Venice and Its Story
Venice and Its StoryPREFACEPART I.—THE STORYCHAPTER IThe Foundation at RialtoCHAPTER IICHAPTER IIICHAPTER IVEnrico Dandolo and the Capture of ConstantinopleCHAPTER VPeace and War—The Holy Inquisition—Conflict with the Genoese—Loss of ConstantinopleCHAPTER VIThe Duel with Genoa—The Closing of the Great CouncilCHAPTER VIIThe Oligarchy—Commercial supremacy—The Bajamonte Conspiracy—The Council of the Ten—The PrisonsCHAPTER VIIIConquests on the Mainland—Execution of Marin Faliero—The Fall of GenoaCHAPTER IXAggression on the Mainland—Arrest and Execution of Carmagnola—The Two FoscariCHAPTER XCHAPTER XICHAPTER XIITHE FINE ARTS AT VENICEMasons—Painters—Glass-workers—PrintersPART IISECTION IArrival—The PiazzaSECTION IIThe Basilica of St MarkSECTION IIIThe Ducal PalaceSECTION IVThe AccademiaSECTION VThe Grand Canal and S. Georgio MaggioreSECTION VISECTION VIIThe Frari—The Scuola and Church of S. RoccoSECTION VIIISECTION IXSECTION XS. Salvatore—Corte del Milione—S. Giovanni GrisostomoSECTION XIS. Moisè—S. Stefano—Site of the Aldine Press—Il Bovolo—S. Vitale—S. Vio—The Salute—The SeminarioSECTION XIISECTION XIIISECTION XIVSECTION XVGiudecca—The Redentore—S. TrovasoSECTION XVIPalazzo Labia—S. Giobbe—The Ghetti—Gli ScalziSECTION XVIITitian’s House—S. Michele in Isola—MuranoSECTION XVIIITorcello—S. Francesco del DesertoSECTION XIXS. Nicolo del LidoSECTION XXChioggiaFOOTNOTES:Copyright
Venice and Its Story
Thomas Okey
PREFACE
THE History of Venice is the history of a State unparalleled
in Europe for permanence and stability. For centuries Venice
occupied that position of maritime supremacy now held by Great
Britain, and time was when an English king was fain to crave the
loan of a few warships to vindicate his rights in France. The
autonomy of the Venetian Republic so imposed on men’s minds that it
was regarded as in the very nature of things, and even so acute an
observer as Voltaire wrote in theDictionnaire
Philosophique, less than three decades before
her fall: “Venice has preserved her independence during eleven
centuries, and I flatter myself will preserve it for
ever.”In the course of our story we have freely drawn from the old
chronicles, while not neglecting modern historians, chiefest of
whom is the Triestine Hebrew scholar, Samuele Romanin. Indeed, all
that has been written on Venetian history during the past forty
years does but increase our admiration for the imperturbable
industry and sagacious judgment of the author of theStoria Documentata di Venezia, to whom
our heaviest debt is due.The history, criticism and appreciation of Venetian
architecture and Venetian painting are indissolubly associated with
the genius of Ruskin, and notwithstanding some waywardness of
judgment and spoilt-child philosophy, his writings are, and ever
will be, the classic works on the subject. Among more recent
authorities we are indebted to the publications of Berenson, Bode,
Burckhardt, Ludwig, Morelli, and Saccardo.For purposes of description we have divided the city and
outlying islands of the Venetian lagoon into twenty sections,
arranged rather with regard to their relative historical and
artistic importance than to strict topographical considerations,
although these have not been lost sight of. In our quality
ofciceronewe have drawn from
an acquaintance of the city at various times extending over a
period of twenty years: more detailed and practical information may
be sought in the admirable guide-books of Baedeker, Grant Allen,
Gsellfels and Murray.A pleasant duty is that of expressing our gratitude for
personal help and counsel to, among others, Mr Horatio F. Brown,
Signor Cantalamessa the courteous Director of the Accademia, Mr
Bolton King, Signor Alfredo Melani, and Mr René
Spiers.In order not to burden our pages with many notes we have
limited references to such passages as seemed specially to call for
them, exigencies of space having straitened a wide subject within
close bounds. If, however, the perusal of this slight and imperfect
sketch may lead intending travellers to turn to richer springs—and
in that hope we have appended a list of the main sources[1]from which we
have drawn—our pleasant labours will be amply rewarded. It is with
travel as with other modes of observation. The eye will see what
the mind takes with it, for as the Spanish proverb quoted by Dr
Johnson runs: “He who would bring home the wealth of the Indies
must carry the wealth of the Indies with him.”
PART I.—THE STORY
CHAPTER IThe Foundation at Rialto
“Venice seems a typeOf life—’twixt blue and blue extends, a stripe,As life, the somewhat, hangs ’twixt nought and
nought.”—Browning.OF the original home of the earliest settlers in that
province of North Italy known to the Latins as Venetia, little can
be told with certainty. Historians and antiquarians are pleased to
bring them, under the name of Heneti or Eneti, from Paphlagonia,
and explain some characteristic traits they subsequently
developed—the love of colour and of display, the softness of their
dialect—by their eastern origin. They were an independent, thriving
and organised community when the Roman Empire first accepted their
aid in the fierce struggle against the invading Gauls, and so they
continued to be until they were absorbed as a province of the
Empire. The land they cultivated, “mervailous in corne, wine, oyle,
and all manner of fruites,” was one of the richest in Europe. Its
soil was formed by ages of alluvial deposit brought by the rapid
streams that drain the southern slopes of the Alps.The traveller who enters Italy by any of the Alpine passes
will not fail to note the contrast between the northern streams and
the more torrential water-ways of the south, which, however, being
soon checked by the deposit they bring, grow slack and fray out
into many and varying channels, through which the waters find their
way with small, at times almost imperceptible, flow into the sea.
So lazily do the rivers discharge that the north-east shores of the
Adriatic are formed of sandbanks, shoals and islets, which for nigh
a hundred miles from Cavarzere to Grado constituted thedogadoof Venice. The famous Venetian
lagoon is confined to some thirty miles north of Chioggia, and is
divided into theLaguna morta,
where the tide is scarcely felt, and theLaguna
viva, where the sea is studded with numerous
islands and islets protected by thelidi, a long line of remarkable
breakwaters formed by the prevailing set of the current to the
west, with narrow openings orPortithrough which the shallow tide ebbs and flows. This natural
barrier has made the existence of Venice possible, for the islands
on which the city is built afforded a refuge safe alike from attack
by sea or land. The colonisation, development and defence of these
lagoons and islands by settlers from the mainland make up the early
history of Venice. Some misapprehension exists as to the nature of
these settlements. The picture of terror-stricken and despoiled
fugitives from the cities of Venetia escaping from hordes of
pursuing Huns or Lombards to seek a refuge in the barren and
uncertain soil of mud-banks and storm-swept islands is true in part
only. In many cases the movement was a deliberately organised
migration of urban communities, with their officers, their
craftsmen, their tools, their sacred vessels, even the very stones
of their churches, to towns and villages already known to them.
Among the settlers were men of all classes—patrician and plebeian,
rich and poor. “But they would receive no man of servile condition,
or a murderer, or of wicked life.”
ON THE LAGOONS
Some islands were already inhabited by a hardy race of
pilots and fishermen: others by prosperous Roman patricians, with
their villas, farms, gardens and orchards. Grado was a busy
commercial settlement with rich vineyards and meadows, and joined
to the mainland by a causeway that led to Aquileia. Heraclea was
rather a mainland than a lagoon city; Torcello is said to have been
a fashionable Roman watering-place, and Roman remains have been
found at S. Giorgio Maggiore. Much of the ground was covered with
pine forests, the haunts of game and other wild creatures. For a
long time the islands were not regarded by the settlers as abiding
places. Again and again many of them returned to their old homes on
the mainland when the invaders’ force was spent. It was only in 568
that the Lombards, more cruel, or perhaps more systematic in their
oppression than Marcoman or Hun, finally determined the Venetians
to make the lagoons their permanent home.Who of us northmen that has reached the descending slope of
an Alpine pass, it may be through mist and sleet and snow, to gaze
upon the rich and luscious plains of Lombardy or Venetia smiling
with vine and fruit and corn; who that has felt the warm breath of
sun-steeped Italy caressing his face as he emerges from northern
gloom, but will feel a twinge of envy which is akin to
covetousness, and which in strong and masterful races quickly
develops into lust of conquest?In the fifth century of our era the Roman Empire decaying,
like most giants, at the extremities, lay defenceless before the
inroads of those forceful, elemental peoples who from north and
east swept down the passes to ravage the garden of Italy and to
enslave her inhabitants. In 452 Venetia became the prey of God’s
scourge—Attila. Aquileia, now a poor village just within the
Austrian frontier, but then a Roman city of the first rank, was
plundered. Altinum, a city famous for its strength and wealth,
resisted for a time but soon its inhabitants and those of Padua,
Asolo, Belluno and other mainland cities forsook their homes and
migrated to the lagoons.The earliest settlements were twelve: Grado, Bibbione,
Caorle, Jesolo (now Cavallino), Eraclea, Torcello, Burano, Rivoalto
(now Venice), Malamocco, Poveglia, Cluges Minor (actual site now
unknown, but not Sotto Marina, as sometimes stated), Cluges Major
(now Chioggia). Of these, Grado was occupied by the Aquileians;
Rivoalto and Malamocco by the Paduans; Eraclea by the Bellonsese;
Torcello and Burano by the Altinese. To the pious imagination of
chroniclers these migrations were not without divine admonition. In
568 the terrible Lombards were threatening Altinum, whose
inhabitants entreated the help of heaven with tears and prayers and
fastings; and, lo! they saw the doves and many other birds bearing
their young in their beaks flying from their nests in the walls of
the city. This was interpreted as a sign from God that they also
were to expatriate themselves and seek safety in flight. They
divided into three bodies, one of which turned to Istria, another
to Ravenna. The third remained behind, uncertain whither to direct
their steps. Three days they fasted, and at length a voice was
heard saying: “Salite alla torre e guardate agli
astri.” (Ascend the tower and look at the
stars.)
S. FOSCA AND THE DUOMO, TORCELLO
PONTE S. GIUSTINA
Their good Bishop Paul climbed the tower, and to his
gaze the very stars of the firmament seemed to set themselves in a
constellation that figured forth the fateful group of islands in
the lagoon before him. His flock, following this warning from
heaven, went forth, headed by their bishop and clergy bearing the
sacred vessels and relics, and passed to an island high and
fertile, which they called Torcello, from one of the twelve towers
of their old city. The very hierarchy of heaven, from Our Lord and
His Blessed Mother to St Peter and the Baptist, even to Giustina,
the martyred little maid of Padua, appeared to Mauro, the priest,
in a vision, as he paced the sea shore, and in sweet voices bade
him build here a church and there a church in their honour. The
immigrants therefore had come to make the lagoons their permanent
home. Their new city was organised. In process of time churches
were built; trade guilds were formed; painters and mosaicists
enriched the buildings. The marble seat on the grass-grown piazza
of Torcello, to this day called Attila’s chair, was probably the
official seat of the tribune when he administered justice to the
people.It will be seen that no definite date can be assigned to the
foundation of Venice, though Sanudo is very sure it was in “the
year ccccxxi., on the xxv. of March, which was a Friday, that day
on which our father Adam was created, when about the hour of nones
the first stone of St Giacomo di Rivoalto was laid by the Paduans.”
The great diarist gives a charming picture of the earliest
Venetians trading in fish and salt with their little barks to the
neighbouring shores: “They were a lowly people, who esteemed mercy
and innocency, and, above all, religion rather than riches. They
affected not to clothe them with ornaments, nor to seek honours,
but when need was they answered to the call.”There is little doubt that originally the settlers were
subject to the Consuls at Padua, but in 466 they were strong enough
to meet at Grado and to elect their own tribunes, one for each of
the twelve communities. A passage in a famous letter of Cassiodorus
to theseTribuni Maritimiin 523
affords the first glimpse in history of the lagoon folk. The
secretary of Theodoric the Great writes urging them not to fail to
transport the tribute of oil, honey and wine from Istria to
Ravenna, and expatiates on their great security and the wonderful
habitations that he has seen, like sea-birds’ nests, half on land,
half on sea, or like the cyclades spread over the broad bosom of
the waters. Their land is made not by nature but by man, for the
soil is strengthened by flexible withy bands, and they oppose frail
dykes to the waves of the sea. Their boats are tied to posts before
their doors like horses are on the mainland. Rich and poor live in
equality. They flee from the vice of envy, to which the whole world
is enslaved. Instead of plough and scythe they handle cylinders. In
their salt they produce a merchandise more desired than gold, so
all the fruits of the earth are at their command.
THE CUSTOMS HOUSE.
About 530, when Narses the Eunuch began the great
campaign which wrested the Italian dominions of the Emperors from
the Goths, the Venetians gave him effective aid by transporting an
army of Lombard mercenaries from Aquileia to Ravenna. As a reward
Narses sent some Byzantine masters, who from the spoils of the
enemy built the Church of St Theodore at Rivoalto on a plot of
ground known as theBroglioor
garden where now stands the Basilica of St Mark.Scarcely, however, were the Goths defeated, when in 568
Alboin and his Lombards menaced the land. Longinus, who succeeded
Narses in the exarchate of Ravenna, came to Venice and asked her
aid as subject to the Emperor. He was given an honourable and
festive welcome, but the Venetians had bought their freedom at a
great price and stoutly refused to admit his claim. They declared
that the second Venice which they had made in the waters was a
mighty habitation and their very own by right of creation; that
they feared no power of Prince or Emperor, for it could not reach
them. They, however, furnished a ship and sent an embassy with
Longinus to Constantinople, and in return for valuable trading
rights, agreed to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Emperor if no
formal oath were exacted.In 584 the lagoon folk had so expanded that an additional
tribune was chosen for each community. Of theseTribuni majoreswas formed a federal
council, the original tribunes now serving as heads of local
administrations.
a. EARLY DUCAL CAP FROM AN OLD MOSAIC IN ST
MARKb. DUCAL CAP OF DOGE MORO, 1462-1471, FROM THE
PORTRAIT IN S. GIOBBE
The golden age so lovingly dwelt upon by the early
chroniclers was of short duration. Already, before the institution
of the new tribunes, family and local feuds, the ambition of the
tribunes and jealousy of the people, led to bloody affrays in
thePinete(pine forests) with
which thelidiwere clothed.
Anarchy threatened the state; bands of Lombards under the Duke of
Friuli plundered the churches of Heraclea and Grado. The crisis was
met by the public spirit and wisdom of the Church. A general
meeting (Arengo) was called by
the Patriarch of Grado at Heraclea. Two vital problems came to the
front—the organisation of self-defence and the maintenance of
public order. The whole Assembly having invoked the name of Christ,
the great churchman stood forth, and after reviewing the political
situation, proposed that all the tribunes should be relegated to
purely local offices, and aCapoor chief elected for life. His new polity was approved and in
697 Pauluccio Anafesto was chosen first Doge and invested with
sovereign powers. Thus was constituted the Dogeship of Venice
which, save for a short interruption of six years, endured for
eleven centuries. The Doge could nominate, degrade or dismiss all
public officers, convoke or dissolve theArengoand the synod. The appointment
of Patriarchs and Bishops was subject to his veto. The military
authority, entrusted to a Master of the soldiers, was subordinate
to him; foreign affairs were in his hands, though the approval of
the people was required to declare war or conclude peace. He could
impose taxes; his feudal dues and rights ofcorvéewere extensive. His state was
regal. When he went abroad, girt with a sword and surrounded by his
guards, a state umbrella was held over him, lighted tapers were
borne by his side, trumpets blared and banners waved. He sat
enthroned in an ivory chair, holding a sceptre, and arrayed in a
silk mantle with a fringe of gold fastened by a gold clasp over a
tightly fitting tunic trimmed with ermine; he wore red hose and a
high biretta richly jewelled, which was subsequently shortened by
constricting the middle so as to form two lobes, one of which soon
disappeared, and the familiar horned cap of the later Doges was
evolved. A close cap of fine linen was worn beneath, so that when
the biretta was raised his head should be covered as a mark of
dignity. The Doge was nofainéant. He rose before the dawn, and having heard mass went forth
to judge the people and transact the business of the day. On solemn
occasions he gave his benediction. The blessing of God was invoked
upon him in the litany. The election, more or less democratic until
the abolition of theArengoin
1423, was made by the whole people, who were summoned from Grado to
Cavarzere. Their chosen one was acclaimed and carried shoulder high
to the church, which he entered barefoot, and there swore to govern
according to the laws and to work for the good of the people. The
result of the election was communicated to the Pope and the
Emperor; to the latter usually by the Doge’s son in
person.Anafesto had a difficult task. The young state lay between
two mighty powers: Lombards or Franks and Pope in the west, the
Byzantine Emperor in the east. Only by vigilance and prudence could
she escape subjection. And these rival interests were active within
her borders—aristocratic Heraclea leaning towards the Eastern
Empire; democratic Malamocco and Jesolo towards the Western
kingdoms and the Pope. One of the first acts of the new Doge, after
securing internal peace, was to conclude a treaty with Luitprand,
King of the Lombards, by which the boundaries of the Republic were
defined, and in return for an annual payment, valuable rights of
wood-cutting and horse-breeding and trading were conceded. But
political jealousy dies hard. Two powerful families revolted in
717, and the Doge perished in a civil broil in the Pineta of
Jesolo.During the reign of the third Doge, Orso of Heraclea, the
Venetians were called to meet a new danger. The rise of the
Iconoclasts in the early eighth century, and the zeal of their
protagonist, the Emperor Leo III., had set east and west aflame.
Leo’s attempt to enforce the decree against the use of images in
the western Church was met by an invitation to the Lombards from
the Pope to attack the seat of the eastern power in Italy. War was
the very breath of their nostrils, and they were not slow to
respond. Ravenna was besieged and captured and the Pentapolis
occupied.[2]The Exarch Paul fled to the lagoons and appealed to Orso for
help. The fugitive enlarged on the danger to Venice of the
advancing Lombards, now at their very door. The Doge agreed to
furnish a fleet, and by successful strategy Ravenna was surprised
and recaptured and the Exarchate restored. The gratified Emperor
rewarded the Venetians by conferring the title of Hypatos (knight)
on their Doge, who adopted it as a family name.This imperial policy was, however, bitterly resented by the
popular party. A civil war ensued which lasted two years, and ended
in the defeat of the Heracleans, the murder of the Doge, and the
banishment of his son. Another experiment in statecraft was now
made. The Dogeship was abolished, and the Master of the soldiers
appointed head of the State for a term of one year. This new
departure proved disastrous. After six years of civil discord, the
last of the Masters, a Heraclean, was captured and blinded by the
opposite party. AnArengowas
called, this time at Malamocco, and a compromise effected. Deodato,
son of Orso, a Heraclean, was made Doge at Malamocco, whither the
capital was now transferred. But Heraclea and Jesolo were rivals,
fierce as ever, for the ducal chair. The internecine strife went on
with its savage incidents. Assassination, blinding,[3]or banishment were the price of defeat. At length, by the
election of Maurizio Galbaio in 764, “noble by race, nobler in
deeds,” the distracted state was ruled with wisdom and firmness,
and faction for a time was silenced.
BASIN OF S. MARCO.
The epoch-making victory of Charles of the Hammer over
the Arabs at Tours had drawn the eyes of all men to France, and to
a mighty race of princes destined to change the face of Europe. The
restless Lombards in 752 had reoccupied Ravenna and the Pentapolis,
and the Pope turned to the new Carlovingian dynasty for help
against them. Pepin answered to the call, wrested the cities from
their hands, and gave them to the Pope, who thus became a temporal
sovereign. Twenty years later the papacy was again constrained to
summon help. Charlemagne, Pepin’s son, crossed the Alps by the
Great St Bernard pass, fell like a thunderbolt of war on the
Lombards, and in 774 their dominion was finally crushed by the
capture of Desiderio, their King, and Pavia, their royal city.
Romanin argues from the silence of the chroniclers that the
Venetians took no active part in the siege of Pavia, but from an
old inscription in Venetian, on a thin plate of hammered
lead,[4]preserved in the British Museum, we learn that on the
invitation of Charlemagne, the Venetians sent a fleet of
twenty-four galleys, with four nobles who knew the art of war
(saveva far la guara) up the
Po to the siege, and had the honour of guarding the captive King.
Venice had indeed watched every phase of the struggle, seizing, as
was her wont, any opportunity that offered for extending the
trading privileges so vital to her existence. By secret information
to the Church from her merchants at Constantinople, she had nipped
a plot to recover the Exarchate, now for ever lost to the Greek
Emperors. But in 781 Pepin, son of Charlemagne, had been crowned
King of Italy by the Pope; the power of the Franks was growing
apace, and their alliance with a territorial Pope alarmed the
Heraclean party. They believed a wiser policy was to form an
alliance with the weaker Empire far in the east against the Franks.
In 778 Doge Maurizio Galbaio was permitted, on the plea of
infirmity, to associate his son Giovanni with him, and on the death
of Maurizio, the son stepped into his father’s office, thus
effecting a subtle change in the nature of the Dogeship, by no
means pleasing to the democratic party. The Franks were not long in
making their power felt. Venetian merchants had acquired some
territory near Ravenna, and many trading centres in the
neighbouring cities. They were incorrigible slave traders. Pope
Zacharias, a generation before, had been moved to compassion on
seeing in Rome groups of Christian slaves,[5]men and women, belonging to Venetian merchants, destined to
be sold to the pagans in Africa. He paid their price and set them
at liberty. Charlemagne had recently published an edict against the
traffic in slaves, and now called on Pope Hadrian to take action.
The Venetians were expelled from Ravenna and the Pentapolis. In 797
the new see of Olivolo which had been created a few years before to
meet the growing needs of the population, became vacant, and the
new Doge preferred Christophorus Damiatus, a young Greek to the
bishopric. The Patriarch of Grado, around whom the Frankish party
centred, refused to consecrate one whom he regarded as a nominee of
the Byzantine Emperor, and excommunicated Bishop and Doge. The
Doge’s answer was swift and terrible. He despatched his son
Maurizio with a fleet to Grado; the city was attacked; the
Patriarch captured, thrown from the tower of his palace, and dashed
to pieces. To allay popular indignation, Fortunatus, a nephew of
the murdered Patriarch was appointed in his stead. The new prelate
soon showed of what stuff he was made. With infinite resource and
indomitable purpose he set himself to avenge the insult to the
Church, and, but for the premature discovery of the plot, would
have wrought the destruction of the Doge and his party. Fortunatus
fled to the court of Charlemagne, who was now created Holy Roman
Emperor, and harbouring no tender feelings towards the rebellious
children of the lagoons. Obelerio, tribune of Malamocco, and the
other heads of the conspiracy found safety at Treviso, whence they
stirred their partizans to action with decisive effect. The Doge
and his son were exiled to Mantua; Obelerio was proclaimed Doge in
804; the triumph of the Frankish party was complete. The
Heracleans, however, soon rallied. In their civil fury they fell
upon Jesolo, and almost wiped it out. The Doge immediately led a
punitive expedition to Heraclea, and wreaked a similar vengeance on
that hot-bed of Byzantine faction. The situation was now felt to be
unbearable. By general consent a meeting of the wholedogadowas called, and it was decided
that in order to make peace, the remaining populations of Heraclea
and of Jesolo should be transported to Malamocco.Fortunatus meanwhile was watching events at Istria. Under the
sun of Charlemagne’s favours he had waxed rich and powerful. He
possessed four ships, and traded under royal patronage wherever the
new western Emperor’s power reached. By skilful diplomacy he
effected his recall to Grado, and placed a Frankish partizan in the
see of Olivolo. But the Heracleans had lost their home, not their
ideals and policy. They appealed to the Byzantine Emperor, and a
Greek fleet sailed up the Adriatic. Fortunatus once again was a
fugitive. The Doge and his party protested a loyalty to their
suzerain, which in 809 was translated into acts by the despatch of
a fleet to aid him to recover the exarchate for the Greeks. It was
unsuccessful, but none the less irritating to the Pope and Emperor,
who now determined to subdue the Venetians and incorporate them
into the Holy Roman Empire of the West. The immediate cause of the
rupture is not known, but when the princes of the earth are bent on
war a pretext is seldom hard to find. A great empire, aiming at
universal dominion, is ill at ease with a sturdy freedom-loving
state on its borders, and the far-reaching arm of the invincible
Carlovingians was stretched forth to grasp, as they thought, an
easy prey.In the stress of a common danger, faction was silenced.
Obelerio and his brother Beato, whom he had associated with him a
year after he was proclaimed Doge, advised that the Venetians
should agree with their adversary before it was too late, but a
wave of popular indignation swept them from power, and Angelo
Participazio, a Heraclean by birth, and one of the tribunes of
Rivoalto, was made head of a provisional government of national
defence. The churches were filled with earnest, determined men,
entreating with fasting and prayer the divine aid in their hour of
need; a call was made on every citizen at home and abroad to hasten
to the defence of the fatherland. Provisions were accumulated,
ships built, fortifications raised, channels blocked by chains and
sunken hulks, guide posts drawn.
CLOISTERS OF S. GREGORIO
Meanwhile, King Pepin had summoned his allies, and a
fleet sailed up to the lagoons. On the mainland the advance of the
Frankish armies was irresistible; north and south they closed in on
the Venetians. Grado soon fell; Brondolo, the Chioggie, and other
cities were captured; fire and sword wasted their settlements.
Theportiof Brondolo, Chioggia,
and Pelestrina were forced, Malamocco[6]the capital threatened. At this crisis the momentous decision
was taken to abandon Malamocco and concentrate at Rivoalto
(Rialto), the compact group of islands between the mainland and
thelidi.
FISHING BOATS
On thelidoof
Pelestrina, south of S. Pietro in Volta, where the steamer to
Chioggia now calls, is the little fishing village of Porto Secco.
Here in olden times was aportocalled Albiola. North of this passage was the city of Albiola
on thelidowhich stretched
towards Malamocco. South began thelidoof Pelestrina. It was here that,
according to tradition, a stand was made. The Frankish host of
horse and foot gathered on thelidoof Albiola, waiting for their fleet to force theporto, which was deep enough to allow
of the passage of the transports. Opposite, on thelidoof Pelestrina, stood the Venetians
near their boats, which were armoured with ramparts of sails,
cordages, and masts, behind which their archers did much execution.
For nigh six months the desperate fight was waged. “Ye are my
subjects,” cried Pepin, “since from my lands ye come.” The
Venetians answered, “We will be subject to the Emperor[7]of the Romans, not to thee.” Malamocco was at length
captured, but was found to be deserted. Rough rafts and pontoons
were constructed to thread the maze of shallow channels that led to
Rivoalto, but the light, waspish boats of the Venetians drove them
on to the shoals by the canal Orfano, where they were caught front
and rear, and those who escaped suffocation in the water and the
mud were quickly cut down by their enemies. The summer heats came;
the arrows of the sun, more deadly than Venetian arms, wrought
havoc among the Franks, whose forces wasted away, and the
Carlovingians were baffled. A Greek fleet threatening his rear,
forced Pepin to come to terms. He promised to withdraw, to restore
the captured territory, and to reaffirm all the ancient trading
rights and privileges in his dominions in return for an annual
payment. The Venetians emerged from the struggle a victorious and a
united people centred at Rialto, and the State of Venice was now
firmly rooted in the lagoons.
CHAPTER II
St Mark the Patron of Venice—The Brides of St
Mark—Conquest of Dalmatia—Limitation of the Doge’s
Power
“But I must tellen verilieOf St Marke’s . . .. . . holy shrineExalt amid the tapers’ shineAt Venice.”—Keats.
AN immediate outburst of creative energy was the result of
the victory. Angelo Participazio was chosen Doge and according to
precedent associated his son with him. He set himself to enlarge,
fortify and embellish Rialto. The ravaged settlements of the
Chioggie, Brondolo, Pelestrina and Albiola were rebuilt, and a new
Heraclea, calledCittà nuova,
rose on the ruins of the old capital. Dykes were built, rivers
diverted and canals bridged. A ducal palace was erected near the
Church of St Theodore, and a church to S. Pietro at Olivolo. The
Chapel and Convent of S. Zaccaria were founded and endowed by the
Doge to contain the body of S. Zaccaria, father of the Baptist, and
other relics given to the Venetians by Leo the Eastern
Emperor.
CLOISTER OF S. FRANCESCO DELLA VIGNA
There was an old tradition among the early settlers at Rialto
that St Mark on his way from Alexandria to preach the Faith in
Aquileia was caught in a violent storm and forced to land on one of
the Rialtine islands where now stands the Church of S. Francesco
della Vigna. As he stepped forth from his bark an angel saluted him
saying: “Pace a te Marco Evangelista
mio” (Peace to thee Mark my Evangelist), and
announced that one day his body should find a resting-place and
veneration at Rialto. Traditions like prophecies have a way of
bringing their own fulfilment, and in the brief reign of Angelo’s
son Giustiniani (827-829) some Venetians trading with the infidels
in defiance of imperial prohibition succeeded in stealing the
Evangelist’s body and carrying it to Venice. The story of “how the
precious body of Monsignor S. Marco came to Venice” is thus told by
Da Canale. “Now at this time there was a ship of the Venetians at
Alexandria on which were three valiant men. The one called Messer
Rustico of Torcello, the other Messer Buono of Malamocco, the third
Messer Stauracio; which three valiant men had great hope and
devotion to bring the body of S. Marco to Venice, and they so got
round (s’en alerent tant autour) the guardian of the body that having won his friendship
they said to him, Messer, if thou wilt come with us to Venice and
bear away the body of Monsignor S. Marco thou shalt become a rich
man. And when he, who was called Theodore, heard this he answered:
Sirs, hold your peace, say not so, that may not be in any wise, for
the pagans hold it more precious than aught else in the world, and
if they espied us would surely cut off our heads. Then said they,
wait until the blessed Evangelist command thee. And it came to pass
that there entered into the heart of this worthy guardian a desire
to bear away the body, and he came back to them saying: Sirs, how
can we take away Monsignor S. Marco without the knowledge of any
man? And one answered: Right wisely will we do it. And they went
hastily by night to the sepulchre where the body was and put it in
a basket and covered it with cabbages and swine’s flesh, and they
took another body, laid it in the tomb in the very same cloth from
which the body of Monsignor S. Marco had been taken and sealed the
tomb as it was before. And the valiant men bore the body to the
ship in that same basket as I have told of, and for dread of the
pagans slung it to a mast of their ship. What shall I tell you? At
that very moment when they opened the tomb so sweet and so great an
odour spread through the midst of the city that all the spiceries
in Alexandria could not have caused the like. Wherefore the pagans
said: Mark is stirring, for they were wont to smell such fragrance
every year. Nevertheless there were of them who misdoubted and went
to the tomb and opened it and seeing the body I have told of in St
Mark’s shroud were satisfied. And some there were who came to the
ship and searched it about, but when they saw the swine’s flesh by
the mast did straightly flee from the ship crying, Kanzir! Kanzir!
which is to say, Pork! Pork! Now the wind was fair and strong, and
they set sail for Venice and on the third day came by Romania
(Greece). And a mighty wind arose by night when the mariners were
sleeping, and the ship was driving on to the rocks; but the
precious Evangelist awakened the master mariner and said to him:
Look that thou set down the sails, for we are making for the land.
And the master awakened the shipmen and they struck the sails. And
if anyone will know the truth let him come to Venice and see the
fair Church of Monsignor S. Marco, and look in front of this fair
church, for there is inscribed all this story even as I have
related it, and likewise he will gain the great pardon of vii.
years which Monsignor the Apostle (the Pope) granted to all who
should go to that fair church.”
The Doge and clergy welcomed the body with great ceremony,
the traders were forgiven their unlawful voyage, and St Mark became
the patron of the Republic instead of St Theodore. A modest little
chapel was begun on land acquired from the nuns of S. Zaccaria in
the Broglio, which was still a grass-grown field planted with trees
bounded by the Canal Battario, which flowed across what is now the
Piazza of St Mark. In the next reign the body, which had been
temporarily placed in the ducal palace, was solemnly transferred to
its shrine in the new chapel of St Mark and Stauracio appointed
Primicerio or President of the Chapter.
In 829 Giov. Participazio, the third of the dynasty, began
his uneasy tenure of eight years. Obelerio plotted to regain his
lost power in Venice, but was foiled and executed, and his head
exposed on a stake. A more successful rival was the Tribune Caroso,
who worked on popular suspicion of the hereditary tendencies in the
reigning family, and drove Giovanni to exile in France. Caroso’s
tyranny, however, was a bad exchange for the milder rule of the
exiled Doge. The usurper was overthrown and blinded, and Giovanni
recalled. But the same jealousy on the part of the people which
made Caroso’scoup d’étatpossible again manifested itself. The Doge was seized as he
was returning on St Peter’s Day from the church at Olivolo; his
hair and beard were shaven, and he was forced to retire into a
monastery at Grado.
Pietro Tradonico, the chosen of the democracy in 836, was
much occupied with the pirates who, from their rocky fastnesses in
the creeks and bays of the Dalmatian coast, swooped down on the
rich Venetian argosies as they sailed the Adriatic. By a first
expedition he reduced their chiefs for a while to submission; a
second was less happy in its results.
The tide of Saracen invasion was met at Caorle and rolled
back, and two great ships of war were constructed to guard
theporti. Amid the stress of
war the arts of diplomacy were not neglected. A treaty still
exists, dated 840, between Lothair, “by Divine Providence Imperator
Augustus and the most glorious Duke of the Venetians,” for a period
of five years: their relations in peace and war are defined; mutual
restitution of runaway slaves is promised, and traffic in the
subjects of the contracting powers prohibited; the inviolability of
ambassadors and of correspondence assured. Pietro had the honour of
welcoming the first royal tourists (855) in the person of King
Louis II. of Italy and his consort, who spent three days at Venice.
The defeated Participazi were, however, biding their time. In 864
the people’s Doge was assassinated when leaving the Church of S.
Zaccaria after Vespers and his body lay on the ground until
nightfall, when the pious nuns gave it sepulture in the atrium of
their church. The chroniclers record the great wisdom and piety of
Orso Participazio, who succeeded the murdered Doge. He cleared the
seas of pirates, and sought, by calling a synod of clergy and
laity, to purge Venice from the iniquitous traffic in slaves, which
continued to stain her commerce. Rialto was made healthier by
drainage and building; Dorsodura peopled. The growth of the arts of
peace may be measured by the fact that the Venetians were able at
this time to make a present of twelve bells to the Greek Emperor.
Orso died full of years and honours in 881, and was buried in S.
Zaccaria. During the short reign of his son Giovanni a descent was
made on Comacchio, a city on the mainland north of Ravenna, whose
growing power and commerce roused the jealousy of Venice. The
Venetians had long memories, and the help given to Pepin was now
avenged by the devastation of the city and the country even up to
the walls of Ravenna. In 887 Pietro Candiano, a devout Christian,
and a wise and brave prince, was elected, and after a reign of five
months met a soldier’s death fighting against the pirates. Pietro
Tribuno, who succeeded him, was called upon to face a new danger.
In the spring of 900 the Hungarians came down the usual track of
the barbarian invaders by the Fruilian passes—“that most baneful
gate left open by nature for the chastisement of the sins of
Italy”—and ravaged the land. They were held too cheaply by
Berengarius, King of Italy, and flushed with victory, spread terror
even to the lagoons. The preparations made to resist Pepin were
renewed. Rialto was fortified and a castle built on the island of
Olivolo, which is called Castello to this day. By the way of the
Franks the terrible barbarians overran the outer cities of
thedogado, and made for
thePortoof Albiola. The
Venetian fleet met them, happy omen, at the very spot where Pepin’s
might was crushed. A fierce fight ensued, and the battle was again
to the islanders. The Hungarians were scattered, and fled, never to
return; Pietro was hailed by Berengarius preserver of the public
liberty, and was honoured by the Eastern Emperor. Two years later
the foundations of the old Campanile were laid in a spot where a
great elder tree flourished. At the death of the Doge in 912 the
Participazii returned to power.
Orso Participazio II. (912) was a saintly and righteous
prince who retired to a monastery after a peaceful reign of twenty
years, during which the Venetians obtained from the Emperor Rudolph
a confirmation of the right to coin their own money. How great was
the expansion of their trade is illustrated in the reign of the
next Doge, Pietro Candiano II. (932), who, by the simple expedient
of a commercial boycott, brought the arbitrary feudal lord of
Istria to his knees. In 942, after a short and uneventful term of
power by the rival dynasty, Candiano’s son Pietro became
Doge.
S. MARCO, FROM PIAZZETTA DEI LEONI.
S. PIETRO IN CASTELLO, FROM S. ELENA
A romantic incident in the ever-recurring battles with the
Narentine (Slav) pirates may be referred to this reign. On the
feast of the translation of St Mark it was the custom for the
marriageable damsels of Venice to repair to S. Pietro in Castello,
bearing their dowries with them in caskets, to be formally
betrothed to their lovers and receive the benediction of the
Church. Informed of this anniversary, some pirates concealed
themselves in the thick bush which then covered part of the island,
and during the ceremony forced their way into the church, seized
brides and dowries, and regained their boats. The Doge, who was
present, hastened from the church, and called the people to arms.
Some vessels belonging to the Cabinet-makers’ Guild, whose quarter
was near the Church of S. Maria Formosa, were offered to the Doge.
The avengers set forth in pursuit, and came upon the pirates
dividing their booty in a remote part of the lagoon of Caorle,
afterwards calledporto delle Donzelle, defeated them, and returned in triumph to Rialto with
brides and dowries, the Cabinet-makers having greatly distinguished
themselves. To commemorate the rape and rescue of the brides of St
Mark, the Doges were used on the day of the Purification to proceed
in solemn state to the Church of S. Maria Formosa to render thanks
to the Virgin. Twelve poor girls, theMarie, were dowered and took part in
the procession, together with the chief guilds of Venice. Simple in
its origin, the celebration became more and more sumptuous, till at
length so great was the burden on the private resources of the
families whose lot it was to provide for theMarie, that in 1271 the number was
reduced to four. Later, a tax was imposed on every family to meet
the cost of the eight days’festa. In 1379 the funds were swallowed up in the financial
demands of the Genoese wars, and all that remained of the old
magnificence was the annual visit of the Doge to the church, and
the offering made to him by the parish priest of oranges, muscat
wine, and gilded straw hats. The origin of the Doge’s attendance at
this church, and of the quaint offerings, is traced to a legend
that the Cabinet-makers, in acknowledgment of their prowess, asked
of the Doge the favour of an annual visit. To the Doge’s objection,
“But if it be too hot,” they answered, “We will give you
refreshment”; and to the further objection, “But if it rain,” they
answered, “We will furnish you with hats.” The custom lasted till
the end of the Republic. Da Canale gives a graphic description of
the festival as it was celebrated in the thirteenth century. On the
vigil of the feast of the translation of St Mark, a company of
noble youths came by water to the ducal palace, and having
distributed banners to some children, formed in line two by two,
accompanied by trumpeters and players of cymbals, and by other
youths bearing trays of silver loaded with sweets, silver vessels
filled with wine, and cups of gold and silver. The clergy followed,
arrayed in Calamanco cloth of gold, chanting a litany, and the
whole procession went its way to S. Maria Formosa, where a number
of dames and damsels were met, to whom wine and sweets were
presented. On the last day of January the procession was renewed
with greater splendour. Over five hundred banners were distributed,
and more than a hundred lads bearing crosses of silver took part.
Following the priests came a clerk, dressed as the Virgin, in
Damascus cloth of gold, borne in a richly decorated chair on the
shoulders of four men, gonfalons resplendent with gold waving
around. The Doge, surrounded by the Venetian nobility, stood at a
window of the ducal palace, while three of the clergy chanted the
usual lauds of his greatness and power. The Doge then joined the
procession, which wended its way to S. Maria Formosa. Here stood
another clerk dressed as the angel Gabriel, who sang the “Hail
Mary” as the figure of the Virgin appeared. The ceremony being
ended, twelve great banquets were held, at each of which one of
theMariewas present, clad in
cloth of gold adorned with jewels and pearls innumerable, and
wearing a crown of gold set with precious stones. On the day
following, a gorgeous aquatic pageant, more than a mile and a half
in length, with the Doge in hismastro
nave, the clergy and theMariemade the tour of the Grand Canal,
and “if you were there you could see the whole waters covered with
boats filled with men and women, so that no one could count them,
and a throng of dames and damsels at the windows and on the banks,
apparelled so richly that none in Venice might surpass them.”
Regattas, balls, and music followed; the whole city gave itself up
to joy and gladness.
A GIRL OF CASTELLO.
Pietro Candiano’s reign of seventeen years set in storm and
calamity. His son and colleague, Pietro, rebelled, and sought to
drive his father from the throne. There was a sharp fight on the
Piazza; the rebellion collapsed and the Venetian Absalom was only
saved from death by the entreaties of his aged father. He was
excluded from the succession and banished, but only to turn pirate
and harry his countrymen. The scourge of the plague and sorrow for
his son’s impiety embittered the last days of the old Doge, and in
959 he died a broken-hearted man. But scarce was he laid to rest
when a splendid fleet, gay with banners, bore a deputation of
nobles and clergy to Ravenna to invite the proscribed pirate to
become lord of Venice: the pressure of a powerful family and the
fear of civil discord had led to the recall of the only prince who
seemed strong enough to rule the troubled state. He began by
blinding and exiling the Bishop of Torcello, guilty of simony, and
by calling a synod to deal again with the persistent abomination of
the slave trade at Venice. There was no concealment. Slaves,
chiefly young girls from twelve to sixteen years of age, bought in
the ports of Russia and Circassia, were openly sold by auction at
Venice and the deed of sale drawn up by a notary. Doge, clergy and
people met in St Mark’s and the disgraceful traffic was again
prohibited under severe penalties. Another scandal of Venetian
commerce was challenged by the Greek Emperor, who in 971 sent an
embassy to Venice threatening to burn cargo and crew of any vessel
found trading in munitions of war with the Saracens. It was decided
that no arms, or iron, or wood for naval construction should be
sold to the infidels, exception being made of utensils of carved
wood, such as goblets, platters, basins.
But the demons of Pride and Ambition still lurked in the
unquiet breast of the Doge. He forced his wife to take the veil at
S. Zaccaria that he might marry Gualdrada, sister of the Marquis of
Tuscany, who brought him a rich dowry of money and lands. He
affected a state of Imperial magnificence, surrounded himself with
mercenaries and dragged his subjects to fight for his feudal rights
on the mainland. The indignant populace rose in revolt and attacked
the palace. Foiled in their purpose by the devotion of the Doge’s
foreign guards, the insurgents fired the adjacent houses and drove
the doomed prince to seek safety by a passage that led into the
atrium of St Mark’s. Here he was met by a company of Venetian
nobles to whom he prayed: “And have you, too, my brothers, willed
my destruction. If I have sinned in word or deed, grant me life and
I will remedy all.” There was an angry shout of, “He is worthy of
death,” and a dozen weapons were plunged into his breast. His
infant son was spitted on a spear in its nurse’s arms; the hated
mercenaries were slain. The bodies of father and babe were cast to
the shambles, and only redeemed by the entreaties of a saintly monk
who removed them for burial to the abbey of S. Ilario.
S. MARCO FAÇADE.
In a city built mainly of wood, fire is a disastrous weapon.
Their vengeance glutted, the revolutionists turned to count the
cost, and were sobered. The churches of St Theodore, St Mark and S.
Maria Zobenigo, the ducal palace, three hundred houses and a large
number of factories were destroyed. It was a subdued assembly that
met in S. Pietro on August 12th, 976, and elected Pietro Orseolo, a
rich patrician descended from an ancient Roman family of the
earliest settlers in Torcello. Threats of Imperial vengeance hung
over the Republic, and Gualdrada’s claims for compensation had to
be met. For this, and to rebuild the city, a subsidy of adecimawas voted to be imposed on the
property of each citizen. Artificers were brought from
Constantinople and plans for a new St Mark’s[8]and a new palace
made. The Doge dedicated nearly all his patrimony to the building;
founded a hospital for the sick poor near the Campanile, and spent
much time as well as money in works of charity. He soon grew weary
of the cares of state, and an opportune visit of the Abbot of St
Michael’s in Aquitaine to Venice confirmed his desire to enter a
cloister. He asked for time to prepare. The abbot promised to
return and claim him. A year later, on a September night, the abbot
and two friars repaired to the monastery of S. Ilario, where they
were met by the Doge, his son-in-law and a friend, disguised as
pilgrims. Horses were in waiting; they were ferried across the
lagoon, and at full speed the party rode for France. On the morrow
the Venetians awoke to find their beloved prince fled and the ducal
chair vacant. The Candiani who had never ceased intriguing to
regain power were ready, and their nominee, Vitale Candiano, was
raised to the Dogeship, to retire after fourteen months, sick and
disillusioned, to die in a monastery. Pietro Memo succeeded him in
978, a feeble prince, whose reign was dishonoured by the rise of
the Caloprini and Morosini factions that in the end nearly
compassed the destruction of Venetian liberties. It was the old
strife renewed with increased bitterness. The Morosini being
partisans of the Orseoli favoured the Byzantines: the Caloprini
standing for the Candiani leaned on the western powers. For the
first and last time in her history Venice saw her children
traitorously inviting a foreign sovereign to enslave their
fatherland. The Caloprini, having assassinated Dom. Morosini, fled
to the court of Otho II., and impiously laying bare the weak places
in their country’s defences, called him to conquest. The Emperor
was nothing loth. Venice was a standing challenge to the Empire;
the only state in Western Europe that stubbornly refused to be
absorbed in the feudal system. His subjects were forbidden to trade
with the Republic; her food supplies were cut off; her enemies
goaded on to attack her; the Caloprini faction in Venice stirred to
rebellion; ships of war collected to blockade if not to attack the
islands. It was the gravest danger that had ever threatened Venice,
for the foes were partly those of her own household. But the stars,
which watched over her birth, seemed now in their courses to fight
for her salvation. The mighty arm of the Emperor was raised to
crush the little state, when the angel of death touched him and it
fell impotently to his side.
At this epoch arose to guide her destinies one of the
greatest princes that ever sat in the ducal chair. Memo, suspected
of complicity in a more than usually atrocious assassination, was
deposed and forced to enter a monastery, and in 991 Pietro Orseolo
II. began his eventful reign. By his consummate statesmanship the
Republic soon found herself at peace with east and west and able to
deal with the problem of the Adriatic pirates. The Doge at once
abolished the feeble expedient of paying blackmail to their chiefs,
and on a renewal of their depredations chastised them into respect.
The unhappy borderland along the Dalmatian coast, nominally under
the lordship of the eastern Empire, but actually eluding control by
east or west, was dotted with a number of small trading
communities—Zara, Trau, Spalato, and Ragusa—continually harassed by
Slav and Saracen pirates from the sea and by Croats on land. The
defeated pirates in their rage now united with the Croats and
turned on the Dalmatians, who appealed to Venice, the only power
which seemed able to protect them. The Doge at once grasped the
importance to Venetian commerce of a protectorate over Dalmatia.
The greatest fleet that had hitherto sailed from Venetian waters
set forth with banners consecrated by the Church to police the
Adriatic. The voyage was a triumphant procession. Chief after chief
submitted. At Zara and elsewhere the Venetians were magnificently
received: the last stronghold of the pirates, impregnable Lagosta,
yielded to the splendid courage of the Venetian seamen. Slavs and
Croats were cowed and hostages given for future good behaviour. The
woods of Curzola now made Venice independent of Italy for timber.
It was the first stage in her development as a European power. The
title of Doge of Dalmatia was added to that of Doge of Venice and a
ceremony instituted which a hundred and eighty years later became
the famousSposalazio del Mareor Wedding of the Adriatic. On the morning of Ascension Day a
State barge covered with cloth of gold bearing the clergy of the
Chapter of St Mark’s in full canonicals and furnished with a vessel
of water, a vase of salt and an aspersoir of olive branches, sailed
to the Canal of S. Nicolo del Lido to await the Doge’s barge,
called later the Bucintoro. On its arrival two Canons intoned the
litany and the Bishop rose up and solemnly pronounced in Latin the
words, Deign, O Lord, to grant that this sea be calm and peaceful
to us and to all that sail upon it; thus we pray. O Lord hear us.
The Bishop blessed the water and, having reached S. Nicolo, drew
near to the Doge’s barge before the procession advanced into the
open Adriatic. The Primicerio then prayed: Purge me, O Lord, with
hyssop, and I shall be clean; the Bishop aspersed the Doge and his
suite, and poured what was left of the water into the sea. Such was
the origin of the famousfestaofLa Sensaof which we
shall hear more later.
The fame of the Doge’s exploits had fired the imagination of
the young and ardent Emperor Otho III., who made a mysterious
voyage by night to the great Orseolo at Venice and disguised in
mean attire went about the strange city marvelling at the glories
of its architecture. The new ducal palace had just been completed,
a stately embattlemented edifice, in which was constructed a small
chapel rich in precious marble and gold and furnished with an organ
of wondrous craftsmanship. A romantic affection sprang up between
the two potentates which was cemented by the Emperor standing
god-father and giving his name to one of the Doge’s sons. The
friends parted, after much intimate converse, embracing each other
and in tears.
Honours too from the East were lavished upon the Doge.
Responding to an appeal from the Greeks he led a fleet to Bari,
which was invested by the Saracens. Signs and wonders in the
heavens heralded his coming, and after three days of hand-to-hand
fighting the siege was raised and a Greek army delivered from
destruction. The Byzantine Emperor showed his gratitude by
bestowing the hand of his niece on the Doge’s son Giovanni, and
joyous festival was held at Constantinople in honour of the
alliance. But whatever pride may have been engendered in the Doge’s
breast by this almost more than mortal success was soon chastened
by failing health, affliction at home, and the desolation wrought
by plague and famine in the city. Rich in piety and charity this
noble and heroic servant of the people declined to his end, and at
the early age of forty-eight was laid to rest in S.
Zaccaria.
VINE PERGOLA ON THE GIUDECCA
The story of the enriching of this church with the body of S.
Tarasio is too characteristic to be passed by. We tell it in
Sanudo’s words. In the year 1019 some Venetian merchants, with whom
was a certain priest of Malamocco, disembarked at a promontory
called Chiledro. The priest and two companions went into a deserted
monastery and heard a voice cryingTolle hoc
corpus sanctum et defer tecum(Take this holy
body and bear it away with thee). He looked around and finding no
monument prayed to God for guidance, and soon discerned an altar
inscribed, “This body of S. Tarasio shalt thou find wrapped in a
cloth.” He then turned and saw a cave in which lay the body with
four lights burning before it. Now the said priest was sorely hurt
in one of his hands, which he carried in a sling, and having
entered the cave he at once became whole. As he raised the body,
which weighed nought, so light it was, a voice proceeded from it
saying,Tolle me quia tecum venire præsto
sum(Take me, for I am ready to come with thee).
They carried the body to the ship, three miles distant, and lo,
there came some monks running apace and crying, “Cruel men, give us
back our father. Ye shall not depart hence if ye restore him not to
us, for once on a time a strange people came and stole a tooth of
the saint and never could they depart until they had returned the
same to us.” But the Venetians caring nought for such words set
sail for Venice, and, though the ship was heavy laden, she sailed
light as a bird over the sea, so precious a treasure she
bore.
Otho Orseolo, who succeeded his father in 1008, by
overweening ambition, drew on himself the ill-will of the people.
God-son of an Emperor, brother-in-law of the sainted King Stephen
of Hungary, he promoted one of his brothers to the patriarchate of
Grado (next to the dogeship the most important position in the
state), and another to the See of Torcello. The Patriarchs of
Aquileia and of Grado had long been at bitter enmity, and more than
once had fought out their quarrels with all too secular weapons.
During the Lombard dominion the Patriarchs of Aquileia were tainted
with the Arian heresy, whereas those of Grado remained orthodox and
claimed jurisdiction over the whole of the lagoons. Moreover, the
growing power and wealth of the latter aroused the jealousy of
their rivals. The Aquileian Pastor was generally a German by race
and sympathies, and subject to the Empire, while the Patriarch of
Grado was subject to Venice.[9]