite untypical of the Bollandists’ best work, or even of their
average performances.My obligations in my Psychological and Philosophical Parts
First and Third are still more numerous and far more difficult to
trace. Indeed it is precisely where these obligations are the most
far-reaching that I can least measure them, since the influence of
the books and persons concerned has become part of the texture of
my own mind.But among the great religious spirits or stimulating thinkers
of Classical and Patristic times, I am conscious of profound
obligations to Plato generally; to Aristotle on two points; to St.
Paul; to Plotinus; to Clement of Alexandria; and to St. Augustine.
And the Areopagite Literature has necessarily been continuously in
my mind. Among Mediaeval writers St. Thomas Aquinas has helped me
greatly, in ways both direct and indirect; Eckhart has, with the
help of Father H. S. Denifle’s investigations, furnished much food
for reflection by his most instructive doctrinal excesses; and the
extraordinarily deep and daring spirituality of Jacopone da Todi’s
poetry has been studied with the greatest care.The Renaissance times have given me Cardinal Nicolas of Coes,
whose great Dialoguede Idiotahas helped me in various ways. And in the early
post-Reformation period I have carefully studied, and have been
much influenced by, that many-sided, shrewdly wise book, St.
Teresa’s Autobiography. Yet it is St. John of the Cross, that
massively virile Contemplative, who has most deeply influenced me
throughout this work. St. Catherine is, I think, more like him, in
her ultimate spirit, than any other Saint or spiritual writer known
to me; she is certainly far more like him than is St.
Teresa.Later on, I have learnt much from Fénelon’s Latin writings
concerning Pure Love, of 1710 and 1712; together with Abbé
Gosselin’s admirably lucidAnalyse de la
Controverse du Quiétisme, 1820, and the Jesuit
Father Deharbe’s solid and soberdie vollkommene
Liebe Gottes, 1856.Among modern philosophers I have been especially occupied
with, and variously stimulated or warned by, Spinoza, with his deep
religious intuition and aspiration, and his determinist system, so
destructive because taken by him as ultimate; Leibniz, with his
admirably continuous sense of the multiplicity in every living
unity, of the organic character, theinsideof everything that fully exists,
and of the depth and range of our subconscious mental and emotional
life; Kant, with his keen criticisms and searching analyses, his
profound ethical instincts, and his curious want of the
specifically religious sense and insight; Schopenhauer, with his
remarkable recognition of the truth and greatness of the Ascetic
element and ideal; Trendelenburg, with his continuous requirement
of an operative knowledge of the chief stages which any principle
or category has passed through in human history, if we would judge
this principle with any fruit; Kierkegaard, that certainly
one-sided, yet impressively tenacious re-discoverer and proclaimer
of the poignant sense of the Transcendent essential to all deep
religion, and especially to Christianity, religion’s flower and
crown; and Fechner, in his little-known book, so delightfully
convincing in its rich simplicity,die drei Motive
und Gründe des Glaubens, 1863.Of quite recent or still living writers, two have been used
by me on a scale which would be unpardonable, had the matters
treated by them been the direct subjects of my book. In Part First
whole pages of mine are marked by me as little but aprécisof passages in Dr. Eduard
Zeller’s standardPhilosophy of the
Greeks. I have myself much studied Heracleitus,
Parmenides, Plato and Plotinus; and I have, also in the case of the
other philosophers, always followed up and tested such passages of
Zeller as I have here transcribed. But I did not, for by far the
most part, think it worth while, on these largely quite general and
practically uncontested matters, to construct fresh appreciations
of my own, rather than to reproduce, with due consideration and
acknowledgments, the conclusions of such an accepted authority. And
already in Part First, but especially in Part Third, I have
utilized as largely, although here with still more of personal
knowledge and of careful re-examination, considerable sections of
Professor H. J. Holtzmann’sLehrbuch der
Neutestamentlichen Theologie, 1897—sections
which happen to be, upon the whole, the deepest and most solid in
that great but often daring work. The same Professor Holtzmann is,
besides, a most suggestive religious philosopher; and his
penetrating though very difficult bookRichard
Rothe’s Speculatives System, 1899, has also been
of considerable use.Other recent or contemporary German writers to whom I owe
much, are Erwin Rhode, in his exquisite great book,Psyche, 2nd ed., 1898; Professor
Johannes Volkelt, in his penetratingly criticalKant’s Erkenntnisstheorie, 1879;
Professor Hugo Münsterberg, in his largely planned although too
absoluteGrundzüge der Psychologie, Vol. I., 1900; Professor Heinrich Rickert, in his admirably
discriminatingGrenzen der naturwissenschaftlichen
Begriffsbildung, 1902; and also two friends
whose keen care for religion never flags—Professors Rudolf Eucken
of Jena and Ernst Troeltsch of Heidelberg. Eucken’sLebensanschauungen der grossen Denker,
1st ed., 1890;der Kampf um einen geistigen
Lebensinhalt, 1896; and the earlier sections
ofder Wahrheitsgehalt der Religion, 1902, have greatly helped me. And Troeltsch’sGrund-probleme der Ethik, 1902, has
considerably influenced certain central conceptions of my book,
notwithstanding the involuntary, rough injustice manifested by him,
especially elsewhere, towards the Roman Church.Among present-day French writers, my book owes most to
Professor Maurice Blondel’s, partly obscure yet intensely alive and
religiously deep, workL’Action, 1893; to Dr. Pierre Janet’s carefully first-hand
observations, as chronicled in hisEtat Mental des
Hystériques, 1894; to Monsieur Emil Boutroux’s
very suggestive paperPsychologie du
Mysticisme, 1902; to various pregnant articles
of the Abbé L. Laberthonnière in theAnnales de
Philosophie Chrétienne, 1898-1906; and to M.
Henri Bergson’s delicately penetratingEssai sur
les Données Immédiates de la Conscience, 2nd
ed., 1898.And amongst living Englishmen, the work is most indebted to
Professor A. S. Pringle-Pattison, especially to his eminently
saneHegelianism and Personality, 2nd ed., 1893; to Professor James Ward, in his
strenuousNaturalism and Agnosticism, 1st ed., 1899; to the Reverend George Tyrrell’sHard Sayings, 1898, andThe Faith of the Millions, 2 vols.,
1901, so full of insight into Mysticism; and, very especially, to
Dr. Edward Caird, in his admirably wide and balanced survey,The Evolution of Theology in the Greek
Philosophers, 1904.But further back than all the living writers and friends lies
the stimulation and help of him who was later on to become Cardinal
Newman. It was he who first taught me to glory in my appurtenance
to the Catholic and Roman Church, and to conceive this my
inheritance in a large and historical manner, as a slow growth
across the centuries, with an innate affinity to, and eventual
incorporation of, all the good and true to be found mixed up with
error and with evil in this chequered, difficult but rich world and
life in which this living organism moves and expands. Yet the use
to which all these helps have here been put, has inevitably been my
own doing: nowhere except in direct quotations have I simply
copied, and nowhere are these helpers responsible for what here
appears.And then there have been great souls, whom I cannot well name
here, but whom I would nevertheless refer to in reverent gratitude;
souls that have taught me that deepest of facts and of lessons,—the
persistence, across the centuries, within the wide range of the
visible and indeed also of the invisible Church, of that vivid
sense of the finite and the Infinite, of that spacious joy and
expansive freedom in self-donation to God, the prevenient,
all-encompassing Spirit, of that massively spontaneous, elemental
religion, of which Catherine is so noble an example. Thus a
world-renouncing, world-conquering, virile piety, humble and
daring, humane, tender and creatively strong, is at no time simply
dead, but it merely sleepeth; indeed it ever can be found, alive,
open-eyed irresistible, hidden away here and there, throughout our
earthly space and time.In matters directly connected with the publication of the
work I have especially to thank Messrs. Sciutto of Genoa, the
photographers to whom I owe the very successful photographs from
which the plates that stand at the head of my volumes have been
taken; Mr. Sidney E. Mayle, publisher, of Hampstead, for permission
to use the photogravure of St. Catherine’s portrait which appeared
as an illustration to a paper of mine, in his scholarlyHampstead Annual, 1898; Miss Maude
Petre, who helped me much towards achieving greater lucidity of
style, by carefully reading and criticizing all my proofs; and my
publisher, who has not shrunk from undertaking the publication of
so long a work on so very serious, abstruse-seeming a subject. Even
so, I have had to suppress the notes to my chapter on “Catherine’s
Teaching,” which throughout showed the critical reasons that had
determined my choice of the particular sayings, and the particular
text of the sayings, adopted by me in the text; and have had to
excise quite a third of my Appendix, which furnished the analysis
of further, critically instructive texts of theVita e Dottrina, theDicchiarazioneand theDialogo. If a new edition is ever
called for, this further material might be added, and would greatly
increase the cogency of my argument.The work that now at last I thus submit to the reader, is
doubtless full of defects; and I shall welcome any thoughtful
criticism of any of its parts as a true kindness. Yet I would point
out that all these parts aim at being but so many constituents of a
whole, within which alone they gain their true significance and
worth. Hence only by one who has studied and pondered the book as a
whole, will any of its parts be criticized with fairness to that
part’s intention. To gain even but a dozen of such readers would
amply repay the labour of these many years.I take it that the most original parts are Chapter Eight,
with its analysis of Battista Vernazza’s interesting Diary; the
Appendix, with its attempts at fixing the successive authors and
intentions that have built up theVita e
Dottrina; Chapter Nine, which attempts to assign
to psycho-physical matters, as we now know them, their precise
place and function within the vast life-system, and according to
the practical tests, of the great Mystical Saints; and Chapter
Fifteen, with its endeavour to picture that large Asceticism which
alone can effect, within the same soul, a fruitful co-habitation
of, and interaction between, Social Religion, the Scientific Habit
of Mind, and the Mystical Element of Religion.Kirkegaard used to claim that he ever wroteexistentially, pricked on by the
exigencies of actual life, to attempt their expression in terms of
that life, and in view of its further spiritual development. More
than ever the spiritual life appears now as supremely worth the
having, and yet it seems to raise, or to find, the most formidable
difficulties or even deadlocks. I can but hope that these pages may
have so largely sprung from the exigencies of that life
itself,—that they may have caught so much of the spirit of the
chief livers of the spiritual life, especially of St. Catherine of
Genoa and of St. John of the Cross, and, above all, of the One
Master and Measure of Christianity and of the Church,—as to
stimulate such life, its practice, love and study, in their
readers, and may point them, spur them on, through and beyond all
that here has been attempted, missed or obscured, to fuller
religious insight, force and fruitfulness.
“ Grant unto men, O God, to perceive in little things the
indications, common-seeming though they be, of things both small
and great.”St. Augustine,Confessions, Bk. XI, ch. xxiii, 1.
“ He is not far from every one of us; for in Him we live, and
move, and have our being.”—Acts xvii, 27, 28.
“ Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.”—2
Corinthians iii, 17.
PART I INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I THE THREE CHIEF FORCES OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION
Introductory.1.An enigma of life: the Universal and
Abiding does not move the will; and what does move it is Individual
and Evanescent.Amongst the apparent enigmas of life, amongst the seemingly
most radical and abiding of interior antinomies and conflicts
experienced by the human race and by individuals, there is one
which everything tends to make us feel and see with an
ever-increasing keenness and clearness. More and more we want a
strong and interior, a lasting yet voluntary bond of union between
our own successive states of mind, and between what is abiding in
ourselves and what is permanent within our fellow-men; and more and
more we seem to see that mere Reasoning, Logic, Abstraction,—all
that appears as the necessary instrument and expression of the
Universal and Abiding,—does not move or win the will, either in
ourselves or in others; and that what does thus move and win it, is
Instinct, Intuition, Feeling, the Concrete and Contingent, all that
seems to be of its very nature individual and evanescent. Reasoning
appears but capable, at best, of co-ordinating, unifying,
explaining the material furnished to it by experience of all kinds;
at worst, of explaining it away; at best, of stimulating the
purveyance of a fresh supply of such experience; at worst, of
stopping such purveyance as much as may be. And yet the Reasoning
would appear to be the transferable part in the process, but not to
move; and the experience alone to have the moving power, but not to
be transmissible.2.Our personal experience as regards our
own convictions.Experience indeed and its resultant feeling are always, in
the first instance, coloured and conditioned by every kind of
individual many-sided circumstances of time and place, of race and
age and sex, of education and temperament, of antecedent and
environment. And it is this very particular combination, just this
one, so conditioned and combined, coming upon me just at this
moment and on this spot, just at this stage of my reach or growth,
at this turning of my way, that carries with it this particular
power to touch or startle, to stimulate or convince. It is just
precisely through the but imperfectly analyzable, indeed but dimly
perceived, individual connotation of general terms; it is by the
fringe of feeling, woven out of the past doings and impressions,
workings and circumstances, physical, mental, moral, of my race and
family and of my own individual life; it is by the apparently
slight, apparently far away, accompaniment of a perfectly
individual music to the spoken or sung text of the common speech of
man, that I am, it would seem, really moved and won.And this fringe of feeling, this impression, is, strictly
speaking, not merely untransferable, but also unrepeatable; it is
unique even for the same mind: it never was before, it never will
be again. Heraclitus, if we understand that old Physicist in our
own modern, deeply subjective, largely sentimental way, would
appear to be exactly right: you cannot twice step into the same
stream, since never for two moments do the waters remain identical;
you yourself cannot twice step the same man into the same river,
for you have meanwhile changed as truly as itself has done, Πάντα
ῥεῖ: all things and states, outward and inward, appear indeed in
flux: only each moment seems to bring, to each individual, for that
one moment, his power to move and to convince.3.Our experience in our attempt to win
others.And if we transmit this emotion or conviction to another
mind, or if we seem to be able to trace such transmission when it
has been actually effected in ourselves or in others, we shall find
that, in proportion as one mind feeds, not forces, another, the
particular bond and organization of the mental and emotional
picture which cost us so much, moved us so much, has, in each case,
been snapped and broken up; the whole has been again resolved into
its constituent elements, and only some of these elements have been
taken up into the already existing organization of the other mind,
or have joined together in that mind, to form there a combination
which is really new. Even a simple scent or sound or sight comes
charged to each of us with many but most differing connotations,
arousing or modifying or supplanting old or new ideas and
impressions in the most subtle, complex, and individual manner.
Insist upon another mind taking over the whole of this impression,
and you will have rightly and necessarily aroused an immediate or
remote hostility or revolt against the whole of what you bring.
Hence here too we are again perplexed by the initial enigma: the
apparently insurmountable individuality of all that affects us, and
the equally insurmountable non-affectingness of all that is clearly
and certainly transmissible from any one man to
another.4.This mysterious law appears to obtain in
precise proportion to the depth and importance of the truths and
realities in view.And if we seem boxed up thus, each one away from our fellow,
in all our really moving and determining inclinations and
impressions, judgments and affections, with regard to matters on
which we feel we can afford to differ deeply and to be much alone;
we appear to be more and not less so, in exact proportion as the
importance of the subject-matter increases. In moral and spiritual,
in religious and fundamental matters, we thirst more, not less, for
identity of conviction and of feeling; and we are, or seem to be,
more, not less, profoundly and hopelessly at variance with each
other than anywhere else.And more than this: the apparent reason of this isolation
seems but to aggravate the case, because here more than anywhere
else imagination, feeling, intuition seem indeed to play a
predominant, determining part; and yet here more than anywhere else
we feel such a predominance to be fraught with every kind of
danger. Thus here especially we feel as incapable of suppressing,
indeed of doing without these forces, as of frankly accepting,
studying, and cultivating them. Now and then we take alarm and are
in a panic at any indication that these springs and concomitants of
life are at work within us; yet we persist in doing little or
nothing to find sufficient and appropriate food and scope and
exercise for the right development and hence the real purification
of these elemental forces, forces which we can stunt but cannot
kill. Nothing, we most rightly feel, can be in greater or more
subtle and dangerous opposition to manly morality or enlightened
religion than the seeking after or revelling in emotion; nothing,
we most correctly surmise, can equal the power of strong feeling or
heated imagination to give a hiding-place to superstition,
sensuality, dreamy self-complacent indolence, arrogant revolt and
fanaticism; nothing, even where such things seem innocent, appears
less apt than do these fierce and fitful, these wayward and
fleeting feelings, these sublimities and exquisitenesses, to help
on that sober and stable, consistent and persistent, laborious
upbuilding of moral and religious character, work, and evidence
which alone are wanted more and more. Indeed, what would seem
better calculated than such emotion to strain the nerves, to
inflame the imagination, to blunt common-sense and that salt of the
earth, the saving sense of the ridiculous, to deaden the springs of
research and critical observation, to bring us, under the
incalculably sapping influences of physical abnormalities, close up
to where sanity shades off into madness, and ethical elevation
breaks down into morbidness and depravity?5.The experience of the human race: the two
series of personalities, movements, races.And the secular experience of the race would seem fully to
bear out such suspicions. For have we not there a double series of
personalities, events, and movements far too long and widespread
not to be conclusive? On the one hand, there are those that seem to
spring from dimly lit or dark feeling, to arise,—as it were,
hydra-like, to sting and madden, or mist-like, to benumb all life,
and turn it into mere drift and dreaming,—from out of the obscure,
undrained, swampy places of human ignorance and passion. On the
other hand, there are those that are formed and fashioned by clear,
transparent thought; and these flourish in the cultivated,
well-drained plains of human science and strict
demonstration.Among the first series, you have the Pantheistic schools and
personalities of the decaying Roman Empire, Plotinus the Ecstatic,
and Jamblichus, and such other dreamers, straining up into the
blue; the somewhat similar, largely subterranean, Jewish and
Christian sects and tendencies of the Middle Ages; the Anabaptist
and other like groups, individualistic, fantastic, in considerable
part anomistic and revolutionary, of the Reformation period; and
such phenomena as the Eternal-Gospel troubles and the Quietistic
controversy in the Roman Church. And above all, in the East, we
have, from time immemorial, whole races, (in the midst of a world
crying aloud for help and re-fashioning, but which is left to
stagnate and decay,) still dreaming away their lives in Buddhistic
abstraction and indifference.Among the second, the light, clear series, you have whole
races, the luminous, plastic, immensely active Greek, the
strong-willed, practical, organizing Roman, and the Anglo-Saxon
determined “to stand no nonsense”; you have an Aristotle, sober,
systematic; one side at least of the great Mediaeval Scholastic
movement, culminating in St. Thomas, so orderly and transparent;
above all, modern Physical Science, first subjecting all phenomena
to rigorous quantitative and mathematical analysis and equation,
and then reacting upon philosophy as well, and insisting, there and
everywhere, upon clearness, direct comparableness, ready
transferableness of ideas and their formulae, as the sole tests of
truth. Descartes; Kepler, Galileo; Hobbes, Spinoza are, in
increasing degrees, still perhaps the most perfect types of this
clear and cool, this ultimately mathematical and Monistic tendency
and position.6.The dark, intuitive personalities and
schools, apparently a mere stop-gap, transition, or reaction
against the clear, discursive ones.And further, the personalities and schools of the interiorly
experimental, emotional kind seem to appear upon the scene but as
stop-gaps or compensations for the other series, in periods of
transition or reaction, of uncertainty or decay. So at the break-up
of the Roman Empire (Neo-Platonism); so at the end of the Patristic
period and just before the official acceptance of Scholasticism
(St. Bernard); so during the foundering of the Mediaeval fabric of
life and thought in the Renaissance of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries (Pico, Paracelsus); so in the German Romanticism of sixty
years ago, as a reaction against the survivals of the
eighteenth-century Rationalism; so now again in our own day, more
slightly, but not less really, in a revival of spiritual
philosophy. It looks then as though the experimental-emotional
strain could only thrive fitfully, on the momentary check or ruin
of the clear and “scientific” school; as though it were a perhaps
inevitable disease breaking in occasionally upon the normal health
of the human mind. For the eventual result of the world’s whole
movement surely seems to be the reclamation of ever-increasing
stretches of knowledge and theory from the dominion of vague,
irresponsible, untestable feeling, and their incorporation in the
domain of that unbroken, universal determinism, of those clear and
simple, readily analyzable, verifiable, communicable, and
applicable laws which, more and more, are found to rule phenomena
wheresoever we may look.7.This seems especially to apply to the
Intuitive-Emotional element of Religion.And if the prima facie trend of centuries of thought and
conflict appears to rule out of court even such a fringe of
individual experience and emotion as ever accompanies and
stimulates all religion: the verdict of history, indeed of any
survey of contemporary life, if only this be sufficiently large,
would seem fatal to any type of religion in which this individual
experience and emotion would form religion’s core and centre, as in
the case of the specifically experimental-emotional school
generally, and of the Mystics in particular.To take some such survey, let us look, to begin with, outside
of where Catholic discipline and unity somewhat obscure, at first
sight, even the legitimate and indeed the really existing
diversities of school and tendency. In the Church’s organism each
divergence has ever been more largely tempered and supplemented by
the others; and since the Reformation, indeed in part even more
recently, owing to an entirely intelligible and in part inevitable,
reaction, even most legitimate and persistent divergencies, which
flourished in rich and enriching variety throughout the Middle
Ages, have largely ceased to appear in any obvious and distinct
embodiments. Let us look then first to where such diversities grow
unchecked, and indeed generally tend to excess and caricature. Let
us take contemporary English Protestantism, and then Foreign
Protestantism in the large lines of its history. In both cases the
experimental-emotional strain and group will seem to compare
unfavourably with its competitors.For if we look about us in England, we seem to have little
difficulty in classing the tendencies within the Established Church
under the headings of High, Broad, and Low; indeed we can readily
extend this treble classification to all the various schools and
bodies of English Protestantism. We can easily conceive of the
greater portion of English Nonconformity as but a prolongation and
accentuation of the Evangelical school in the Established Church:
the readiness and ease with which the former at certain moments
unite and coalesce with the latter, show quite conclusively how
close is the affinity between them. We almost as readily think of
the Unitarian and Theistic bodies as prolongations and further
sublimations of the Anglican Broad Church view, though here, no
doubt, the degrees and kinds of difference are more numerous and
important. And if it would be hard to find an extension, still more
an accentuation, of the Anglican High Church party amongst the
English Nonconformists, a strain largely identical with the
sacerdotal current elsewhere has always existed in the Presbyterian
churches. Nor must we forget the powerful and constant, both
repellent and attractive, influence exercised by Rome upon even
those outside of her obedience. To be quite philosophical, the
survey ought to include all types of English Christianity; and, in
that case, the High Church position would rank rather as a
dilution, as a variety, incomplete and inconsistent though it be,
of the type represented most strikingly and emphatically by Rome,
than as a variant of the types having their centres at Wittenberg
and Geneva.And if we next turn to German Protestantism, especially to
the simultaneous variations of its short-lived, fluid, formative
period, we shall there too find this treble tendency. The
Evangelical strain will be represented here by the numerous
Illuminist and Anabaptist personalities, groups and movements to
which Luther himself had given occasion, which but emphasized or
caricatured his own earlier Mysticism; but which, when they
threatened, by their revolutionary, communistic fanaticism and
violence, completely to discredit and ruin his own movement, he
suppressed with such ruthless and illogical severity. And the Broad
Church strain will here be found emphasized and caricatured in
Socinianism, and in such milder forms of Rationalism as prepared
the way for it or followed in its wake. And finally, the High
Church strain is not so hard to discover in much of the doctrine
and in some of the forms and externals of Orthodox, official
Lutheranism. Indeed in foreign Protestantism generally,—in
Zwinglianism, in Calvinism, and in its other bodies and sects, we
can trace various forms of, and degrees of approximation to, one or
other of these three types, the Historical, the Experimental, the
Rational.Now looking at the scene of battle, for the moment quite
generally, it would seem as though, of these three types and
tendencies, the Emotional and Experimental had proved itself
decidedly the weakest for good, the strongest for evil of the
three, and this both in the past and in the present, both in
England and abroad. We have here in England, in the past, the
Puritan excesses in Ireland, Scotland, and England itself; and
later on and down to the present, the largely dreary and unlovely,
narrow and unjust monotony of Evangelicalism. We have there abroad,
in the past, the Peasants’ War and the Anabaptist Saturnalia at
Münster; and later on and down to the present, that Pietism which
has so often barred the way to a just appreciation of Historical
Christianity and to a candid acceptance of rational methods and
results, and this without its being able to find any constructive
or analytic working principle of its own. Both in England and in
Germany, indeed throughout the cultivated West, only the
Historical, Traditional school on the one hand, and the
Rationalistic, Scientific school on the other hand, seem to count
at all: it is they which alone seem to gain ground, or at least to
hold it, at the Universities and amongst the thinking, ruling
classes generally.8.Yet this adverse judgment will appear
largely misleading, if we study the matter more
fully.And yet this first aspect of things will, I think, turn out
to be largely deceptive, to be but one side and one teaching of
that noble inheritance, that great output of life and experience,
past and present, which is ready to our hand for ever-renewed study
and assimilation in human history and society, and which, taken as
it really is,—as the indefinite prolongation of our own little
individual direct experiences,—can alone help us to give to these
latter experiences a full, life-regulating value. Let us take then
the foregoing objections, and let us do so as but so many
starting-points and openings into our great subject. This
preliminary discussion will but prepare the ground and method for
the following detailed study, and for the final positions of the
whole book. Indeed even the book’s opening question can be answered
only by the whole book and at our labour’s end.I.The First of the
Three Forces: Hellenism, the Thirst for Richness and
Harmony.We revert then to the apparent interior antinomy from which
we started,—the particular concrete experience which alone moves us
and helps to determine our will, but which, seemingly, is
untransferable, indeed unrepeatable; and the general, abstract
reasoning whichisrepeatable,
indeed transferable, but which does not move us or help directly to
determine the will. And we here begin by the study of the antinomy,
as this has been explicated for us by Hellenism, the earliest and
widest of the three main mental, indeed spiritual, forces that are
operative within each of us Westerns, on and on.1.The antinomy in the
pre-Socratics.Heraclitus appeared to us an impressive exponent of the
former truth, of the apparent utter evanescence of these particular
impressions and experiences, of the complete shiftingness of the
very faculty within us and of the environment without us, by which
and in which we apprehend them. An ever-changing self in the midst
of an ever-changing world, basing its persuasiveness and
persuadableness, indeed even its conscious identity with itself and
its communion with others, upon the ever-changing resultants of all
these changes: this would surely seem to be a house built not upon
the sand but upon the quicksands.Now we have to remember that Parmenides had, already in early
Greek times, been equally emphatic, perhaps equally impressive, on
the other side of this very question,—on the impossibility of
Becoming, of Change; and on the certainty and knowableness of the
utter Oneness and Permanence of all Being.
[1]All that reallyis, he maintained, excludes all
Becoming: the very notion of Being is incompatible with that of
Becoming: the first is utterly without the second. All real
Becoming would be equivalent to the real existence of Non-Being.
Hence all Multiplicity and Becoming is necessarily but apparent,
and masks an underlying absolute Unity and Permanence, which can be
reached by the intellect alone. And this position of Parmenides was
felt to be so strong, that all the subsequent Greek Physicists took
their stand upon it: the four unchangeable elements of Empedocles,
the Atoms of Leucippus and Democritus (atoms of eternally
unchanging shape and size, and of one absolutely uniform and
unchanging quality) are but modifications of the doctrine of
Parmenides concerning the Oneness and Unchangeableness of
Being.But even Heraclitus himself is far removed from denying all
Oneness, all Permanence. For, according to him, a permanent law of
permutation runs through and expresses itself in the shiftingness
of all things perceptible by sense; or rather one eternal physical
substance, Fire, of ceaselessly active properties, is continually
manifesting itself, in a regular succession of appearances, from
fire to air, from air to water, from water to earth, and then
backwards up again to fire.And when once the Greeks begin to break away from all this
Hylozoism,—these systems which uniformly, from Thales to
Democritus, attempt to explain all things by some one living or
moving Matter, without the intervention of Spirit or of
Mind,—Spirit appears in Anaxagoras as the One, and as present,
everywhere and in varying degrees, as the principle of the motion
of that co-eternal matter which is here, on the contrary, conceived
of as but apparently homogeneous anywhere, and as really composed
of an indefinite number and combination of qualitatively differing
constituents.Thus in all its schools, even before Socrates and Plato,
Greek philosophy clung to the One and the One’s reality, however
differently it conceived the nature of this Unity, and however much
it may have varied as to the nature and reality of the Many, or as
to the relation and the bond subsisting between that Unity and this
Multiplicity. Only at the end of this first period do the Sophists
introduce, during a short time marked by all the symptoms of
transition, uncertainty, and revolution, the doctrine, of the
unknowableness, indeed of the unreality, of the One, and with it of
the exclusive reality of mere Multiplicity, of evanescent
Appearances.2.In Socrates.But Socrates opens out the second and greatest period of
Greek philosophy, by reverting to, indeed by indefinitely
deepening, the general conviction that Oneness underlies
Multiplicity. And he does so through the virtual discovery of, and
a ceaseless insistence upon, two great new subject-matters of
philosophy: Dialects and Ethics. It is true that in both these
respects the Sophists had prepared the ground: they had, before him
and all around him, discussed everything from every then
conceivable point of view; and they had, at the same time, helped
to withdraw man’s attention from pure speculation about physical
nature to practical occupation with himself. But the Sophistic
Dialectic had ended in itself, in universal negation and
scepticism; and the Sophistic Anthropology had, partly as cause,
partly as effect of that scepticism, more and more completely
narrowed and dragged down all human interest, capacity, and
activity to a selfish, materialistic self-aggrandizement and a
frank pleasure-seeking. Socrates indeed took over both these
subjects; but he did so in a profoundly different spirit, and
worked them into a thoroughly antagonistic view of knowledge and of
life.Socrates begins, like the Sophists, with the Multiplicity of
impression and opinion, which we find occasioned by one and the
same question or fact; and like them he refuses to take the
Physicists’ short cut of immediate and direct occupation with
things and substances, say the elements. Slowly and laboriously he
works his way, by the help of Dialectics, (for these have now
become a means and not an end,) around and through and into the
various apprehensions, and, at last, out of and beyond them, to a
satisfactory concept of each thing. And the very means taken to
arrive at this concept, and the very test which is applied to the
concept, when finally arrived at, for gauging the degree of its
finality, both these things help to deepen profoundly the sense of
a certain Multiplicity in all Oneness and of a certain Oneness in
all Multiplicity. For the means he takes are a careful and (as far
as may be) exhaustive and impartial discussion and analysis of all
the competing and conflicting notions and connotations occasioned
by each matter in dispute; and the test he applies to the final
concept, in view of gauging the degree of its finality, is how far
this concept reconciles and resolves within its higher unity all
such various and contrary aspects suggested by the thing, as have
stood the brunt of the previous discussion and have thereby proved
themselves true and objective.Socrates again, like the Sophists, turns his attention away
from Physics to Ethics; he drops speculation about external nature,
and busies himself with the interior life and development of man.
But the world in which Socrates’ method necessarily conceives and
places man, and the work and standard which he finds already latent
in each man, for that man to do and to endorse in himself and in
the world, are both entirely different from those of the Sophists,
and occasion a still further, indeed the greatest of all possible
deepenings of the apprehension of Oneness and of
Multiplicity.For the world of Socrates is a world in which Reality and
Truth reign and are attainable by man; never does he even ask
whether truthisor can be
reached by us, but only what it is and where it lies and how it can
be attained. And since Socrates instinctively shares the profoundly
Greek conviction that Reality and Truth are necessarily not only
one but unchanging, he assumes throughout that, since Truth and
Reality do exist, Oneness and unchanging Being must exist also. And
thus the Oneness of Reality and the Multiplicity of Appearance are
re-established by him in Greek philosophy. And their apprehension
is indefinitely deepened and extended, since, whateverisbeing knowable, and knowable only
through Dialectics, and Dialectics having left us with concepts
each in a sense a one and a many, Life itself, Reality and all
Nature must, somehow and to some extent, be also a one and a many.
And man according to Socrates is required, already as a simple
consequence of such convictions, to discover and acknowledge and
organize the One and the Many in his own interior life and
faculties. For if his senses tell him of the Many, and his reason
alone tells him of the One, and the Many are but appearances and
the One alone is fully real,—then it will be in and through his
reason that he is and will be truly man.Thus immediately within himself does man have a continuous,
uniquely vivid experience of the One and the Many, and of the
necessity, difficulty, and fruitfulness of their proper
organization; and from hence he will reflect them back upon the
outer world, adding thus indefinitely, by means of Ethics, to the
delicacy and depth of his apprehension of such Oneness and
Multiplicity as, by means of Dialectics, he has already found
there. But further, he now thus becomes conscious, for the first
time at all adequately, of the difference between his own body and
his own mind. And here he has no more a Onenessanda Multiplicity, he is directly
conscious of a OnenessinMultiplicity, of a ruling and organizing power of the mind in
and over the body; and the One here is unseen and spiritual, and
the Many is here found to be an organism of forces and of functions
designed, with profound wisdom, to correspond with and to subserve
the soul. And this Microcosm is readily taken as a key and an
analogy wherewith to group and explain the appearances of the world
without. Much appears in that outer world as unreduced to system;
but then similarly within us much is still in a state of chaos, of
revolt. In that world no one ruler can be directly perceived; but
then similarly within us, the one ruling mind is perceptible only
in its effects. And this inner organization, ever required more
than realized, is not a matter of abstract speculation, of subtle
induction, adjournable at will; it is a clamorous consciousness, it
is a fact that continually requires acts to back it or to break it.
Strengthen it, and you have interior expansion and life; weaken it,
and you bring on shrinkage and death. For the passions are there,
active even ifwerefuse to be
active, active against us and above us, if not under us and for us;
and their submission to the reason, to effort, cannot fail, once
our attention is fully turned that way, more than anything else to
keep alive and to deepen our sense of the organization of all that
lives, of the presence of the Oneandthe Many, of the Oneinthe Many, in all that truly lives at all.3.In Plato.Now this dialectical method and this ethical subject-matter
get applied, investigated, and developed, with ever-increasing
complexity and interaction, by Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, the
three spiritual generations of this, the greatest period of Greek
Philosophy. And the more penetrating the method becomes, and the
more deeply it probes the subject-matter, the more intense and
extensive is found to be this Unity in Multiplicity both within man
and without him.In the teaching of Socrates both the method and the
apprehension of Unity and Multiplicity are as yet, so to speak, in
bud. Dialectics are here still chiefly a Method, and hardly as yet
a Metaphysic as well. The soul here is as yet but simply one, and
virtue is also simply one, and simply and directly identical with
knowledge, and hence directly teachable: the very possibility that
the will may not or indeed cannot follow, necessarily,
automatically, the clear perception of what is really good for it,
is one quite foreign to the mind of Socrates, indeed to all Greek
thinkers up to the very end of the classical
philosophy.In Plato the methods and the results are both, as it were, in
flower. Dialectics have here become both a systematic method, and a
metaphysical system: not only are Ideas true, and the only means
for reaching truth, but they alone are true, they alone
fullyare, and exist as
separate self-subsisting realities. And as in the world within,
Goodness is, in this profoundly ethical system, seen and willed and
striven for as supreme, so also in the world without, is the Idea
of Goodness considered as existing supreme from all eternity, and
as somehow the Cause of all that trulyis.It is true that Plato nowhere succeeds in finding in his
system a fitting place for a Personal God: for, among other
reasons, the Platonic Ideas are all, from the lowest to the
highest, but Hypostasized Concepts of Kinds, and are hence, quite
consistently, considered to be perfect and supreme, in precise
proportion as they are general. The highest Idea will thus of
necessity be the most general, the most devoid of all
determination, and hence the least personal of them
all.It is true also that in his Metaphysics generally he insists
so much upon the complete severance and self-sufficingness of the
Ideas as over against Appearances, that he prepares his own
inevitable failure again to bridge over the gulf that he himself
has thus dug too deep and broad. Especially is his half-suggestion
misleading, that the transition to Phenomenal Multiplicity is but a
further extension of the Multiplicity already observable in the
world of Ideas. For these two Multiplicities are evidently entirely
different in kind. Each Idea is conceived as necessarily eternal,
unchanging, complete and perfect in its own way; whereas each
appearance is conceived as necessarily temporal, changing,
incomplete, and imperfect even in its own way.It is true again, that, in Psychology, Plato breaks up the
Soul into the three parts of the Reason, the Irascible Passions,
and the Concupiscible Passions, and that he discriminates between
them even as to their place of residence in the body. And
correspondingly he distinguishes, in Ethics, the four Cardinal
Virtues, Prudence, Fortitude, Temperance, and Justice: he
distributes the first three virtues among the three parts of the
soul, allotting ever one of these virtues specially to one part;
and makes Justice to be the general virtue that sees to each part
carrying out its own special work and virtue, and respecting the
work of the other two. And thus we seem to get away from the
Oneness of the soul and the Oneness of virtue, as already taught by
Socrates.It is finally true that not only does Matter remain
unexplained and treated as though in itself a mere nothing; but
that it is considered, nevertheless, as somehow strong enough to
hinder and hamper the Idea which really constitutes that Matter’s
sole reality. Hence also springs Plato’s saddening aloofness from
and contempt for all trades and handicrafts, for all the homely
tastes, joys, and sorrows at all peculiar to the toiling majority.
And herein he but considerably deepens and systematizes one of the
weakest and most ruinous traditions of his class, age, and people,
and falls far short of Socrates, with his deep childlike love of
homely wisdom and of technical skill and productiveness. Indeed
Matter is considered to be the one occasion of all sin, just as
ignorance is considered to be the one true cause of sin. For
although Plato throughout holds and proclaims free-will, in the
definite sense of freedom of choice; and although he, in some
passages, declares the ignorance which (according to him) is the
necessary condition of a wrong choice, to be itself voluntary and
culpable and to spring from an avoidable attachment to the world of
sense: yet he clings, nevertheless, to the Socratic position that
all ignorance and immorality are involuntary, that no man does or
can act against what he sees to be for his own good.