GKN E-Book

Andrew Lorenz

• Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
• Kategorie: Fachliteratur
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 464

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2010

Beschreibung

The company that became GKN was forged in the first fires of the Industrial Revolution. And through the two-and-a-half centuries of its remarkable life, GKN has proved a master of Industrial Evolution. From a single blast furnace fuelling a tiny iron works on a remote Welsh hillside, GKN was built by a group of men – and one woman – into a world leader. Not just once or twice, but many times, it has changed shape and direction to hold its place at the forefront of the engineering industry.

When iron gave birth to the worldwide railway boom in the early 1800s, GKN was there. It was among the first to seize the opportunities created when steel superseded iron in the 1860s. After the First World War, GKN moved into the 20^th century’s greatest new industry – automotive. Late in the century, when aerospace began to be transformed by the use of new materials, GKN was at the leading edge.

Geographically too, the company has evolved. As the balance of economic growth has shifted, from Britain in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to America, continental Western Europe and Japan in the 20^th and on to the emerging powers of Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 21^st century, the group has moved with it and frequently ahead of it. Today, the businesses that comprise GKN reach from the US to the eastern shores of Japan, from northern China and India to South Africa, Latin America and Australia. GKN is a truly global corporate citizen.

This is its remarkable story.

Leseprobe

Table of Contents

Title Page

Copyright Page

Dedication

Foreword

Acknowledgements

CHAPTER 1 - Iron Men and an Iron Lady

CHAPTER 2 - World Leader

CHAPTER 3 - The Steel Age

CHAPTER 4 - Keen, Guest and Nettlefolds

CHAPTER 5 - The Empire - Builder from Merthyr

CHAPTER 6 - Depression and Rearmament

CHAPTER 7 - The Fight for Steel

CHAPTER 8 - Metal Bashing

CHAPTER 9 - Constant Velocity

CHAPTER 10 - White Heat and Cold Comfort

CHAPTER 11 - Crossroads

CHAPTER 12 - In Face of Strife

CHAPTER 13 - Farewell to a Hot Forger

CHAPTER 14 - A Pallet Pool Is Born

CHAPTER 15 - Shot Down

CHAPTER 16 - On the Front Line

CHAPTER 17 - Baptism of Fire

CHAPTER 18 - Transformation

CHAPTER 19 - The Japanese Connection

CHAPTER 20 - An Era Ends

CHAPTER 21 - A Stake in Westland

CHAPTER 22 - Reformation

CHAPTER 23 - Lift-Off

CHAPTER 24 - Courtroom Battle

CHAPTER 25 - Acquisition Drive

CHAPTER 26 - Parting of the Ways

CHAPTER 27 - Rump or Fillet

CHAPTER 28 - Moving South, Driving East

CHAPTER 29 - The Ultimate Challenge

Conclusion

Select Bibliography

Index

Published in 2009 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd © 2009 GKN

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For Helen, James and Harry

Foreword by the Chairman

The year 1759 is known in British history as “The Year of Victories” because of the extraordinary spate of land and sea battles fought and won by the British in those 12 months. Horace Walpole, the English scholar, was moved to declare that the year was “the most glorious in the annals of our history”.

Considering the momentous events of that year - it was said that “the church bells never stopped ringing” - it is little wonder that the foundation of an ironworks in the Welsh Valleys passed without much notice. Today, 250 years later, we can deploy the wisdom of hindsight to recognise the significance of that enterprise.

From it sprang a company - our company, if I may for a moment address the many employees and former employees who might read this book - which has survived and grown to the global business it is today. As recounted vibrantly here by Andrew Lorenz, the chronicle of GKN’s progress is rich in character and action, but it also reflects the patterns of history that led Sir Winston Churchill to note that no one could understand the future without knowing the past.

What does GKN’s past tell us about its future? Above all, that this is a company which time and again has successfully responded to change in order to stay ahead of the game. From iron to steel, from steel to fasteners, from fasteners to general engineering and industrial services and on to automotive, defence and, ultimately, aerospace - GKN has moved through the decades and up the value chain.

We have evolved geographically too. As the balance of economic growth has shifted - from Britain and its Commonwealth in the 18th and early 19th centuries to America, the rest of Western Europe and Japan in the 20th and on to the emerging powers of Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 21st century - GKN has moved with it and frequently ahead of it. Today, our people span the globe, from the West Coast of the USA to the eastern shores of Japan, from northern China through Europe to South Africa, Argentina and Australia. GKN is a truly global corporate citizen.

Every book is, to an extent, a child of its times. Therefore, at this most testing of times and with due recognition to the vast majority of GKN people who live and work beyond British shores, I would like to bring one message from the book back home.

From the earliest days of the industrial revolution, this company has done much to advance manufacturing industry. It has developed countless engineers in many lands and valued them in periods, particularly recent years, when their contribution has been overlooked in favour of ostensibly more glamorous occupations.

Over the past quarter of a century, no country was more seduced by the vision of the financial service-led “post-industrial society” than Britain. Today, as this country reawakens to the importance of a balanced commercial and industrial base, GKN’s experience is more relevant than ever.

Roy Brown

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank all those GKN directors and senior company officers, past and present, who helped with their time, experience and knowledge to bring to life the events since 1945.

For GKN’s history pre 1945, I am indebted to Edgar Jones’ two monumental and comprehensive studies of the company from its origins.

A further invaluable source were the interviews with Lord Brookes by John Cockcroft in 1972 and 1974, which are rich in describing his involvement with the group.

For all their assistance, I am grateful to Simon Hardaker, Judith Felton, Kristina Monaghan, Carole Mount and David Smith.

Finally, may I thank Peter Baillie, without whom I could not have written this book.

Andrew Lorenz

CHAPTER 1

Iron Men and an Iron Lady

The company that became GKN was forged in the first fires of the Industrial Revolution.

On 19 September 1759, nine Welsh and West Country merchants and businessmen established a partnership to build a pig iron works at a site high in the Welsh Valleys, near Merthyr Tydfil. They called the venture the Dowlais Iron Company, after its location. It was capitalised at £4000 (equivalent to about £240,000 in 2009). Its avowed purpose, according to its deeds of partnership, was to deal in “the Art, Mystery, Occupation and Business of an Iron Master and Iron Manufacturer”.

Early visitors were astonished by their achievement and those of peers who set up other ironworks nearby. Merthyr, said one observer, was “a mountain valley … peopled in the teeth of every obstacle … the triumph of fact over probability”.

Dowlais’s founders built a blast furnace into the hillside next to a stream. The blast was provided by bellows driven by a waterwheel, fed from a pond which was created by damming the stream. The water supply was irregular - in times of water shortage, workers had to tread the inside of the waterwheel to maintain the blast furnace supply.

By the end of 1760, its first full year of operation, the furnace’s average weekly output was 18 tons of iron. Its modest size and primitiveness were typical of the numerous similar iron works springing up round the country. Three other works were founded around the same time in the Merthyr area alone.

The Dowlais partners inherited leases, previously acquired by one of their number from the Dowager Viscountess Windsor, granting the holder mineral rights over her property for 99 years from 1 May 1749. The annual rental was fixed at £31 - a tiny sum even in those days, because it was based on the value of land in a pre industrial economy. There was no conception of what the venture could become, and what the land it occupied might therefore be worth.

Dowlais’s potential was not lost on John Guest when he arrived in Merthyr six years after the forming of the partnership. Guest was tall, well built and keen to get on in business. He was also steeped in the young iron industry. He hailed from the village of Broseley in Shropshire - in the heart of Coalbrookdale, where in 1709 Abraham Darby had demonstrated that coke could be used to fuel a blast furnace rather than the traditional charcoal. One historian described Coalbrookdale as “the chief centre of dispersion for the new race of ironmasters”.

Darby’s discovery dramatically reduced the industry’s costs and therefore its barriers to entry. It liberated aspirant iron makers from the need to site furnaces near woods and forests, sources of charcoal but far from the other raw materials required for their trade. The Merthyr area, rich in easily accessible reserves of coal, iron ore and limestone, was one of many localities which came into its own as a result.

The area attracted the young Guest, who had learned the skills of smelting and refining and used a small income from farming to diversify into brewing, coal dealing and working a small forge. In the process, he earned a reputation for being able to command the loyalty and trust of his employees.

Not that he was an instant success. His first major ironworks venture in Merthyr soon began to struggle and he sold out of it in 1766, barely a year after it was started. However, Isaac Wilkinson, his partner in the venture, was one of the original Dowlais investors. Wilkinson introduced Guest to Dowlais’s three executive partners and on 30 April 1767, they offered the 45 year old Guest the post of works manager. He took the job.

Guest brought several members of his family from Shropshire to help him run the works. He took a direct interest for the first time in 1781 when he used savings from his wages to buy out one of the partners. That year, he built a second blast furnace. Guest retired in 1786, a year before his death, and his son Thomas and son in law William Taitt took over the management and became the principal partners, owning half the company.

Guest and Taitt divided the main jobs between them. Guest took over his father’s post of works manager while Taitt became the company salesman and Dowlais’s first accountant. Each man was paid £150 a year. Guest added a refinery and foundry to the plant, which could now, for the first time, genuinely be described as a works.

By 1787, Dowlais’s capital had increased to £38,000 and output reached 1800 tons. Like its peers, Dowlais benefited from the successive wars - the Seven Years’ War which ended in 1763 and the American War of Independence from 1775 to 1783 - which created ready demand from the British Army and Navy for cannon and musket balls. The armaments business was highly lucrative - it enabled Dowlais’s profits to reach almost £2500 in 1763 - not a bad return on the £4000 invested less than five years earlier. Not for the last time in the company’s iron and steel history, war drove profitability.

Peace, on the other hand, repeatedly proved a depressant. A slump ensued in July 1763, within six months of the Peace of Paris that ended the Seven Years’ War. Likewise, the iron industry suffered a severe downturn in the two years following the end of the War of Independence. The period was, however, noteworthy for one development: Dowlais began to export small amounts of iron to the new United States of America. The shipments were carried down the valleys to the port of Cardiff by mule train. Future exports to the USA followed a speedier route.

While it expanded in absolute terms, Dowlais was not a relative success. Its owners failed initially to invest to capitalise on technological advances, such as the puddling and rolling process invented by Henry Cort in 1784 which significantly speeded the manufacturing process by improving iron quality and removing intermediate stages such as preliminary refining. Puddling, which involved the heating, refining and stirring of a brick lined bath of pig iron into a molten ball of wrought iron, was highly labour intensive but also highly skilled. The “gentleman puddler” was the aristocrat of the iron industry. As Dowlais lagged behind other works which were early adopters of the process, its owners lost confidence in the business. In 1792, the Guest family and Taitt even offered to sell their majority holding back to one of the original partners for £25,000, and when those negotiations fell through the partners offered the whole business to a larger rival for £60,000. The offer was declined.

In 1793, the French Revolutionary War triggered a surge in demand for iron armaments which both benefited Dowlais and stimulated further expansion in the local industry, including the construction of a blast furnace at Brymbo in Denbighshire.

Transportation was improved by the opening of the Glamorganshire Canal in 1794, the first major canal in Wales, which ran from Merthyr to Cardiff. All the Merthyr ironmasters contributed to its cost but the financing, and subsequent usage, was dominated by Richard Crawshay, owner of Cyfarthfa, the largest ironworks. Now there were no more mule trains.

But despite the local industry’s overall growth, there was no hiding the fact that Dowlais had fallen behind its local rivals.

That all changed during one week in November 1798, when Taitt and Guest installed a new steam engine made by (Matthew) Boulton and its inventor, (James) Watt. The steam engine revolutionised the industry by opening the way to large, integrated ironworks where the machinery was so heavy that it could no longer be driven by waterwheels. The steam engine was not only much more powerful, but it was infinitely more reliable: it was not at the mercy of the elements.

Taitt, the driving force of the business, followed this critical investment by switching to Cort’s puddling and rolling process, enabling Dowlais to enter the growing market for bar iron. As a result, Taitt was able to extend his product and, therefore, his customer base.

Dowlais now began its rise to pre eminence. To weaken Crawshay’s hold on the transport system, Taitt and two fellow ironmasters agreed to build a private tram road from Merthyr to Abercynon, near Cardiff, a distance of nine-and-a half miles. When it was completed in 1802, one horse would pull five loaded trams with a total payload of 10 tons of iron. On 21 February 1804, the Merthyr Tram road earned a place in industrial history when it was used by the first steam locomotive designed and built by Richard Trevithick. It took 4 hours 5 minutes to make the journey.

By then, more than 25 blast furnaces studded the Valleys and their annual iron output of at least 35,000 tons accounted for more than a quarter of the iron made in Great Britain. If Britain was fast becoming the workshop of the world, then GKN’s home town was one of the largest workshops in Britain. “At night,” wrote a contemporary still struggling to acclimatise to the new industrial landscape, “the view of the town is strikingly singular. Numbers of furnaces and truly volcanic accumulations of blazing cinders illuminate the vale, which combining with the incessant roar of the blasts, the clangour of ponderous hammers, the whirl of wheels, and the scarcely human aspect of the tall gaunt workmen seem to realise, without too much aid from fancy, many of our early fears.”

By the time Wellington defeated Napoleon at Waterloo in 1815, Dowlais had four blast furnaces and could produce 15,600 tons of pig iron a year. Thanks to the steam engine and the technique of coke smelting, the later furnaces were larger and more efficient.

Taitt died in November that year, eight years after Thomas Guest. Josiah John Guest, Thomas’s 30-year-old son, became the company’s leader and controlling shareholder.

Josiah Guest had had a difficult childhood. His mother died when he was a small boy, and he was brought up in Dowlais by an elderly nanny. He went to Bridgnorth Grammar School in Shropshire and then joined the company, where he was trained by its general manager, John Evans. His father’s death pitched him into a leading management role at the age of 22. He remained in Taitt’s shadow for eight years, but with Taitt’s death there was no question on whose skills and judgment the future of Dowlais depended.

Fortunately for the business, Josiah Guest proved more than equal to the challenge. When he died in 1852, one obituary writer paid fulsome tribute to his talents - his “extraordinary capacity for business, his mechanical ingenuity and his judgement in mercantile transactions”. Hyperbole aside, Guest proved to be an exceptional industrialist.

Like his father and grandfather - and, indeed, many of the South Wales ironmasters - he was a Methodist, although he did not take his Wesleyan faith to quite the extent of Thomas Guest senior and his brother, also named Thomas, who both became local preachers. And he could be hard. In 1810, when iron industry prices dropped by more than 10% while a bad harvest pushed up wheat prices, Guest decided that he had to maintain operating margins as far as possible. So he cut the wages of the Dowlais workers. They promptly walked out in what was the first ever strike at the plant.

Dowlais was shut down for two weeks. Then some of the men, effectively starved into submission, accepted the lower wage rate and the drift back to work began. To encourage the others, Guest allowed the first men back to choose their place of work. After five weeks, the strike was over.

Guest suffered a personal tragedy in 1817 when his wife Maria died at the age of 23, only nine months after the couple had married. For the following 16 years, he put his personal life aside to focus on building the business.

Dowlais needed all Guest’s single-minded determination and his business acumen, because the ending of the Napoleonic Wars also marked a sea change in Britain’s iron industry. Post 1815, output from the vastly expanded capacity which was a legacy of the good times generally increased faster than demand and prices gradually declined. The ironmasters could no longer rely on being carried along by a favourable tide. They had to out perform their rivals in order to survive, never mind prosper.

Dowlais’s profitability fluctuated widely and wildly. In 1815, the company made £15,021. Over the ensuing 25 years to 1840, profits fell as low as £4711 in 1829 and rose as high as £129,160 in 1837. But at least the business remained profitable - unlike many of its competitors. And while the 1837 peak was exceptional, it also reflected the generally higher level of profit achieved by Dowlais in the mid to late 1830s as Josiah Guest led the company to the forefront of the industry.

This was the first age of the train - at the root of Dowlais’s success lay the explosion in railway construction. By 1821, Dowlais had made a name for itself as a maker of rails. In May that year, the chairman of Britain’s first railway, the Stockton & Darlington - famous for the runs of George Stephenson’s Rocket - wrote to Guest seeking his views on “Tram-roads and Rail-roads”.

In 1830, the year in which Britain’s railway boom really began, Guest laid down the so called Big Mill, a specialised piece of machinery designed to roll bar iron into rails. The railway boom continued for two decades. Activity peaked with the “Railway Mania” of 1836-37, when Parliament authorised the construction of almost 1500 miles of track. Dowlais made 20,000 tons of rails a year in this period, and demand continued at a high level until 1850.

Almost from the outset, Guest also looked overseas for rail business. In 1832, the company won its first orders from the US - the Baltimore & Susquihanna Railway and the Harlaam Railroad in New York were early customers. In 1836, Guest broke into the Russian market with a contract to supply the St Petersburg Pauloffsky Railway. Russia was an important source of business for some years. Guest also supplied the East India Company.

Guest drove Dowlais through this boom with a top management team strengthened by the addition of one crucial new member: his second wife, Charlotte - Lady Charlotte Elizabeth Bertie, only daughter of the ninth Earl of Lindsey. Charlotte Guest proved to be not only a most loving and supportive wife to Guest and a mother of 10 children but, as Edgar Jones wrote in the first volume of his encyclopaedic history of GKN, “a remarkable business-woman of courage, application and insight”.

Like Guest, she had endured a lonely childhood - in her case, at Uffington, near Stamford on the Lincolnshire/ Rutland border. Her father was aged 68 when she was born and died when she was six years old. Her mother’s second husband was a vicar who had no love for young Charlotte. In the remarkable Journal that she kept from the age of 10 until she was 79, she wrote: “I have been brought up alone and never have associated with children or young persons of my own age, nor had I ever anyone with whom to share my early joys and griefs … Though I know many whom I love and esteem, I have never found a kindred soul to whom the whole of my heart may be opened.”

She might have found that soul in the shape of Benjamin Disraeli, the future Tory prime minister, with whom she had a brief romance in early 1833. He described her as “very clever, [worth] £25,000 and domestic”. She thought him “wild, enthusiastic and very poetical”.

Within days of parting from Disraeli, Charlotte met Josiah Guest at the London home of one of the Dowlais shareholders. Guest did not share Disraeli’s politics - he had been Liberal Member of Parliament (MP) for Honiton for five years from 1826. But politics was immaterial to Charlotte.

The couple embarked on a whirlwind romance. They married on 29 July 1833, honeymooned on the South coast and at Brighton, and then travelled to Dowlais House in Merthyr. It was a far cry from rural Lincolnshire. “By the time we reached the house, it was quite dark, and the prevailing gloom gave full effect to the light of the blazing furnaces which was quite unlike all I had ever before seen or even imagined”, Charlotte wrote. Her husband was worried that the sight might frighten his new bride. But she was made of sterner stuff. “I am iron now,” she wrote. “And my life is altered into one of action, not sentiment.”

Charlotte learned Welsh, immersed herself in the business - including going down the company’s coal mines - and took on the roles of company secretary and accountant. She did not turn her back on metropolitan high society, but she kept a strict sense of priorities. Jones recounts one scene when Charlotte was attending a social event in London and a messenger from Dowlais delivered a long tin case containing the year’s accounts. Amid the crinoline dresses and the small talk of the chattering class, Charlotte sat down to check the Dowlais figures and calculate its profits.

Thanks to Dowlais, her own conversational partners came from a more interesting background than the average London aristocratic crowd. Charles Babbage, the scientist and inventor of the punching machine, the first calculator, was one who gave her sound advice: “He placed strongly before me the necessity of looking at great leading points and not allowing myself to be discouraged and perplexed by comparatively insignificant details …”. She retained a firm grasp of the big picture.

Charlotte called her husband “Merthyr” - a nickname which affectionately and accurately embodied the fact that man and place were synonymous. Guest provided the township of Dowlais with houses, churches, schools, a library and educational facilities for the employees. He was chairman of the local railway company and of the first Merthyr Board of Health.

When the Great Reform Bill of 1832 was enacted to widen the electoral franchise and reflect the rise of new towns and cities, it created a parliamentary constituency of Merthyr Tydfil. Guest became the town’s first MP. He defended the seat in 1837 and was subsequently re elected, unopposed, at four general elections. In 1838, he became a Baronet and was known thereafter as Sir John Guest. Charlotte was upset - she thought that he deserved a peerage.

If Guest’s lesser ennoblement reflected an establishment prejudice against industry which existed even in early Victorian days, his combination of business and politics made a useful connection which was lost in Britain during the 20th century, to the country’s cost.

Politically, Guest was for cheap and efficient government, free trade, the abolition of the Corn Laws which artificially inflated corn and food prices, and further Parliamentary reform. He was, however, opposed to the radicals who advocated the establishment of trade unions and who endorsed the Chartist movement’s calls for universal male suffrage and other, more radical, reforms.

South Wales in general, and Merthyr in particular, was a hotbed of Chartism in the 1830s, and the movement there reached its peak in 1839 with a spate of peaceful protests followed by riots in Ebbw Vale and Newport. Fear ran high - even among the Guests. One night in October, fearing an imminent attack on Dowlais House itself, they sent their children away for safety and brought in up to 100 special constables to guard against possible assault. But the threatened mob never materialised.

The disturbances did not affect development of the business. Guest consistently invested in new capacity and the new technology that underpinned cost effective expansion. Some of the innovations were his own, such as the “running-out” furnace which allowed molten iron to be run directly into the refinery instead of letting it cool and have to be reheated twice during the process - a significant saving of both coal and labour costs. By 1839, Dowlais had 17 blast furnaces and Guest built a second iron plant next to the first, naming it the Ifor Works after his and Charlotte’s eldest son, Ivor Bertie Guest.

In the process, Dowlais finally superseded Cyfarthfa as the largest ironworks in Merthyr. Under Richard Crawshay’s heirs, Cyfarthfa had rested on its laurels as by far the largest and, initially, the most modern ironworks in the area. While Guest was building up Dowlais, Cyfarthfa slipped back through under investment and lack of commitment by its owners.

Dowlais overtook Cyfarthfa in output during the mid 1830s and by the end of the decade was firmly established for the first time as the foremost Merthyr ironworks. But the Guests had little cause to celebrate. They were all too aware that the original 99 year lease granted to Dowlais’s founding fathers was only eight years from expiry. And they were not hopeful of securing a new agreement. For Sir John and Lady Charlotte, the Guest hold on Dowlais seemed to be terminally weakening.

CHAPTER 2

World Leader

Sir John Guest had premonitions about the lease renegotiation long before its expiry date of 1 May 1848 began to loom seriously large. Indeed, he viewed the prospect of renegotiation with foreboding and began at a very early stage to prepare himself and his wife for the worst outcome. “At luncheon, Merthyr again talked of renting some country place and weaning himself from Dowlais,” Charlotte recorded in September 1837.

“He is the first in the Trade … for the works are a wonder to all who see them. He feels that the lease is expiring, that other works are springing up with prospects of rivalling Dowlais, and that at 52 he has not the energy and activity to sustain a higher position than we have already gained.”

For all Guest’s natural concerns about the competition, the lease was the real canker gnawing at his confidence in the future. His fears were well founded. Dowlais’s relations with its landlord, John, second Marquis of Bute, were not good. In fact, they were dire.

Lord Bute had inherited the Dowlais freehold from his father, the first Marquis, who had married Lady Windsor’s daughter. The father had died in 1814, and his heir was ill disposed to Guest and the Dowlais Company from the outset. Bute could immediately see that the terms of the lease - notably the level of annual rent - were remarkably favourable to the thriving commercial enterprise that Dowlais had become.

This resentment was exacerbated by his dislike of aspects of Dowlais’s operation, in particular its management of the company’s coal reserves. In this, he was at least partly justified. The ironworks had access to substantial coal deposits. These, combined with Guest’s awareness that Bute was most unlikely to offer lease renewal on acceptable terms, encouraged the Dowlais chairman to remove the best coal as quickly and cheaply as possible, regardless of wastage. As a result, substantial quantities of coal were lost in the process of extraction, much to Bute’s annoyance. The two men were on a collision course. Guest knew that, if the apparently inevitable clash happened, there could only be one outcome.

But he did not yet allow his increasing concern about the lease to obstruct his vision of what Dowlais needed to perpetuate its success. By the mid 1830s, it was clear to Guest and some of the other local ironmasters that they needed a better transport link to Cardiff than either the Glamorgan Canal or the Tramroad could provide. They needed a railway.

In October 1834, Guest met Isambard Kingdom Brunel, creator of the Great Western Railway, to discuss the feasibility of a rail link from Cardiff to Merthyr. A year later almost to the day, the Taff Vale Railway Company was inaugurated with both Guest and his brother Thomas on the governing committee.

The following year, the company obtained an Act of Incorporation authorising construction of the line, which was to be built by Brunel. John Guest became chairman. The railway reached Merthyr on 12 April 1841 and immediately brought the ironworks a prime artery to the great markets of England. Dowlais gained most of all. It was the Taff Valley’s largest freight customer and by the mid 1840s was using the railway to carry 70,000 tons of goods a year. Of the iron carried on the Railway by then, 80% was from Dowlais.

The combination of lower costs, helped by the Taff Valley line, and buoyant demand as railway building surged through the decade, propelled Dowlais through the 1840s. It became a very major supplier of rails to the Great Western and a number of other companies, initially in southern England but gradually throughout the country.

The rails varied considerably in length and weight, according to the demands of each customer, although there was a gathering trend for longer, heavier product for the simple reason that it lasted longer. Although Dowlais did not regain the exceptional profit level of the “railway mania” period in 1836-37, it continued to produce very healthy results.

By the late 1840s, Dowlais had more than 7300 employees manning 18 blast furnaces, which disgorged almost 90,000 tons of iron a year. One local observer remarked that it was “by far the largest establishment of the kind either in this district, or in any country on the face of the globe”. This was not mere hyperbole. From its modest origins, through the smoke and flame and cacophony of industrial revolution, the Guests’ company had emerged at the pinnacle of its profession, a British world leader.

Yet John Guest now teetered on the brink of losing it all. As 1848 approached, he cut back investment in order to maximise immediate returns. No new blast furnaces were built; adoption of new techniques was minimal. Guest’s efforts remained focused on trying to negotiate acceptable terms for renewing the lease, but he became increasingly convinced that Bute would make this impossible.

Bute’s motivation went beyond the understandable desire to ensure that, this time, the terms of a new lease would adequately reflect the value that Dowlais would derive from it, while incorporating an element of compensation for historic underpayment. Bute harboured a grand design of his own: he wanted to develop Cardiff as a major port which would yield substantial duties to his estate and he reckoned that Dowlais could help to finance this expansion - either through the lease costs that Guest (or a new leaseholder) would pay, or through the profits that would accrue directly to him should Guest walk away without a replacement.

Jones writes that Bute nursed a “deep, brooding dislike of the Guests, which manifested itself in unrealistic demands and fickle changes of mind, and his conviction that he was being defrauded of his rightful inheritance. The obsessional distrust and suspicion of this myopic and solitary aristocrat overwhelmed any sound business principles in dealings with the Guests and produced a series of half truths, broken promises and fruitless deals.”

Formal negotiations between the two parties began around 1841, but no progress was made for almost two years. In 1843, the Guests thought they were on the brink of reaching a settlement, only to be told that Bute had changed his mind. Two more years of frustration passed before Bute tabled a new set of conditions which Charlotte Guest reported were “as we expected, quite preposterous”.

This was no overstatement. Bute demanded a royalty of 4s 6d per ton of pig iron and 7s a ton on bar iron (now Dowlais’s main product because of the rail boom), £9000 a year in rent, very limited mining rights and a one off payment of £80,000. And the lease was to run for no more than 42 years.

By now, it was clear to the Guests that Bute intended to present them with a choice which was, in reality, no choice. Either John Guest must agree to commercially prohibitive terms or give up the company that had been his life’s work. In late 1846, the Guests paid the huge sum of £354,000 [almost £30 m at 2009 prices] for their retirement home, Canford Manor and associated lands near Wimborne in Dorset. Another £30,000 went on fees for extending and modifying the high-Gothic property - a large bill, but then the architect Charlotte engaged was Sir Charles Barry, designer of the Houses of Parliament.

Guest continued the negotiations with Bute for another year. But as Christmas 1847 approached, he, Charlotte and the minority shareholders decided enough was enough. Bute would give no ground. Therefore the lease would expire and with it would go their Dowlais Iron Company.

The company that became GKN has faced a number of crises in its long history. But this was the closest that it has ever come to oblivion. On the shortest day of the year, 21 December 1847, Charlotte spent what she described as “the longest day” of her life. With her husband, she toured the Dowlais site for one last time.

“I wanted once more, while they were in operation, to go through the dear old works, leaning as old on my dear husband’s arm,” she wrote. “I knew it to be my last day at Dowlais in its glory.” Together, they were saying goodbye.

Now the harsh mechanics of winding down the works began. Three blast furnaces were blown out. Rail stocks were piled alongside process equipment brought up from the mines for sale. Coal trams were shunted round the pit heads.

Then something quite unexpected happened. On 20 March, Charlotte visited friends at Bournemouth. One of the group was Lady Shrewsbury, who remarked that she had read in that day’s paper that Lord Bute had died suddenly at Cardiff Castle. The calm of the genteel gathering was shattered by Charlotte’s reaction. “I shrieked rather than exclaimed, ‘Lord Bute!’ My agitation was so great that I could hardly breathe. Tears stood in my eyes and for many minutes I trembled violently.”

Some of the gathering may have thought - mistakenly - that she was crying in sorrow for the deceased aristocrat. Those who suspected otherwise may have viewed Charlotte’s reaction as inappropriate. But then they had not been facing the imminent end of their working life. And they had not just received an eleventh hour, fifty-ninth minute reprieve.

Bute’s death immediately cleared the way for a settlement. Outline agreement on the terms of a new lease was reached on 21 April 1848 - 10 days before the old lease expired. The Guests returned to Dowlais on 11 July to a heroes’ welcome: “Here were several arches and flags put across the road for us to pass under,” recorded Charlotte. “At the Lodge was a triumphal arch, made of flowers and evergreens and flags.”

Nevertheless, it took almost five years for the details of the lease to be agreed. It was finally signed by Charlotte on 18 January 1853. By then, John Guest was dead. Beset by poor health and further weakened by the struggle over the lease, he died on 26 November 1852, 45 years after taking over management of the ironworks.

Like other Victorian ironmasters, Guest was no saint - he made little contribution to improving health in the area, for example. But he played an important part in educational development, founding a school for the workers’ children which expanded into a fully fledged institution combining a nursery, primary and secondary school and a night school for employees.

During the recurrent bouts of serious disease, notably cholera, which afflicted the area, he organised and funded schemes for improved sanitation. He also wanted to “improve” his workforce morally, inculcating into his employees the values of “respectability”. With this objective in view, he made loans available to privileged workers to enable them to buy their homes from the company. One of his last acts was to open a savings bank for his workers. The other was to buy out the last independent shareholder in the company and secure absolute control.

Guest was buried in St John’s Church, Dowlais. The inscription, written by Charlotte, read: “Beneath rests the mortal part of Sir Josiah John Guest … who through honest paths placed himself at the head of the Iron Manufacture of Great Britain, raised into importance this populous and flourishing district, and was himself an example of what, in this free country, may be attained by the exercise of skill, energy and perseverance.”

An even more eloquent epitaph was the Iron Works itself. Dowlais at the time of Guest’s death epitomised the power and the dark glory of the Industrial Revolution. One visitor to the plant observed: “The scene is strange and impressive in broad daylight, but when viewed at night is wild beyond conception. Darkness is palpable … The vivid glow and roaring of the blast furnaces near at hand - the lurid light of distant works - the clanking of hammers and rolling mills, the confused din of massive machinery … the wild figures of the workmen, the actors in this apparently infernal scene - all combined to impress the mind of the spectator wonderfully.”

Charlotte Guest had effectively taken over leadership of the company during her husband’s long illness. She was now chairwoman - the first and, so far, the only female leader of the business. She was aged 40. Her devoted self education in the business now served her well: she knew the company inside out.

With John Evans, Guest’s right-hand man and Dowlais’s works manager, she rebuilt the rundown plant at a cost of more than £100,000 and ran the company until 1855, when she remarried. One of her first challenges was to face a strike over pay by Dowlais miners. “I am not afraid of the men,” she said. “I will be their master.” The miners abandoned their claim and returned to work.

But even the redoubtable Charlotte suffered doubts about Dowlais’s future. Early in 1854, those concerns became particularly acute. “Other districts, with apparently better resources, are opening up,” she noted. “Unless we keep quite ahead as to improvements and the most advantageous and enlightened system of working, we shall be quite unable to keep any position at all - much less than we now occupy at the head of the trade - and this will involve continuous labour and immense skill and energy.”

The perceived pressures led her to decide to sell the company. It was valued at £400,000 - but financial markets were depressed, ruling out the prospect of an offer anywhere near that level. As a result, Charlotte and her advisers turned to the idea of leasing the works at an annual rental.

They had barely begun to explore this option when fate again lent a hand. In March 1854, the Crimean War broke out between Britain and Russia. Charlotte and her advisers met at her London house in Suffolk Street, just off Trafalgar Square and concluded that because of “the present state of the money market and following the declaration of war, it was hopeless to attempt to carry out any [leasing] scheme”.

So Charlotte Guest remained in full control of Dowlais. She brought her late husband’s two trustees - George Clark and Edward Divett - into more active management of the business. Divett’s involvement was short lived. A banker and MP for Exeter, he had withdrawn from the company by the time - 10 April 1855 - that Charlotte married Charles Schreiber, who she met after he had been appointed tutor to her eldest son.

After the marriage, Charlotte moved from Dowlais House to London and handed the chairmanship to her son, Lord Wimborne, who had little interest in the business. Her legacy was a company which, after the vast rebuilding effort of recent years, was the largest ironworks in the world. With Evans having resigned from the company and retired, leadership of Dowlais was taken over by Clark. He proved a worthy successor.

CHAPTER 3

The Steel Age

George Clark effectively became chief executive of Dowlais on Charlotte Guest’s retirement, and held that position for 38 years. He had substantial powers - Guest’s will gave his trustees the authority to choose managers for the company or to run the business themselves. The son of a chaplain at the Royal Military Hospital in Chelsea, he was educated at Charterhouse School, embarked on a medical career but abandoned it in favour of civil engineering. He worked under Brunel on the construction of the Great Western Railway and then, in the mid 1840s, spent several years in India where he made studies for sewerage systems in Bombay while also pushing for the country’s first railway.

In 1848, Clark returned to England to join the Board of Health, rising to become one of its three Commissioners. He became close friends with Sir John Guest, whom he probably met through his wife, Ann Price Lewis, a descendant of one of the original Dowlais Iron Company partners. That friendship led to Guest appointing Clark as one of his trustees.

Despite his civil engineering expertise, Clark knew nothing about iron making when, at the age of 45, he answered Charlotte Guest’s call for support. Undaunted, he then took control of the manufacturing operations while Henry Bruce, who replaced Divett as Clark’s co-director, focused on the commercial side. Bruce was based in London, while Clark took up residence with his wife Ann in Dowlais House, living over the shop. “A master who is not regularly resident cannot expect to know very much of what his agents do - although he may flatter himself to the contrary,” Clark wrote to Bruce.

Clark quickly made a significant contribution to the wider community, as well as to the company itself. He was elected to the Merthyr Board of Health in 1857, and brought to bear his knowledge of the most modern water and drainage systems. Within months, he helped to promote a Bill for the construction of the Merthyr Tydfil Waterworks. Filter beds were built and standpipes provided throughout the town. In 1862, a reservoir was opened.

The new infrastructure produced clear health benefits. The death rate in Merthyr fell from 36 per 1000 people in 1851-52 to 25 per 1000 in 1866. Child (under five) mortality dropped from 527 per 1000 to 434 per 1000 over the same period. The average age at death rose from 17.5 years to 24.5 years.

The final element in the works that Clark inspired was an extensive sewerage system. The urgent need for one became apparent in 1866, when cholera returned to ravage the town, killing 115 people in eight weeks. At Clark’s instigation, the Board of Health built 55 miles of sewers by autumn 1868, enabling householders to install lavatories for safe waste disposal. Cholera was finally banished from Merthyr.

In his role as de facto chief executive of Dowlais, Clark conceived the corporate strategy, set the agenda and oversaw the operation of the business. He established a system for heads of departments to file monthly reports on their section. He was clear about his role - it was to head the company, not to manage its operations on a day to day basis. However, where he identified a major issue affecting the business, he could be totally hands on. In the mid 1860s, when Dowlais was paying about £50,000 a year in rail charges, he negotiated the freight rates down. Above all, his perceptive judgment of men and their abilities proved vital. He selected highly competent specialists to manage the detailed, daily running of the works.

First and foremost among these was William Menelaus, a Scottish engineer, whom Clark appointed General Manager in 1856 and who remained in that vital post until 1882. Menelaus had joined the company five years earlier, aged 33. His first major assignment under Clark was to provide a complete and highly detailed analysis of Dowlais’s competitive position.

The “Dowlais Works Report”, which Menelaus completed in November 1857, concluded that the company was in danger of becoming a fallen giant. “Within the last four years, at nearly every works in Wales, the makes and yields of furnaces have been improved and rapid strides [were being made] in the way of producing cheaper pig iron,” Menelaus wrote. “Dowlais is standing still instead of taking the lead, as from her site and position she ought; she is quietly falling into the rear. To remedy this state of things, a great effort is necessary and also a considerable outlay of capital.”

The £100,000 plus invested by the Guests after agreement on the lease renewal had restored Dowlais’s scale, but that was all. The works had 17 blast furnaces, making an average 107 tons of pig iron a week. But these levels had been unchanged for several years. About 57 hundred-weight of coal was needed to produce a ton of iron - more than at many other South Welsh furnaces. Moreover, Menelaus found, the iron quality was “very irregular and often inferior”.

To increase output and efficiency, Clark and Menelaus had first to overcome the irregular supply of raw materials. To replace declining local supplies of iron ore, they concluded large contracts with more distant providers, many of them in Westmorland. They bought 60 new wagons to transport the ore from Cardiff, and freed up capacity by buying 30 cheaper wagons to handle all cinder and other works traffic. As a result, the furnaces were regularly supplied and a 10,000 ton stockpile could be accumulated.

The company’s own mines could not cope with demands for higher output without being expanded, but this would take years. So Dowlais immediately contracted with a firm in nearby Aberdare to supply 200 tons of coking coal a day for five years. Clark and Menelaus then sank two new pits, which opened in 1863 and 1866. In the meantime, they acquired the nearby Penydarren Ironworks. They had no use for the actual business, which was struggling to survive against the likes of Dowlais; its attraction was that it owned two coal fields and an iron ore field, with reserves totalling about 1.5 m tons. The acquisition was completed in June 1859 for almost £60,000.

The addition of Penydarren’s abundant reserves - 135,700 tons of coal and 6900 tons of ore were raised in the first year of Dowlais’s ownership - transformed Clark and Menelaus’s attitude to the coal trade. Menelaus recommended to Clark that the company become a fully fledged participant in the “sale coal trade”. Clark, having confirmed with his deputy that Dowlais had sufficient quality and quantity of deposits to satisfy its demands and to leave a substantial surplus for sale, approved the new venture.

Menelaus contended that the ironmaster who owned collieries would always enjoy a cost advantage over the coal miner who had no ironworks, on the grounds that the iron company could provide more regular employment. He also believed firmly that coal trading would increase Dowlais’s power over its mineworkers: “When an ironworks only raises sufficient coal for daily use in iron making, the men [miners] have always the power to inflict grievous loss upon the master by simply idling, keeping the furnaces and forges short of coal … Dowlais has on several occasions suffered severely from the conduct of the colliers in this way. If, however, the works raises a considerable quantity of coal beyond its requirements for iron making, the power of the men to inflict loss is lessened.”

In the ironworks itself, five blast furnaces were repaired and one was completely rebuilt, with new boilers being added in some places to improve efficiency further. The renovations boosted output by 48% and cut fuel consumption by 22%. Menelaus calculated that the annual fuel bill saving could reach £28,000.

Most challenging of all, Menelaus had to tackle the gulf between Dowlais’s pig iron output and its capacity to convert pig iron into bar iron. The improved blast furnaces could now turn out almost 3000 tons of pig iron a week, but the puddling furnaces and mills could not exceed 1200 tons. Menelaus reckoned that the company’s profitability depended on raising their output, because refining and finishing was where the vast majority of value could be added. Finished iron capacity had to be increased to 2000 tons a week, he concluded.

Part of the capacity expansion came from increasing the rolling mills’ efficiency and flexibility, but the puddling furnace was a much harder nut to crack. Effectively, output increases could only be realised there through duplication. So Menelaus increased the number of furnaces and forges to meet the immediate need.

However, Menelaus was looking further ahead. He anticipated another quantum leap in production capability and was determined that Dowlais should be equipped to provide it and reap the commercial rewards. He therefore recommended to Clark that they build a new mill, a very large one - powerful enough to roll between 1000 and 1500 tons of iron a week.

“In the production of wrought iron, the means of producing large sizes and great lengths has not kept pace with the requirements of engineers,” Menelaus wrote. “It may be fairly anticipated that when machinery of sufficient power has been erected, a demand for large sizes will follow which will command a high price from the difficulty of obtaining iron of this description. With this in view, the New Mill is designed of thrice the power of any mill in the kingdom.”

The new super mill was called the Goat Mill, apparently because many of its workers belonged to the Dowlais Company of the Glamorgan Engineers, whose coat buttons showed a goat’s head in relief. It took two years to build. Its engine beam and driving wheel were carried entirely by cast iron framing, the first time that cast iron had been used in this way. The engine had twice the power of any existing engine in Britain. It drove three mills, one of them capable of turning out 1000 tons of rails a week. Menelaus accurately anticipated that the mill could roll rails up to 70 feet long.

The Goat Mill may have cost £50,000 but it paid back the investment handsomely, because it enabled Dowlais to make rails more cheaply than its competitors while maintaining their quality. The mill’s size and efficiency meant it could mass produce heavier, longer rails to a consistently good standard. “Unless a rolling mill turns out a regular and uniform quantity of finished iron, there is an end to all economy,” Menelaus said after the Goat Mill was up and running.

In some product areas - notably girders and deck beams - the Goat Mill’s scale made Dowlais virtually the sole UK supplier. Before the end of the Crimean War, for instance, the works won a government order for deck beams for floating batteries which were 50 feet long.

The Goat Mill was the largest single element in a huge capital spending programme masterminded by Clark and Menelaus between 1854 and 1859. In total, Dowlais invested almost £162,000 during this period [about £13.2 m in 2009 terms]. As a result, the business was loss making in some of those years but the foundations were laid for future prosperity. From the mid 1860s, Dowlais’s profits increased steadily to almost £198,000 in 1870, while its output rose to almost 166,000 tons in that year, mainly focused on rails and related products.

The one area that consistently defied Menelaus’s productivity enhancing efforts was puddling, the intermediate phase between the blast furnaces and the rolling mills. Menelaus was not alone in experiencing this intractability: iron makers throughout the world suffered from the same problem. Menelaus told the South Wales Institute of Engineers in October 1857: “Puddling has remained … since its invention, almost without improvement …

“Science and practice have alike failed … Here is a process which absolutely costs nearly one half of the value of the material operated upon, to change very slightly its chemical condition, a large proportion of the cost being for manual labour of the most severe kind, of which the supply barely keeps pace with the demand.”

Increasing skilled labour shortages and the cost inflexibility of puddling meant that a report in The Times on 14 August 1856 was read with intense interest throughout the iron industry. The story covered a paper delivered three days earlier to the British Association at Cheltenham by one Henry Bessemer, an engineer who had devised a method of making steel. In his paper, Bessemer detailed a process whereby compressed air was blown into the bottom of a brick lined furnace - a converter - containing molten pig iron. Through the consequent chemical reaction, the pig iron was purified into steel while the impurities formed a slag.

The Bessemer process promised to render puddling obsolete. As a result, Menelaus recorded: “Iron makers went mad with excitement.” A steel rush ensued as iron-makers tried to secure licences from Bessemer. Menelaus was in the forefront: accompanied by Edward Riley, Dowlais’s chemist, he raced to London for discussions with the inventor.

On 27 August 1856, Menelaus and Riley secured for Dowlais the first licence to use Bessemer’s patent. The company paid Bessemer £10,000 in return for the right to make 20,000 tons of steel a year for 10 years with a royalty of one farthing [a fraction of one pence] per additional ton providing total output was less than 70,000 tons.