The Segment in Phonetics and Phonology E-Book

Eric Raimy

• Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 722

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2015

Beschreibung

The Segment in Phonetics and Phonology unravels exactly what the segment is and on what levels it exists, approaching the study of the segment with theoretical, empirical, and methodological heterogeneity as its guiding principle.

• A deliberately eclectic approach to the study of the segment that investigates exactly what the segment is and on what level it exists
• Includes new research data from a diverse range of fields such as experimental psycholinguistics, language acquisition, and mathematical theories of communication
• Represents the major theoretical models of phonology, including Articulatory Phonology, Optimality Theory, Laboratory Phonology and Generative Phonology
• Examines both well-studied languages like English, Chinese, and Japanese and under-studied languages such as Southern Sierra Miwok, Päri, and American Sign Language

Leseprobe

CONTENTS

Cover

Title page

Notes on Contributors

1 Introduction

1 Scope and background

2 A short history of the segment

3 Contemporary issues concerning the segment

4 The contents of this volume

Acknowledgments

References

Part I: Is Segmentation Real?

2 The Segment in Articulatory Phonology

1 Introduction

2 Why should a phonology be articulatory?

3 Articulatory phonology

4 Gestural scores

5 Does it matter that segments do not emerge transparently in articulatory phonology?

6 Arguments for segments and articulatory phonology

7 Duality patterning and the particulate principle

8 Spontaneous errors of speech production

9 The alphabetic principle

10 Languages are not tidy

11 Coupling relations among gestures in articulatory phonology

12 Coupling strength

13 Hidden gestures?

14 Concluding remarks

Acknowledgments

References

3 Beyond the Segment

1 Introduction

2 Binary and ternary systems of length

3 English paves the way for Estonian

4. The fortis/lenis hypothesis

5 Estonian meets English

6 Bisyllabic words

7 When morphology intervenes

8 Conclusion

References

4 A Prosodic Theory of Vocalic Contrasts

1 Introduction

2 Complex margins are vocalically simple

3 No conflicting vocalic contrasts within a margin

4 No pre/post contrasts within a margin

5 No segment/cluster contrasts within a margin

6 Problematic contrasts in Russian

7 Assimilation

8 Implications: from segments to seglets

Acknowledgments

References

5 Segmentation and Pinky Extension in ASL Fingerspelling

1 Introduction

2 Pinky extension coarticulation

3 Segmentation

4 Conclusions

Appendix: regression model of pinky extension coarticulation

Acknowledgments

References

6 Categorical Segments, Probabilistic Models

1 Introduction

2 Gradience and categoricality

3 A probabilistic approach to phonological relationships

4 Conclusions

Acknowledgments

References

Part II: What Are the Roles of Segments in Phonology?

7 The Opponent Principle in RcvP

1 Introduction

2 A very brief history of Element Theory (ET)

3 Radical CV Phonology

4 The 3/4 problem

5 Wood’s system of articulatory features

6 Articulatory and acoustic correlates of elements

7 The 2/3 problem

8 Conclusions

Acknowledgments

References

8 Why the Palatal Glide Is Not a Consonant in Japanese

1 Introduction

2 The segment in phonology

3 The palatal glide

j

in Japanese

4 Representing the Palatal glide

j

5 Conclusion

Acknowledgments

References

9 Determining Cross-Linguistic Phonological Similarity Between Segments

1 Introduction

2 Components of phonological similarity and their interaction

3 Phonemic similarity in cross-linguistic research

4 Discussion

5 Conclusion

Acknowledgments

References

10 Contrast and Vowel Features

1 Introduction

2 Method

3 Result

4 A close look at vowel height

5 Concluding remarks

Acknowledgments

References

11 The Phonetics and Phonology of Segment Classification

1 Introduction

2 Phonological classification of /v/

3 Acoustic study of /v/

4 Conclusion

Acknowledgments

References

Part III: Case Studies

12 The Perception of Vowel Quality and Quantity by Turkish Learners of German as a Foreign Language

1 Introduction

2 L2 vowel perception

3 The German and Turkish vowel systems

4 Research questions and method

5 Results

6 Conclusion

Acknowledgments

References

13 Compensatory Lengthening in Hungarian VnC Sequences

1 Introduction

2 Data

3 Subjects, material, method

4 Results

5 Discussion

6 Conclusion

Acknowledgments

References

14 Päri Consonant Mutation as Defective Root Node Affixation

1 Introduction

2 Analysis

3 Discussion/alternatives

4 Summary

Acknowledgments

References

15 Templates as Affixation of Segment-sized Units

1 Introduction

2 The data: LH templates in Southern Sierra Miwok

3 Analysis for the three LH templates

4 Discussion: the nature of the underspecified segments

5 Conclusion

Acknowledgements

References

Subject and Author Index

Language Index

End User License Agreement

List of Tables

Chapter 05

Table 5.1 Counts for expected and observed pinky extension: where the columns are handshapes with and without pinky extension, and the rows are hand configurations with and without pinky extension. The shaded cells are those where the pinky extension in the hand configuration matches the handshape specification. Here we are using the familiar terminology observed and expected. We use the terms

observed

and

expected

, even though our hypothesis is that there is coarticulation. In other words, we are using these labels in the naïve way that we do not expect any apogee that does not (phonologically) have pinky extension in its handshape, to have it (phonetically) in its hand configuration. This set excludes 216 apogees for which there were an equal number of annotations for extended and flexed.

Table 5.2 Mixed effects logistic regression coefficient estimates and standard errors.

Chapter 11

Table 11.1 Typology of the phonological status of /v/.

Table 11.2 Consonant inventory of Greek.

Table 11.3 Consonant inventory of Serbian.

Table 11.4 Consonant inventory of Russian.

Table 11.5 Word list.

Table 11.6 Featural specifications of approximants, from Padgett (2002).

Chapter 13

Table 13.1 Word list examples.

Table 13.2 VnC sequences: the duration of

n

.

Table 13.3 Vowel durations in possible vs. impossible CL contexts.

Table 13.4 Duration values of vowels preceding /n/ depending on gender and context.

Table 13.5 VnC sequences: the duration of V + n.

List of Illustrations

Chapter 02

Figure 2.1 X ray tracings of the vocal tract (sagittal view) during oral constriction for /d/ in /da/ and /di/.

Figure 2.2 Gestural score for the word

palm.

Figure 2.3 Gestural scores for

pod, sod,

and

spod

.

Figure 2.4 Gestural score and coupling graph for

spot

.

Figure 2.5

Kiss Ted

produced at progressively faster speaking rates. Waveform and glottal openings and closings are depicted.

Chapter 05

Figure 5.1

fs

-letters for ASL fingerspelling.

Figure 5.2 Apogees from (a)

d-i-n-o-s-a-u-r

and (b)

c-h-r-i-s

.

Figure 5.3 Apogees from

(

a

) e-v-e-r-g-l-a-d-e-s, (

b

) z-d-r-o-q-i-e, (

c

) z-a-c-k,

and (d

) e-x-p-e-c-t-a-t-i-o-n.

Figure 5.4 A plot showing the percent of apogees with hand configurations that have pinky extension, despite their handshapes not specifying pinky extension, based on surrounding handshapes. Darker colors represent a higher percentage of pinky extension.

Figure 5.5 A plot showing the effect of conditioning apogees (-i-, -j-, and -y-) on the probability of pinky extension at mean transition times for both previous and following. Dots are model predictions for an apogee with a conditioning apogee in the previous position, following position, both, or neither. The lines are two standard deviations on either side. The order of the fs-letters is based on the overall amount of pinky extension.

Figure 5.6 A plot showing the effect of conditioning apogees (-b-, -c-, and -f-) on the probability of pinky extension at mean transition times for both previous and following. Dots are model predictions for an apogee with a conditioning apogee in the previous position, following position, both, or neither. The lines are two standard deviations on either side. This is the same style of plot as Figure 5.5, with the only difference being that the conditioning handshape here is a -b-, -c-, or -f-.

Figure 5.7 A plot showing the effect of conditioning apogees (-i-, -j-, and -y-) on the probability of pinky extension for the fs-letter -l- only, faceted by previous and following transition time (z-scores of the log transform, where smaller values are shorter transitions). The fs-letter -l- was chosen because it is a common letter (with 259 occurrences), and is representative of the fs-letters that show coarticulation.

Figure 5.8 Handshape portion from the Prosodic Model

Figure 5.9 A plot showing the effect of conditioning apogees (-i-, -j-, and -y-) on the probability of pinky extension at mean transition times for both previous and following. Dots are model predictions for an apogee with a conditioning apogee in the previous position, following position, both, or neither. The lines are two standard deviations on either side. The order of the fs-letters is based on the overall amount of pinky extension (same as Figure 5.5).

Figure 5.10 Still images at apogees for

o-i-l.

Figure 5.11 Articulator trajectories for

o-i-l

. Gray boxes represent periods of hand configuration stability, thick lines represent observed extension (visually estimated), and the thin lines represent articulator trajectories if each apogee’s hand configuration were canonical, with smooth transitions.

Figure 5.12 Still images at apogees for

b-u-i-l-d-i-n-g

.

Figure 5.13 Articulator trajectories for

b-u-i-l-d-i-n-g

. Similar to Figure 5.11.

Figure 5.14 Still images at apogees for

a-c-t-i-v-i-t-y

.

Figure 5.15 Articulator trajectories for

a-c-t-i-v-i-t-y

. Similar to Figure 5.11, the only exception is that the light gray associated with the second -i-, is placed halfway between the -v- and -ti- apogees in order to show the trajectories expected for canonical realization.

Chapter 06

Figure 6.1 Continuum of predictability of distribution from allophony on the left to contrast on the right.

Figure 6.2 Relation between degree of uncertainty (environment-specific contrastiveness) and perceived similarity for the pair [s] / [

ʃ

] in German. “More similar” is toward the top of the graph.

Figure 6.3 Systemic contrastiveness values for each of 20 Gujarati speakers in Thakur (2011). The broken line shows her division of the group into speakers with perfect or near-perfect contrast and those with partial contrast.

Chapter 11

Figure 11.1 Relative centroid of [v] tokens in Greek, Russian, and Serbian.

Figure 11.2 Relative skewness of [v] tokens in Greek, Russian, and Serbian.

Chapter 12

Figure 12.1 German (left) (Kohler 1999: 86) and Turkish (right) (Zimmer and Orgun 1999: 154) vowel systems as depicted in the Handbook of the IPA. Vowels of interest to the study have been circled.

Figure 12.2 Acoustic data of German and Turkish point vowels. Mean formant values for three different one-syllable German/Turkish words (three repetitions). Four male speakers per language group.

Figure 12.3 Correct responses of the German native speakers versus the Turkish GFL learners for the three different vowel groups and experimental conditions in percent. Error bars show two standard errors.

Chapter 13

Figure 13.1 /n/ realization before non-continuants, latin csoda [l

ɒ

tin

ʧ

od

ɒ

] “Latin miracle.”

Figure 13.2 /n/ realization before continuants: transitioning CL, nagyon szalad [n

ɒ

ɟ

õ

ː

s

ɒ

l

ɒ

d] “runs fast.”

Figure 13.3 /n/ realization before continuants: non-transitioning CL, istenség [i

ʃ

t

ː

ʃ

e

ː

g] “deity.”

Figure 13.4 /n/ realization before continuants: no CL, latinság [l

ɒ

tin

ʃ

ɑ

ː

g] “the Latin people.”

Figure 13.5 /n/ realization before continuants: /n/ drop, olyan zöld [oj

ɒ

z

ø

ld] “so green.”

Figure 13.6 The first two formants of [õ

ː

] and [o].

Figure 13.7 VnC sequences: Medians and ranges of the duration of

n.

Figure 13.8 Vowel duration values in possible (DUR[+CL]) vs. impossible (DUR[-CL]) CL contexts.

Figure 13.9 Regression analysis results of vowel durations in CL contexts.

Figure 13.10 Regression analysis results of vowel durations in CL contexts vs. non-CL contexts.

Figure 13.11 Vowel duration values of females and males in possible vs. impossible CL contexts (F = female; M = male; DUR = duration).

Guide

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The Segment in Phonetics and Phonology

Edited by

Eric Raimy and Charles E. Cairns

This edition first published 2015© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Notes on Contributors

Christina Bjorndahl is a doctoral candidate in Linguistics at Cornell University. Her dissertation research comprises a cross-linguistic phonetic and phonological study of the class of voiced, non-strident fricatives, with special attention on the segment transcribed as /v/.

Diane Brentari is Professor of Linguistics at the University of Chicago. Her current research interests include phonology, morphology, and sign languages, particularly as they relate to issues of typology, language emergence, and prosody. She has also developed a model of phonological structure of sign, called the Prosodic Model, and she has also worked on the architecture of the sign language lexicon.

Charles E. Cairns is Professor Emeritus of Linguistics at Queens College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. His research is in the general area of phonological theory. He is founder and, with Eric Raimy, co-organizer of the CUNY Phonology Forum, which has organized ten conferences since his retirement in 2003. Raimy and Cairns edited , published by MIT Press in 2009. He and Professor Raimy also edited the , published by Brill in 2011; they also co-authored “Precedence relations in phonology,” which appeared in in 2011.