Everest 1922 E-Book

Mick Conefrey

• Herausgeber: Allen & Unwin
• Kategorie: Lebensstil
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022

Beschreibung

*SHORTLISTED FOR THE 2023 SPORTS BOOK AWARDS BEST SPORTS WRITING BOOK OF THE YEAR* Though it remains by far the world's most famous mountain, in recent years Everest's reputation has changed radically, with long queues of climbers on the Lhotse Face, lurid tales of frozen corpses and piles of high altitude trash. It wasn't always like this though. Once Everest was remote and inaccessible, a mysterious place, where only the bravest and most heroic dared to tread. The first attempt on Everest in 1922 by George Leigh Mallory and a British team is an extraordinary story full of controversy, drama and incident, populated by a set of larger than life characters straight out of Boys Own and Indiana Jones. The expedition ended in tragedy when, on their third bid for the top, Mallory's party was hit by an avalanche that left seven men dead. Using diaries, letters, published and unpublished accounts, Mick Conefrey creates a rich character driven narrative, exploring the motivations and private dramas of key individuals and detailing the back room politics and bitter rivalries that lay behind this epic adventure.

Leseprobe

Mick Conefrey is an award-winning writer and documentary maker. He made the landmark BBC series Mountain Men and Icemen and The Race for Everest to mark the 60th anniversary of the first ascent. His previous books include Everest 1953, the winner of a LeggiMontagna award, and The Ghosts of K2, which won a US National Outdoor Book award in 2017.

Published in hardback in Great Britain in 2022 by Allen & Unwin, an imprint of Atlantic Books Ltd.

Copyright © Mick Conefrey, 2022

The moral right of Mick Conefrey to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act of 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher of this book.

Maps by Adam T. Burton

The picture acknowledgements on p. 294 constitute an extension of this copyright page.

Every effort has been made to trace or contact all copyright holders. The publishers will be pleased to make good any omissions or rectify any mistakes brought to their attention at the earliest opportunity.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Hardback ISBN: 978 1 83895 271 6

E-book ISBN: 978 1 83895 272 3

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Per la mia fanciulla Stella

Contents

Dramatis Personae

Introduction

  1   Himalayans at Play

  2   No Place for Old Men

  3   The Hardest Push

  4   Larger than Life

  5   Oxygen Drill

  6   News from the North

  7   We May Be Gone Some Time

  8   The Gas Offensive

  9   Summit Fever

10   Trouble in the Sanctuary

11   A Terrible Enemy

12   2020 Hindsight

Bibliography and Sources

Acknowledgements

Index

Dramatis Personae

THE EVEREST COMMITTEE

Sir Francis Younghusband    President

Arthur Hinks . . . . . . . . Honorary Secretary (RGS)

J. E. C. Eaton . . . . . . . . Honorary Secretary (Alpine Club)

Edward Somers-Cocks . . . Honorary Treasurer (RGS)

Colonel E. M. Jack . . . . . Royal Geographical Society (RGS)

Norman Collie . . . . . . . Alpine Club

Captain Percy Farrar . . . . Alpine Club

C. F. Meade . . . . . . . . . Alpine Club

THE RECONNAISSANCE, 1921

Charles Howard-Bury . . . Leader

Harold Raeburn . . . . . . Climbing Leader

George Mallory. . . . . . . Climber

Guy Bullock . . . . . . . . Climber

Alexander Kellas . . . . . . Climber

Henry Morshead . . . . . . Surveyor

Oliver Wheeler . . . . . . . Surveyor

Sandy Wollaston . . . . . . Doctor and Naturalist

Alexander Heron . . . . . . Geologist

Gyaljen . . . . . . . . . . . Sirdar

Gyalzen Kazi . . . . . . . . Interpreter

Chheten Wangdi . . . . . . Interpreter

THE 1922 EXPEDITION

Charles Bruce. . . . . . . . Leader

Edward Lisle Strutt . . . . . Climbing Leader

George Leigh Mallory . . . Climber

George Ingle Finch . . . . . Climber

Howard Somervell . . . . . Climber

Edward Norton. . . . . . . Climber

Henry Morshead . . . . . . Climber

Arthur Wakefield . . . . . . Climber

Colin ‘Ferdie’ Crawford . . Transport Officer

John Morris . . . . . . . . Transport Officer

Geoffrey Bruce . . . . . . . Transport Officer

Tom Longstaff . . . . . . . Doctor

John Noel. . . . . . . . . . Photographer

Lance Corporal Tejbir Bura Gurkha Officer

Gyaljen . . . . . . . . . . . Sirdar

Karma Paul . . . . . . . . . Interpreter

Porters (hired in Darjeeling)

Lhakay, Pema, Mingma Boora, Mingma Dorjay, Pasang Tempa, Pema, Norbu Bura, Nima Lama, Pemba Norbu, Tenzing Katar, Dharkay Chopku, Ang Dawa, Little Nima, Dasonna, Leba Tshering, Ang Pasang Lakhpa, Idallo, Karma, Dorjay Sherpa, Rinchen, Goray, Phoo Nima Tendook, Chhetan, Augnami, Kancha, Lakpa, Ang Passang, Pasang Dorjay, Pasang Sherpa, Sangay, Chongay, Augbabu, Phoo Kemba, Lakpa Ptsering, Pemba Dorjay, Gyana, Tobgay, Yeshay, Norbu, Buchay, Dukpa, Tsang Dorjay.

Introduction

In June 2018, an article appeared in the Financial Times, entitled ‘Everest for the Time-Pressed Executive’. It began with the story of a German businessman who had recently spent $110,000 on a ‘Flash’ twenty-eight-day commercial expedition, which had got him to the summit with five days to spare, before going on to list several companies offering ‘premium’ trips to the world’s highest mountain. The most luxurious was a Nepali company, Seven Summit Treks, who were selling a $130,000 ‘VVIP’ package that included helicopter flights from Kathmandu to within three days of the mountain, as well as a mid-expedition recuperative escape to a five-star hotel. The VVIP package included a 1:1 mountain guide to client ratio, and the services of three Sherpas, a personal cook and a photographer. It was, as their website proclaimed, specially designed for those ‘who want to experience what it feels like to be on the highest point on the planet and have strong economic background to compensate for your old age, weak physical condition or your fear of risks’.

What, you wonder, would Hillary and Tenzing, the first men to reach the summit, have made of Seven Summits’ package? Or, going further back, what would George Mallory, the ‘Galahad’ of Everest, have thought? When in 1923 Mallory was pressed by a reporter from the New York Times to explain why anyone would risk their life on Everest, he replied cryptically: ‘Because it’s there.’ Is today’s answer ‘Because I can afford to’, or ‘Because I’ve got two weeks in May between business conferences and a hostile takeover’?

It’s quite extraordinary to write a sentence like that, but there’s no doubt that over the last thirty years Everest’s reputation has changed. Long queues of climbers on the Lhotse Face, lurid tales of frozen corpses and piles of high-altitude trash; even the mountain itself seems to be in rebellion, with the Hillary Step – one of Everest’s most famous features – collapsing in 2017. Today, for many mountaineers, Everest has become a symbol of excess and greed, a playground for the rich and occasionally foolish, the ultimate trophy mountain instead of the ultimate challenge.

It was not always thus.

When Everest was first measured in the mid-nineteenth century, it was thought to be so high that no one could survive on its summit. Even in the autumn of 1920, when a reconnaissance expedition was proposed, the respected mountaineer Sir Martin Conway told the Daily Chronicle that the climbing difficulties were so great it was unlikely Everest would ever be conquered. ‘Its formation is unknown,’ he said. ‘It has not been mapped. Nothing is really known about it.’

Ten months later, when that reconnaissance was complete, the returning climbers were little more confident. Lecturing at the Queen’s Hall in London shortly afterwards, George Mallory told a packed audience that, just before he left Tibet, he’d asked his climbing partner, Guy Bullock, what he thought the chances were of reaching the top. After considerable reflection, Bullock had replied, ‘Fifty to one against!’

This book is about what happened next. It tells the story of the very first attempt on Everest in 1922, and the shocking events at its climax. Though in a very literal sense 1922 was Everest’s ‘Ur’ expedition, in recent years it has been overlooked, with much of the historical and literary attention focused on the second British attempt, in 1924, and its still-controversial ending. Arguably, though, the 1922 expedition is more important. It set the style of big-expedition, ‘siege’-style mountaineering, with large teams and multiple camps, which would persist for decades to come; it marked the beginning of the oxygen controversy that would dog Himalayan expeditions until the 1970s; it created the link between the Sherpa people and Everest which has turned their name into a global brand; and it elevated George Mallory into an international hero, whose actions and writings have become a crucial part of Everest’s mythology.

For principal source material, I have drawn upon the thousands of mostly unpublished documents in the Mount Everest Foundation archives at the Royal Geographical Society (RGS) in London and in several smaller collections, notably at the Alpine Club and the British Library in London – as well as George Mallory’s letters at Magdalene College, Cambridge, and George Finch’s Everest diary at the National Library of Scotland in Edinburgh.

The climbers and the organizers behind the expeditions of the 1920s were great aficionados of the written word, leaving us with thousands of pages of letters, diaries, reports and Everest Committee meeting minutes, which make it possible to get a detailed inside view on everything from financing to group dynamics. Sadly, there are no first-hand accounts from the Sherpa point of view. At the time, very few Nepalis and Tibetans could read or write; it wasn’t until the 1950s, when (ghostwritten) autobiographies of Ang Tharkay and Tenzing Norgay appeared, that you really started hearing the Sherpa voice more directly.

Today, Everest is regarded as an international mountain, with climbers from over 120 different countries having reached the summit by 2019, but until 1921 no foreigner had got anywhere near the mountain. Everest lay on the border of Nepal and Tibet, two nations whose rulers were utterly opposed to any incursions by outsiders. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries a steady stream of European and American explorers and missionaries had been unceremoniously thrown out of both countries.

When Everest was first measured in the 1850s by the British Survey of India, it had to be sighted from trigonometrical stations hundreds of miles away, in the hills of Bihar and West Bengal. In an act of cultural appropriation, they decided to name the mountain ‘Everest’, after Sir George Everest, a previous surveyor general. Good geographer that he was, Sir George didn’t like this, and would have preferred the map-makers to have used one of its local names, but the name stuck.

In theory, it was out of bounds, but from the moment Everest was identified as the world’s highest mountain, British climbers began pressing their government to seek permission from Nepal or Tibet to stage an expedition. In those days Britain had a huge global empire, and with India as its most important and valuable territory, it was South East Asia’s regional superpower. If any country was going to strong-arm Tibet or Nepal into allowing access to its territory and its mountain, it was going to be Britain.

Climbers from Switzerland, Germany, Italy and the United States might have dreamt of attempting Everest, but they knew that British officials would never intercede for them or facilitate their passage across India. The alternative, to go via China, was even more unlikely due to the chaotic political situations and the ongoing conflict between China and Tibet.

Not that it was ever going to be easy for British climbers. While they longed to make the first attempt, Britain’s diplomats did not always share that same passion. The Himalayas were in those days one of the most politically unstable regions of the world. As well as the numerous local conflicts between the Himalayan kingdoms of Tibet, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan, for many years British officials had feared that Imperial Russia would send its armies south through the crumbling Chinese Empire into Tibet and Nepal, and then right into the heart of British India. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Russia and Britain played the so-called Great Game, dispatching their spies into the Himalayas on illicit journeys, gathering information for projected battles to come. In this febrile diplomatic atmosphere, the pleas of Britain’s mountaineers frequently fell on deaf ears. When in 1907 London’s Alpine Club, the world’s oldest mountaineering institution, sought permission to stage an expedition to mark its fiftieth anniversary, the request never even reached the Nepali or Tibetan courts. It was vetted and rejected by British diplomats – according to Sir John Morley, the Secretary of State for India – for reasons of ‘high Imperial policy’.

Official rebuffs did not put off British climbers entirely, however. Six years later, in 1913, the military surveyor Major Cecil Godfrey Rawling tried again to get official approval for not one but two expeditions, which would climax with the first ascent. His scheme was again supported by the Alpine Club and the equally illustrious Royal Geographical Society, but this time an even greater game intervened: the First World War.

Between 1914 and 1918, all plans for mountaineering were put on hold while the biggest conflict that humanity had ever seen raged across the world. Leading members of the Alpine Club were either killed or maimed in action, as were hundreds of climbers from all over the world and millions of others. C. G. Rawling never made it to Everest; he survived the horrific battles of Ypres and the Somme but was killed by a stray shell as he stood chatting outside his brigade headquarters near Passchendaele in Belgium.

The dream of Everest did not, however, die with Rawling. Barely a month after the guns fell silent on the Western Front, in December 1918 the President of the Royal Geographical Society, Sir Thomas Holdich, wrote once again to the India Office, begging ‘to submit to the Government of India proposals for preparing the exploration and ascent of Mt Everest as soon as circumstances permit’. The story of the first attempt begins just a few months later, on a chilly spring night in March 1919.

1

Himalayans at Play

The Aeolian Hall on New Bond Street in London saw several uses in its first fifty years. Built as an art gallery to display the work of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, it then became the headquarters of a pianola manufacturer, before reinventing itself as a small, intimate venue for opera recitals and concerts. But on the evening of 10 March 1919, the audience crowded in for a very different sort of performance.

For several years, the building had also been one of the main lecture halls for the Royal Geographical Society, one of the great British institutions of the Imperial era – a learned society founded in 1830 ‘to promote the advancement of geographical science’. That March night, the assembled guests braved the wind and rain to hear a lecture by a young officer in the Machine Gun Corps, Captain John Noel. Tall and thin with striking eyes, Noel had had a very difficult war, like many in the audience, but now he was thinking about the future and a possible return to the adventurous life that he had once lived in India. His lecture took him back to 1913 and one of his most memorable escapades: ‘A Journey to Tashirak in Southern Tibet, and the eastern approaches to Mount Everest’.

John Noel, self-portrait with movie camera

A natural showman, Noel knew how to work his audience. ‘Now that the Poles have been reached,’ he began, ‘the next and equally important task is the exploration and mapping of Mount Everest. It cannot be long before the culminating summit of the world is visited and its ridges, valleys and glaciers are mapped and photographed.’

In the decade before the war broke out, Britain had been gripped with tales of Arctic and Antarctic exploration. The ‘Race to the Poles’ had made heroes of men like Ernest Shackleton and Robert Falcon Scott, but ultimately Britain had not come out on top. The Norwegian Roald Amundsen had beaten Scott to the South Pole, and the bragging rights over the North Pole had gone to the American Robert E. Peary, even though some disputed his claim. To map and photograph Everest, the so-called Third Pole, had been the lifelong ambition of Noel’s friend C. G. Rawling, he declared – invoking the memory of one of Britain’s many war heroes – but Rawling had been killed before seeing it fulfilled. ‘May it yet be accomplished in his memory!’ Noel exclaimed.

It was a sentiment that was bound to chime with many members of the audience, and especially the grand old men of the RGS. As well as Sir Thomas Holdich, the seventy-six-yearold President and esteemed author of Tibet, the Mysterious, there was Sir Francis Younghusband, the legendary soldier and explorer, Alexander Kellas, the bespectacled Scottish chemist who was probably the most experienced Himalayan traveller in Britain, and Douglas Freshfield, the geographer who, along with Younghusband, was one of the few Europeans who could claim to have set eyes on Everest. All of them had their own thoughts about future expeditions, but for the moment they were happy to let Captain Noel hold the floor.

The story he told could have come straight out of Rudyard Kipling.

In the spring of 1913, while on leave from his posting in India, Noel had decided to make a private foray into Tibet, aiming to find a route to Everest and, if possible, ‘come to close quarters with the mountain’. He knew that Tibet was off limits to all Westerners, and that over the previous decades a series of missionaries and explorers had been captured by Tibetan officials and marched straight back out of the country, but he wasn’t going to be put off. Noel had already made several trips along the Tibetan border and was familiar with the territory. He darkened his face, hoping to pass himself off as an Indian, and left his base with three servants: a Sherpa called Tebdoo; a Tibetan called Adhu; and his gun- and camera-bearer, Badri, from the Garhwal mountains of India. His target was the village of Tashirak in southern Tibet, which he thought was the ‘gateway’ to Everest.

Noel’s party travelled light: a pair of A-frame tents, blankets, medicine, a Winchester rifle, a revolver for Noel and automatic pistols for the others. To guide him, Noel brought along a crude map compiled by Sarat Chandra Das, one of the Indian ‘pundits’ – the local surveyors employed by the Survey of India in the 1880s to make clandestine journeys into the far reaches of the Himalayas, where no European dared to go.

The first part of his journey took Noel from the town of Siliguri, at the foot of the Himalayas, northwards through Sikkim to the Tibetan border. Nominally, Sikkim was a ‘princely state’ ruled over by a local maharajah, but in reality the British were in control. When Noel reached the small Sikkimese village of Lachen, just inside the frontier, he hired two yak drivers to transport a month’s worth of supplies and then split his party to attract less attention, sending the food ahead via a different route. For three weeks, Noel managed to avoid detection in the sparsely inhabited wilderness of eastern Tibet, until eventually at the tiny fort-like village of Mugk, twenty-five miles from Tashirak, he came face-to-face with an angry Tibetan official who demanded to know what he was up to. With supplies running low, and the official refusing to let them buy food or fuel, Noel was forced to turn back and return to Sikkim.

It was a rebuff, but John Noel wasn’t finished yet. Having spent so much time dreaming of Everest, he wasn’t going to be put off by one hostile official. He reorganized his party, further reduced his equipment, and a month later crossed the border back into Tibet. This time he took more precautions, keeping away from local villages and known trade routes. It wasn’t easy though. Even if he and his men were self-sufficient for food, they still had to forage for fuel and water.

Initially Noel and his party managed to travel unhindered, but once again they were spotted at Mugk. This time, ignoring the protests of villagers, Noel pressed on towards a high pass called the Langbu La – which according to Das’s map would provide him with his first view of Everest. When he reached the top, the sky was bright and clear, and directly in front of him there was a series of striking-looking peaks covered in snow. Noel had never seen anything so spectacular or dramatic, but there was a problem: the mountains in front of him were, he estimated, around 23,000 feet high, a full 6,000 feet lower than Everest. Had he misread Das’s map? Then, gradually, the view changed. A wall of cloud behind the first range broke up and dissipated, revealing a much higher mountain behind. Noel checked his compass: it was Everest, ‘a glittering spire top of rock fluted with snow’.

It was the best of moments and the worst. Noel had entered the tiny pantheon of Europeans who had come anywhere close to the world’s highest mountain, but in doing so he had discovered that Das’s map was incorrect – the mountain range in the foreground had not been included. There was no direct approach to Everest from the east; any mountaineer who wanted to make an attempt would first have to cross the formidable chain of peaks directly in front of him.

Noel knew this was beyond the capacity of his small party and their limited equipment, but he carried on to Tashirak, a large settlement which marked the border between two regions of Tibet. He had now given up all hope of travelling unobserved, and set his sights on reaching a monastery where he had been told the Buddhist lamas worshipped Everest and Kangchenjunga, the world’s third-highest mountain.

It was not to be. The officials at Tashirak were predictably hostile, and a few days later the dzongpen, or local governor, arrived at Noel’s tent and demanded that he and his party turn back for the second time. The governor had ridden more than 150 miles in three days to confront the intruders – and to make sure they followed his orders, he left a detachment of soldiers to watch over their camp. Noel was not intimidated, even when the soldiers fired a volley of warning shots, but with his food running out and sensing that he had now pushed his luck as far as it would go without causing a diplomatic incident, he was forced to retreat.

A few weeks later, Noel was back in British territory, resting up at a government bungalow and plotting a third and final trip to the nearby mountains of Sikkim, where he would be able to travel and photograph in peace – without the interference of any hostile Tibetan officials. If all had gone according to plan, he would have attempted to return to Everest a year later, in 1914, with C. G. Rawling, but as everyone in the audience at the Aeolian Hall knew, the war had put paid to that hope.

As the lights came up, the great and geographically good prepared to speak. Noel had taken a little longer than expected, but before everyone disappeared, and most importantly before any journalists slipped off to file their copy, the RGS wanted to use the occasion to renew the case for an official British Everest expedition. The India Office still hadn’t replied to Sir Thomas Holdich’s letter from several months earlier, and the more publicity this event could generate the better – because, as Holdich understood only too well, the fundamental challenge of Everest in 1919 was not coping with the altitude or the cold or the technical climbing difficulty, but something much more basic: securing permission to go there. No one at the Society thought the Nepali government would ever allow a party to approach Everest from the south, because of Nepal’s historical distrust of foreign travellers, but the Tibetan government was enjoying better relations with Britain than it had for a long time, and so might just be amenable to a full-scale expedition from its side of the border. The RGS could not communicate with Tibet directly, however – any approach would have to be initiated by the notoriously aloof officials of the India Office.

Douglas Freshfield was first to speak. Tall and bearded with a patrician manner, he was the former President of both the Alpine Club and the RGS, and was no stranger to illegal journeys. In 1899 he had made a clandestine foray from Sikkim across the Nepali border, to photograph and survey the approaches to Kangchenjunga. Freshfield praised Captain Noel for extending their collective geographic knowledge, agreed that Tashirak was probably not the best way into Everest, and called for better roads to be built in Sikkim to make the Himalayas more accessible. He liked to claim that the Himalayas could one day become the ‘playground of India’, with a network of mountain huts and facilities for walkers and climbers – but only if the colonial authorities took a more active role.

The next speaker, the climbing chemist Alexander Kellas, was not so dismissive of the Tashirak route and thought it might well turn out to be the best way to approach Everest. He had travelled widely in the Himalayas and had thought about Everest for many years. If hostile officials could be placated, he mused, the best approach might indeed be from the East, but good scientist that Kellas was, he also suggested several other possible routes.

Before he could list them in detail – and probably send the audience to sleep – Captain Percy Farrar, the noted climber and President of the Alpine Club, came forward with a direct offer. His club was willing, he said, to put up part of the funds for a future expedition, and more importantly had two or three young climbers who were ‘quite capable of dealing with any purely mountaineering difficulties as are likely to be met with on Mount Everest’.

The longest and most animated speech of the evening came from Sir Francis Younghusband, the military explorer who sixteen years earlier had led the controversial British invasion of Tibet in 1903. His travels were legendary, taking him from the Pamir mountains of Russia to the Taklamakan desert of China, and from Ladakh in northern India to the mountains of Kashmir in the far west. Short in stature, with thinning hair and a huge Kitchener-style moustache, even at the age of fifty-five Younghusband remained a force of nature. Ever since his incursion into Tibet, he had been out of favour with the British government, who thought he had been too bullish, but he was determined to regain his place in the public eye and saw Everest as one way to return to the limelight.

Younghusband began by reminding everyone that, long before Noel or C. G. Rawling had dreamt of Everest, back in 1893 he and his friend Charles Bruce had plotted the first ascent on a polo field in Chitral on the North-West Frontier. Nothing had come of it, but a decade later, when stationed at Khamba Dzong in southern Tibet, he had spent three months enjoying a stupendous view of the world’s highest mountain. The real problem facing the RGS, he said, was not the Tibetan authorities or the Indian government, but officials and ministers in London. The home government had and was continuing to oppose any travel to Tibet, but, Younghusband added diplomatically, ‘If a reasonable scheme is put before them, and it is proved to them that we mean serious business, then they are reasonable and will do what one wants.’ With an eye to the next day’s headlines, he finished on a patriotic note: ‘I hope something really serious will come of this meeting. I should like it to be an Englishman who gets to the top of Mount Everest first.’

Younghusband was genuinely convinced that the diplomatic calculus had changed significantly. Before the First World War, British officials had opposed any thoughts of an attempt on Everest, claiming that it would upset the delicate political balance of the region – and, in particular, antagonize Imperial Russia. But the war had ended with the collapse of that regime. With the Russian tsar dead and a civil war raging between the so-called White Russians and the new revolutionary government, no British diplomat could maintain that Russia was a threat to India, so there had never been a better time to ask permission from the Tibetan government. Any reasonable person would have to agree, wouldn’t they?

The press, however, proved not to be quite as enthusiastic as Younghusband might have hoped. There was a rather brief item in The Times the next morning about Captain Noel’s speech, but it focused more on his suggestion that ‘man-lifting kites’ could be used for mapping and survey work than on any plan for a British expedition. The satirical magazine Punch carried a longer piece, entitled ‘Himalayans at Play’, in which they lampooned the whole affair, poking fun at the Tibetan names used by Noel and the earnest contributors from the floor. Like The Times, Punchwas intrigued by the kites, adding that trained albatrosses might also be employed for other aspects of the great work.

The ‘Himalayans’ were not discouraged. Noel’s lecture had put Everest back on the national agenda, and as if to prove their point, just over a week later, on 19 March, Arthur Hinks, the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, received a letter from a Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Howard-Bury – then staying at the Bath Club in Central London – in which he proposed to make a reconnaissance of Everest that very summer on behalf of the Society, and to negotiate directly with the Tibetan authorities for a larger expedition in the following year. He even offered to approach the Surveyor General and the Director General of Flying in India, to organize an aerial reconnaissance of Nepali territory. It was an extraordinary offer from someone who wasn’t even a fellow of the RGS, but the Howard-Burys were a well-known and well-connected aristocratic family, and his letter and offer to go to India was just the boost that Younghusband and his coterie at the RGS needed. Younghusband told Arthur Hinks to write once again to the India Office in Whitehall, to ask if a delegation from the Society and the Alpine Club could come in for a meeting.

A month later, Sir Thomas Holderness, the Under-Secretary of the India Office, finally replied. There was no need to meet face-toface, he wrote, but the diplomats in Whitehall had not been idle. His office had approached the government of India and put forward the Society’s proposal, but yet again they had said no. ‘They are of the opinion,’ he wrote, ‘that until Tibetan affairs are more settled than at present, it is not advisable to relax the restrictions hitherto laid on travel and exploration in that country.’ And so concluded the latest British proposal for an expedition to Everest – or at least, that’s what the men in Whitehall wanted everyone to believe.

Sir Francis Younghusband begged to differ. A year later he had taken over as President of the RGS, and Everest was still at the front of his mind. On 26 April 1920, he convened the RGS’s Expedition Committee and emerged with a detailed plan for a two-year programme, which would start with a preliminary reconnaissance and be followed with an ascent of the mountain itself. When he gave his inaugural address to the fellows of the RGS in May 1920, he reiterated his long-held desire to see Everest climbed. To those who asked what the point was of spending so much time and energy on a project that had no obvious political or financial benefit, he had a simple answer: ‘The accomplishment of such a feat will elevate the human spirit.’ Climbing Everest might be of no more use than kicking a football about or writing a poem, he admitted, but it would give man ‘increased pride and confidence in himself in his struggle for ascendancy over matter. This is the incalculable good which the ascent of Mount Everest will confer.’

Everest might be important for the whole of mankind, but as Younghusband and his supporters at the RGS realized, they would probably get more official help and support in the press if they loudly banged the patriotic drum. ‘The personnel of the expedition will be British subjects,’ the resolution stated, with no applications from non-British subjects to be ‘entertained’. On the following day, Younghusband sent a further request to the India Office which was almost identical to the approach in 1919, asking for a meeting between the Secretary of State and a delegation from the Royal Geographical Society. Younghusband’s persistence paid off. This time they said yes.

At 4.55 p.m. on 23 June, as the official stenographer recorded, the meeting began at the India Office on Whitehall. The Under-Secretary of State for India could not attend in person but he sent his deputy, Lord Sinha, a distinguished Bengali lawyer who was one of the first Indians to take a senior position in the British civil service. On the RGS’s side, Younghusband had put together an impressive group, including Howard-Bury, Freshfield, and Younghusband’s friend General Charles Granville Bruce, but as the official minutes made clear, Younghusband did virtually all the talking.

The Alps had been ascended, he told Lord Sinha, from ‘end to end’, and elsewhere in the world there had been expeditions to the high mountains of Africa and the Andes, as well as the world’s second- and third-highest mountains – K2 in the Karakoram, and Kangchenjunga on the border of Nepal and Sikkim – but still, ‘for a great many years past the idea has been in the minds of men to ascend Mount Everest, which is the highest mountain in the world’. He outlined his plan for a reconnaissance followed by a full-blown attempt, and with a flourish pulled out a large panoramic photograph that showed how approachable Everest was from the Tibetan side, saying: ‘Compared with other peaks of the Himalayas its form, at any rate, promises well.’ Then, to reinforce the point, he produced a second photograph, shot with a telephoto lens, which he said illustrated the ‘comparatively fairly even slope’ on the northern side.

It was a bravura performance which seemed to win over Lord Sinha. He told his guests that his office had already been in touch with the colonial government in India and that his boss, the Under-Secretary, was entirely in favour of the expedition. They would do everything they could to help, and within a few days would have a reply from the government of India in Kolkata.

It was exactly what Younghusband and his delegation wanted to hear, but when the India Office wrote back to the RGS a full month later, on 31 July, it was as if the meeting had never happened:

The Government of India have given the matter their careful consideration but though, as the Society is aware, they have every sympathy with the project, they feel strongly that until certain important political questions outstanding in regard to Tibet, are settled, they are not in a position to approach the Tibetan Government with a request for the facilities required by the Society.

It was yet another polite but firm ‘no’, but Younghusband and his supporters did not despair, because this time round they were no longer willing to wait in their offices and drawing rooms, hoping for good news from on high. Instead, they had a man in the field – the same Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Howard-Bury who had offered to intercede for the RGS back in 1919, and who was at that very moment pounding the corridors of power in India, trying to persuade everyone he could of the rightness of their cause.

Everest was in play.

Charles Howard-Bury looked every inch the archetypal British officer: tall and imposing, with dark thinning hair and a neatly clipped moustache. According to George Mallory he was ‘a queer customer’, but whether he was hinting at Howard-Bury’s sexuality or his eccentric habits it’s difficult to know. There was no doubt that Howard-Bury was someone who, despite his conventional exterior, frequently confounded expectations.

He was born in 1881 into the Anglo-Irish aristocracy, went to Eton and then the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst, from which he graduated as a captain before being posted to the Indian Army. During the First World War he found himself in the thick of the fighting before he was captured and interned as a prisoner of war. In the 1920s he would serve as a Conservative MP before retiring to Ireland after just seven years in Parliament, to spend the rest of his life looking after and restoring the family estate.

So far so predictable, but there was another side to Howard-Bury: a restless fascination with exotic travel and religion, and a refusal to conform. ‘The soul of man is never content with what has been attained,’ he once wrote. ‘The solution of one problem only brings forward fresh problems to be solved.’ One of his first acts when he arrived in India in 1905 as a young officer in the King’s Royal Rifle Corps was to slip over the border in an attempt to reach Mount Kailash, the holiest mountain in Tibet. In the years that followed, he travelled to Kashmir and the Karakoram, and visited the Buddhist temples of Angkor Wat in Cambodia and the Hindu shrines at Badrinath on the Ganges. He spoke more than twenty languages and filled his home in Ireland with relics and souvenirs from his travels, including a Russian bear called Agu with whom he used to wrestle. He never married but would spend the last fifteen years of his life with Rex Beaumont, a Shakespearean actor nicknamed ‘Sexy Rexy’; the pair moved between homes in Ireland and Tunisia. But in the summer of 1920, what mattered to Francis Younghusband was that Howard-Bury had the means and the motivation to put the RGS’s case for an Everest expedition directly to the authorities in India.

Younghusband prepared a memo, instructing Howard-Bury to go directly to the British Viceroy of India in Simla and, if all went well, to seek out permission for an aerial reconnaissance of the mountain in advance of the main effort. ‘We have some right to expect the Tibetan authorities to grant travellers access to Tibet because Tibetan travellers have been welcomed in England,’ Younghusband added, ‘and two Tibetans have been trained in surveying by this Society.’

Off Howard-Bury sailed on a two-week voyage, across the calm seas of the Mediterranean and the not-so-placid Indian Ocean, from Marseille to Aden to Mumbai, and then by rail up to Simla in the foothills of the Himalayas. Since 1864 it had been the summer capital of the British Raj, where colonial officials went to escape the heat of Kolkata and Delhi. Simla boasted an Anglican church, a post office, a train station, several British hotels and, most importantly, a host of government offices.

Howard-Bury quickly got down to work. As an ‘old India hand’, he arranged meetings with the Viceroy, the acting Surveyor General and the head of the Indian Flying Corps. They were all very glad to have someone to deal with in person, but there was no sign of an immediate breakthrough. The main problem – the important diplomatic issue that Whitehall had hinted at – was a small shipment of machine guns and ammunition that had been promised to the government of Tibet but had not yet been delivered. The colonial authorities were in favour, but the India Office in London was hesitating for no apparent reason. Until the arguments could be resolved, Howard-Bury was told, the idea of a mountaineering expedition to Everest could not be broached with the Tibetan authorities. As for any proposed aerial reconnaissance, that was a straight ‘no’: the Flying Corps had neither the planes nor the inclination to get involved.

It was not a good start, but Howard-Bury refused to be put off. Over the next three months, he travelled ceaselessly to put his case, visiting Kolkata, Dacca, Darjeeling and Sikkim. In the end, he realized that the decision was not going to come down to the Viceroy or even the Secretary of State in London, but to Charles Bell, a semi-retired British official who had been dealing with Tibetan matters for the past decade.

Charles Bell was an unusual man – not a soldier but an intellectual, who spoke fluent Tibetan and had even published an Anglo-Tibetan colloquial dictionary. He was a personal friend of Tibet’s religious and political leader, the Dalai Lama, and would one day write his biography. Unlike most British gentlemen of his era, Bell was clean-shaven and had the visionary look of a priest or theologian. His friends in Tibet liked him so much that they thought he was the reincarnation of a former monk. Bell, unfortunately, was known to oppose the Everest venture, and had a reputation for obstinacy. ‘He is a most tiresome man to deal with,’ Howard-Bury wrote to Francis Younghusband, ‘because he is very slow and cautious and does not make any mistakes.’

Britain’s relationship with Tibet was tangled, to say the least. According to the government in Peking, Tibet was a province of China, but in 1903 – on the pretext of resolving a frontier issue between Sikkim and its northern neighbour – a British force under Younghusband had invaded, decimated a Tibetan army and marched all the way to Lhasa, the capital city, sending the Dalai Lama into hiding. After occupying the city for several months, the British negotiated a punitive treaty directly with the remains of the Tibetan government, only to renegotiate many of its clauses a few years later with China. When to reinforce their claims the Chinese invaded Tibet in 1910, the Dalai Lama was given sanctuary in British India, and to make things even more complicated, the Indian government helped re-arm the Tibetan military when the Chinese fled in 1913. It was no wonder Bell felt he had to tread carefully, but Howard-Bury refused to take no for an answer.

He tracked Bell down to Yatung, a trading station just inside Tibet. It was a very strange place – a town consisting of two Tibetan monasteries and a British outpost built in the 1890s to facilitate an earlier attempt at commerce between India and its northern neighbour. Initially, the Tibetan authorities had resented what they saw as a British incursion into their territory – so much so that they literally built walls all the way around the residence and trading post. When they followed with substantial fortifications stretching all the way across the valley, blocking the road to Lhasa, the British invaded. In the years since 1903, most of the walls had been dismantled or fallen into disrepair, but the trading post had been reoccupied and revived. The current British resident was David MacDonald, the son of a Scottish tea planter and a Sikkimese mother.

Charles Bell was more hospitable and charming than Howard-Bury had expected. In Bell’s opinion, the Tibetans would eventually agree to an Everest expedition, but for the moment he was against it until, Howard-Bury noted, ‘the whole of the question of the relations between China, India and Tibet had been settled’. Those discussions had been going on for a full fourteen years and, as Howard-Bury wrote ruefully to Younghusband in London, ‘may go on as long again’.

Bell gave Howard-Bury permission to go a little further into Tibet but not as far as Khamba Dzong, the famous fort from which Everest was visible. For that pleasure, Howard-Bury had to return to Sikkim and head north up the Teesta valley, following the same route as Captain Noel had taken in 1913. When he got close to the border, he was gifted with magnificent vistas over Tibet. ‘The view extended for hundreds of miles over broad valleys, across range upon range of mountains, all touched with the most fascinating changes of light and shade,’ he wrote in his diary. ‘In the evening far away the peak of Mount Everest stood up against the setting sun.’ It was a striking sight, but would he ever get any closer?

As Howard-Bury prepared to sail back to England, for once he was pessimistic. His time in India had not been wasted – he had made good local contacts and won over some of the men in high office – but until Charles Bell retired, he concluded, there would be no progress. And then suddenly, to his great surprise, there was a small ray of hope.