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This book is part of an initiative in cooperation with renowned Chinese publishers to make fundamental, formative, and influential Chinese thinkers available to a western readership, providing absorbing insights into Chinese reflections of late, and offering a chance to grasp today’s China. In their influential book Handbook of the History of Religions in China, Zhongjian Mou and Jian Zhang present a panorama of the religions existing in China through time. In their fascinating History, they delineate the emergence and development of Daoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Islam, and Christianity and explore the roles they played in Chinese society and the interrelations between them. In China, also due to the encompassing Confucian idea of “living together harmoniously while maintaining differences,” religions—including newly arrived ones—came closer together than anywhere else in the world and reached a unique level of peaceful societal coexistence. Despite many frictions and conflicts, communication and reconciliation were indisputably predominant in China throughout history. Buddhism was peacefully introduced into China and, later on, a harmonious, symbiotic syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism developed—an exemplary process of how a diverse set of different religions can complement each other and contribute to a better life.
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Seitenzahl: 1031
Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2020
ibidem-Press, Stuttgart
Preface
Digging into the long history of China, this highly-acclaimed book investigates a variety of religions in a comprehensive and systematic way. These religions include: primitive religions and worship; archaic patriarchal religions; traditional Daoism; popular religions; and non-indigenous religions such as Buddhism, Christianity and Islam. Furthermore, the book discusses in detail the origin, growth, introduction—as well as dissemination—of religions in China. With insightful analysis, the two authors illuminate sects, doctrines, rituals and disciplines of Chinese religions, along with exchanges and interactions between religions, thoughts and cultures. To put it in a nutshell, this revised two-volume General History of Religions in China pulls together vast knowledge and understanding of the cultural roots, characteristics and impact of religions throughout Chinese history.
Professor Mou Zhongjian 牟钟鉴 was born in 1939 in Yantai, a beautiful coastal city of Shandong Province. He studied in the Department of Philosophy at the prestigious Peking University. He devoted himself to the history of Chinese philosophy and was awarded his Master of Arts degree. Then, he spent more than 20 years (1966–1987) at the Institute of World Religions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), where his research focused on the Chinese philosophy and religions. In November 1987, he began teaching at Minzu University of China (i.e. Central University for Nationalities). Mr. Mou has been appointed to the highest level of professorship and is responsible for supervising Ph.D. programs in the University’s Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies. He has been rewarded with prestigious titles such as the National Outstanding Teacher Award. Prof. Mou’s major publications include: Lüshi Chunqiu yu Huainanzi sixiang yanjiu《吕氏春秋》与《淮南子》思想研究 (An intellectual inquiry into The Spring and Autumn of Master Lü and The Master Huainan); Zoujin Zhongguo jingshen走进中国精神 (Walking into the Chinese spirit); Ruxue jiazhi de xin tansuo儒学价值的新探索 (Ground breaking explorations of the value of Confucianism), and so forth.
Professor Zhang Jian 张践 works for the famous Renmin University, or the People’s University of China. He is also a Guest Research Fellow at the MOE’s Research Center for Buddhism and Theories of Religious Study and a Guest Professor at Minzu University. The International Confucian Association offered Prof. Zhang membership of Council and Directorship of the Committee of Dissemination. In addition, he serves as the Vice President of the China Society for Practical Learning. Prof. Zhang is a leading scholar in the fields of history of religions in China and history of Chinese philosophy. He has published numerous monographs such as: Zongjiao, zhengzhi, minzu宗教·政治·民族 (Religion, politics, and ethnicity); 中国民间宗教史 (History of popular religions in China); and Dexing yu gongfu—Zhongguo ren de xiuyang guan德性与功夫——中国人的修养观 (A priori virtues and a posteriori moralities: Chinese ideas of self-cultivation).
Chi Zhen, Ph.D. (2007), National University of Singapore, is Associate Research Fellow at Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS). He has published monographs and articles on Chinese intellectual history. He devotes himself to the English translation of academic works authored by highly intellectual Chinese scholars. His latest translation work was Marxism and Religion (Brill, 2014).
Contents
Preface
About the authors
About the translator
Major Dynasties in Chinese History
Author’s Words
Introduction
Phases of History of Religions in China
1) Primitive society
2) Dynasties of Xia, Shang and Zhou
3) Qin and Han dynasties
4) Dynasties of Wei, Jin, Song and Yuan
5) Ming and Qing dynasties
6) Republican China (1912–1949)
Historical Characteristics of Religions in China
1) The persistent existence and growth of religions in their original forms
2) The everlasting dominance of sovereignty over “clericalism”
3) Diversity and inclusiveness
4) Humanism and secularization
5) Interconnection and disconnection of the tripartite structure
Roles Religions Played Throughout Chinese History
1) Religions and Chinese politics
2) Religions and the Chinese economy
3) Religions and Chinese philosophy
4) Religions and Chinese morality
Chapter One Primitive Religions
An Overview
The Cult of Nature (Naturism)
1) The birth of religious thinking and the formation of a cult of nature
2) The worship of Heaven, earth, mountains, rivers, animals and plants
3) Sacrificial ceremonies related to farming
4) The cult of nature and its impact on the material life of primitive people
The Cult of Spirits
1) Soul and the idea of spirits
2) Burial customs in matrilineal societies and their significance
3) Burial customs in patrilineal societies and their significance
4) Burial customs and primitive civilizations
Totemism
1) Totemism: A typical clan religion
2) Totemic materials in archaeology
3) Totemic materials in ancient texts
4) Totemic materials in folklore studies
5) The socio-cultural significance of Totemism
6) Totemism and the dragon and phoenix cultures
Ancestor worship
1) Fertility cults and the birth of ancestor worship
2) The worship of female ancestors and “gansheng 感生” myths
3) The cult of male ancestors and hero myths
4) Ancestor worship and traditional ethics
Primitive Rites of Offering Sacrifice, Magic and Performing Divination
1) Sacrificial altars and utensils
2) Magic
3) Divination
Historical Characteristics of Primitive Religions in China
Chapter Two Religions in the Three Archaic Dynasties and the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Eras
An Overview
The formation of Chinese state religion in the Xia and Shang dynasties
1) The legends of Xia’s religious life
2) Shangdi 上帝 (the Lord Above) of the Shang people and the Lord’s “Imperial Court”
3) Relationships between the ancient religions and patriarchal kinship
4) Professional shamans and their social roles
The Western Zhou Dynasty: The heyday of Archaic Religions
1) Changes in society and religion in the Shang-Zhou transition
2) Religious ethics “matched morally to Heaven” (yi de pei tian 以德配天)
3) Western Zhou’s system of offering sacrifices
The Eras of Spring and Autumn and Warring States: Instability and transformation of archaic religions
1) “Lost proprieties and ruined music”: The collapsing edifice of archaic religions
2) The Confucian view of religion: “Respecting spiritual beings while keeping aloof from them.”
3) The Mohist view of religion: “Percipient ghosts” and “universal love”
4) The Daoist view of religion: “Let the kingdom be governed according to the Tao, and the manes of the departed will not manifest their spiritual energy.”
5) The Legalist view of religion
(6) The worship of “Five Emperors” and the arts of necromancy and seeking immortality
Chapter Three Religions in the Qin and Han Dynasties: The Codification and Early Growth of Buddhism and Daoism
An Overview
Religions in Qin Dynasty
1) Religious offerings and sacrifices in Qin
2) The official religion in Qin dynasty
3) Qin Shi Huang’s cult of immortals
The State Religion in Han Dynasties
1) The cults of Five Emperors and Great Unity
2) The codification of the state religion and religious theories in the Three Rites
3) The discourse of the relationship between Yin-Yang and calamities, and the growing popularity of “Chen-Wei 谶纬.”
4) Baihu tong (Comprehensive discussions in White Tiger Pavilion) and the codification of the patriarchal religion
The Breeding and Birth of Daoism
1) The historical and cultural background of origin of Daoism
2) The Scripture of Great Peace and the Unity of the Three
3) The Way of Great Peace and Way of Five Pecks of Rice
The Introduction and Incipient Popularity of Buddhism in Han Dynasties
1) The introduction and popularity of Buddhism
2) The translation and dissemination of Buddhist sutras
3) Li huo lun 理惑论 (Disposal of errors) and the commencement of disputes between Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism
Chapter Four Religions in Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties: Vibrant Growth
An Overview
The Reorganization of the State-Sanctioned Patriarchal Religion
1) The system of supernatural beings in patriarchal religion
2) The sacrificial system applied to the ancestral temple
3) The political and cultural functions of patriarchal religion
The Maturation of Daoism
1) The evolution of major Daoist denominations and proliferation of Daoist scriptures
2) The Scripture of Yellow Court and Daoist theories of inner cultivation
3) Discourses on immortality in Ge Hong’s The Master Embracing Simplicity
4) Kou Qianzhi’s efforts to rehabilitate the Way of Celestial Master in Northern Wei Dynasty
5) Lu Xiujing’s renovation work on the Southern Way of Celestial Master
6) Tao Hongjing’s great synthesization of various types of Daoism in the Southern and Northern Dynasties
The Rapid Dissemination and Growth of Buddhism
1) The socio-cultural background of the prosperity of Buddhism
2) Dao An and Six Schools and Seven Sects of the early teaching of Prajnaparamita (the Perfection of Wisdom)
3) The Madhyamaka (Middle-Way) doctrine preached by Kumarajiva and Sengzhao
4) Huiyuan: The undying soul and discourses on cause and effect
5) Daosheng and his discourses on the nirvanic nature of Buddha
6) Buddhism and traditional Chinese culture
Conflict and Reconciliation between the Three Great Teachings—Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism
1) Background
2) Major theoretical debates between the three great teachings
3) Political embodiments of conflicts between three great teachings: The restriction, annihilation and promotion of Buddhism
4) The interaction between Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism: Theory and Practice
Chapter Five Religions in Sui and Tang Dynasties and the Periods of Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms: Prosperity and Pluralism
An Overview
Simultaneously Promoting and Exploring Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism
1) The simultaneous promotion of three teachings
2) Conflicts between Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism
3) The interaction between and simultaneous exploration of the three teachings
The Consolidation of Sacrificial Ceremonies of the State Religion in the Service of the Patriarchal State
1) The standardization of religious rituals for offering sacrifices
2) Disputes over and revisions of ceremonies for sacrificing to Heaven
3) Revisions of the rules for sacrificing to ancestral spirits
4) Other sacrificial ceremonies
5) The state religion and culture in Tang
Buddhism: Decline in the Age of Prosperity
1) The monarchs’ frantic worship of Buddhism and the anti-Buddhist movement in the Huichang reign
2) Translations of Buddhist sutras and Buddhist writings
3) The prevalence of the Lotus Sutra, Three Treatises and Three Levels Schools
4) Xuanzang’s pilgrimage to India and Weishi zong 唯识宗, or the Consciousness[-only] School
5) The Huayan (Flower Ornament): An appetite for theoretical analysis
6) Zen: An entirely Sinicized Buddhist school
7) Vinaya School, Pure Land Sect, and Esoteric Buddhism
8) Making peace by marriage between Tang and Tibet and the Qianhong (First Diffusion) Period of Tibetan Buddhism
9) Buddhism and Chinese civilization in the Sui and Tang dynasties
Tang: Golden Days of Taoism
1) The adoration of Daoism by the royal families
2) The development of Daoist theories of tranquility and nonaction
3) The rise and fall of the External-Alchemy Way and the emergence of Zhong Liquan and Lü Dongbin’s Way of Internal Alchemy
4) Daoism and culture in Sui and Tang dynasties
The Growing Popularity of Religions Introduced from the West to China
1) The prevalence of Nestorianism (a sect of ancient Christianity)
2) The early dissemination of Islam
3) The growth of Zoroastrianism
4) The popularity of Manichaeism
5) The non-Chinese religions and Tang culture
General Name
Specific Name(s)
From
To
Xia 夏
2100 BC
1600 BC
Shang 商
1600 BC
1100 BC
Western Zhou 西周
1100 BC
771 BC
Eastern Zhou 东周
770 BC
256 BC
Spring and Autumn
春秋
770 BC
476 BC
Warring States
战国
475 BC
221 BC
Qin 秦
221 BC
206 BC
Western Han 西汉
206 BC
24 AD
Eastern Han 东汉
and
Three Kingdoms 三国
25 AD
220 AD
Wei 魏
220
265
Shu 蜀
221
263
Wu 吴
222
280
Western Jin 西晋
265
316
Eastern Jin 东晋
317
420
Southern and Northern
南北朝
Southern
Song 宋
420
479
Qi 齐
479
502
Liang 梁
502
557
Chen 陈
557
589
Northern
Northern Wei 北魏
386
534
Eastern Wei 东魏
534
550
Northern Qi 北齐
550
577
Western Wei 西魏
535
556
Northern Zhou 北周
557
581
Sui 隋
581
618
Tang 唐
618
907
Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms
五代十国
907
960
Northern Song 北宋
960
1127
Southern Song 南宋
1127
1279
Liao 辽
916
1125
Jin 金
1115
1234
Western Xia (Tangut Empire)
西夏
1038
1227
Yuan 元
1271
1368
Ming 明
1368
1644
Qing 清
1644
1911
By Mou Zhongjian 牟钟鉴
In the 1990s, Prof. Zhang Jian 张践 and I spent nine years writing the Chinese edition of General History of Religions in China (hereinafter referred to as History). In 2000, the two-volume, 900,000-word History was published in Beijing. In the course of writing the books, Zhang Jian and I became very good friends. History is thus a token of our warm friendship. In his Preface to the book, Prof. Lü Daji 吕大吉 (1931–2012), the founder and towering figure of religious studies in China, pointed out that true and universal religious studies must be based on extensive exploration of the history of religions, and History laid the foundation of such an extensive exploration of history of religions in China. Prof. Lü’s words shed light on the value of the book. This English translation of History is based on an abridged edition. Prof. Zhang Jian spent much time and energy adapting the original book into a 500,000-word concise history. He really did amazing work.
In History, we discuss the major religions throughout the history of China. Delineating the emergence and development of influential religions, and exploring the interrelations among them and the influence they had in Chinese society, we present a panorama of religions in China. In addition to investigating primitive religions, History examinesDaoism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity, and the “patriarchal/traditional Chinese religions” which were of a particularly strong national-ethnic character. The latter were based on a convention of “reverence for Heaven and emulation of forefathers” and constitute the most basic faith of the Chinese nation. In the case of Chinese popular religions, we do not neglect them or downplay their roles in Chinese society, but instead explore the birth and growth of influential popular religious sects.
We emphasize the diversity and humanism of Chinese religions, and the tolerant and harmonious character of interfaith relation in China. In China, very much due to the great Confucian idea of “living together harmoniously while maintaining differences,” religions—including foreign ones—drift closer in the land of China, coexist peacefully and work collaboratively to improve the morals of the people by teaching them not to do evil but to do good works. It is true that there were friction and conflicts between religions in China; but it is also true that communication and reconciliation dominated throughout history. Buddhism was peacefully introduced into China. Later, there was a perfect syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. The Chinese experience sets an example of religious dissemination to the rest of the world.
Introduction
Religions in China emerged and grew up along with ancient Chinese civilization. They underwent vicissitudes and continued to exist in the rise of modern China. Generally, the growth of religions in China was in line with the socio-historical development of China, but religion was, to some extent, independent. It should be pointed out that the religious and cultural tradition was of a particularly strong conservative and customary character. Consequently, it kept pace with neither political nor economic developments. The phases in the history of religions in China do not necessarily coincide with Chinese history in general; but instead, Chinese history was in some ways shaped and influenced by the evolution of social characteristics and the internal structure of the religions themselves.
The history of religions in China can be roughly divided into six phases.
The primitive Chinese religions were born in the times of great antiquity and continued into the second millennium B.C. In this phase, religion was the “natural religion.” In terms of the object of worship, there were five types of worship: the cult of nature; supernatural beings; reproduction; totems; and ancestral spirits. Religious worship was universal and spontaneous. At that time, religion and clan were closely linked together. In primitive society, religion played the role of an all-embracing, primordial cultural system. Such a cultural system coordinated the social production and life and gave birth to philosophy, morality, literature and art.
The primitive Chinese religions and their counterparts in the world shared many attributes. That is, they were all spontaneous, familial and intuitively polytheistic. Nevertheless, the primitive Chinese religions actually maintained some unique traits of their own. For example, there were: 1) thriving agrarian cults based on the advanced agricultural economy; 2) various transforming forms of totem-combination created by the fusion of clans and tribes; 3) forefather-veneration conventions arising out of the sophisticated worship of male ancestors; 4) sagacious- and virtuous-men worship developing out of the practice of worshiping remote ancestors; and 5) patriarchal rites and thinking resulting from the worship of close ancestors.
Taken together, the religions in Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties were called the “ancient religions.” They could be traced back to the 21st century B.C. and extended down to the 3rd century B.C. In this phase, China transformed from a primitive society into a society based on private ownership. In the course of transformation, nobilities and aristocratic states, both of which were characterized by the preservation of blood ties pertaining to patriarchal clanship, emerged and hierarchical patriarchal systems were created. The practice of worshiping spirits and magic in primitive religions remained fairly intact; however, the worship of totems was declining and tended towards arts and folk customs.
In the polytheistic faith, the worship of a celestial god—or the supreme deity—was formally staged. The supreme god was called “Shangdi上帝” (Lord Above) in Shang dynasty; in Zhou, “Tian 天” (Heaven), “Haotian Shangdi昊天上帝” (Supreme God of the Vast Heaven) or the “Huangtian Shangdi皇天上帝” (Supreme Sovereign God of Heaven). From then on, Heaven became the God of Gods and could grant power to rulers on the earth.
The original form of ancestor worship underwent differentiation: the royal family’s sacrifice to ancestors was a state event, associated with the ceremony of worshiping Heaven; the nobles’ and commoners’ sacrifices were hierarchical and reinforced inequality based on social status. In this process, the state—or national—religion emerged for the first time in Chinese history. It matured in Zhou dynasty and was centered on the patriarchal clan. The basis of the “patriarchal state religion” was the system of state power; at the core, the practice of offering sacrifice to heaven and ancestors. The religion centered on the worship of the gods of land, grain, mountains, rivers, the sun, the moon and so on. It developed a strictly-hierarchical system of altars and temples devoted to ceremonies of offering sacrifice. Overall, the “patriarchal state religion” took a leading role in the superstructure of Chinese society.
At that time, early humanistic thinking, together with the hierarchized state religion, emerged and grew in China. The religion in Zhou dynasty stressed ideas such as “yide peitian以德配天” (To make one’s virtue like that of Heaven) and “jingde baomin敬德保民” (To honor the virtue and protect the people). Both ideas were employed by thinkers to blend the mandate of heaven with the will of the people, emphatically delineating the role religion played in shaping the morals of society. Such an innovative religious practice was called “shendao shejiao神道设教”—“[The sages,] in accordance with (this) spirit-like way, laid down their instructions.”1 The religion in Zhou dynasty was thus tinted with morality and rationality. In eras of the Spring and Autumn and Warring States, the ancient Chinese state religion was in crisis, facing the task of reconstruction in the wake of a nation-wide collapse of established ritual hierarchy and the emergence of numerous different intellectual schools.
The “Qin-Han religion” arose in the 3rd century B.C. and lasted more than six centuries. In this phase, drastic changes in China came about in the social transformation from the archaic fiefdoms based on the patriarchal system with a new centralization of power, based on the prefecture-county system; there was also a growing separation of political institutions from the patriarchal systems. Intellectually and culturally, the united, all-embracing religious culture in the remote Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties transformed into a tension between religion and philosophy, both of which were equally valued and worked in tandem to support the new conditions of spiritual life in Chinese society. After the collapse and changes in the eras of Spring and Autumn and Warring States, the state religion based on the veneration of Heaven and ancestral spirits was rehabilitated in the Han dynasty and established new rites and norms. Nevertheless, the religion leaned towards issues of social etiquette and custom, and moved away from issues related to philosophy and education.
By this time, Confucianism had been raised into the position of official philosophy and been exclusively honored. Confucianism guided the social politics, morality and education by means of the ethics-oriented, humanistic philosophy. The state religion had its focus on the intersection between teaching and religion; conversely, Confucian philosophy had a strong emphasis on learning and philosophy. These positions were not mutually exclusive, but instead complemented each other. They joined hands in the effort to preserve the purest Chinese faith.
This phase encompasses many dynasties such as Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, Tang, Song and Yuan. It lasted approximately 1000 years from the 3rd century B.C. to the 14th century A.D. Where politics were concerned, there were disruptions as well as unification; there were both dynasties founded by the dominant Han Chinese, and dynasties led by ethnic minorities in the medieval Middle Kingdom. The reasons for such complex changes were complicated and diverse. Nevertheless, from the perspective of history of religions in China, a common feature persisted. The “common feature” refers to the trichotomy in the Chinese world of faith, in which Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism continued to confront and complement each other, while authorities promoted the three religions simultaneously. In the eyes of Chinese, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism were the three great teachings; and for Chinese society, the teaching of all three together played quite a significant role in underpinning the Chinese spiritual world. Together, they constituted the nucleus of Chinese faith. In addition, at this time there were foreign religions such as Islam and Christianity, which was called Nestorianism in Tang and Yelikewen也里可温 Teaching in Yuan. Due to the presence such foreign religions, the world of Chinese faith took on a pluralistic outlook.
In the Chinese world of faith, Confucianism was dominant; Buddhism and Daoism were important but auxiliary. All other forms of faith were seen as complementary. In fact, the assertion of “tripartite complex consisting of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism” is a broad, general description. If we break it down, we find that there was one “jiao教” (religion) and one “xue学” (philosophy) in each “jiao教” (the teaching responsible for morality).
Confucianism is the “patriarchal traditional religion” centered on the “reverence for Heaven and emulation of forefathers.” The metaphysics of the religion lie in Confucian philosophy.
There is Buddhist religion and Buddhist learning within the wider sphere of Buddhism. Buddhist religion refers to religious institutions embodied in activities such as chanting and worshiping, while Buddhist learning is no other than the Zen-styled empty philosophical discourses. The former could be applied to rank-and-file believers, while the latter was always within the learned monks’ reach.
Daoism includes areligion as well as anintellectualschool. Daoism asareligion refers to the faith stressing fulu符箓 (mysterious Daoist symbols and incantations) and pursuing immortality. Daoism as anintellectual school explores the philosophies that celebrate and cherish nature, striving to spiritually escape this world.
Religion and philosophy were mutually supportive and independent of each other. In doing so, they presented multiple choices for spiritual beliefs for the Chinese people. From the marriage of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism came the Buddhist Zen School, lixue理学 (the Confucian Learning of Principle) and neidan内丹 (the Daoist Teaching of Internal Alchemy). Zen Buddhism, lixue and neidan were the three new peaks of Chinese philosophy.
The “Ming-Qing religion” commenced from the 14th century and ended in the early 20th century. In this phase, religions in China were still characterized by the tripartite tension and complementarity of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Despite this, there were new characteristics. Popular religions were surging forward, while at the same time Western Christianity—Catholicism and Protestantism—were formally being (re-)introduced into China and stayed firmly grounded there.
Popular religions came from the fusion of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism and the downward dissemination of the three teachings. Some popular religions were from Buddhism; some, from Daoism, and others from Confucianism. Wherever popular religions originated from, they all fervently advocated the relationships between the three predominant teachings. A large number of popular religious sects operated secretly in the grassroots society and were denounced as “heresy” by the ruling hierarchies. Such popular religious sects were, however, social organizations created by the underclass for the purpose of self-conviction and self-redemption. The two leading sects among them were the White Lotus Sect and Luozu jiao罗祖教 (the Teaching of Patriarch Luo). From these hundreds of religious sects grew and attracted a huge number of believers. Chinese popular religions finally developed into a spiritual force—a physical as well—that could not be neglected or downplayed.
Historically, Christianity had been introduced into China and then declined rapidly twice due to political changes. Once was in the Tang dynasty; the other time was in Yuan, or the Mongol Empire. In the late Ming, it was brought to China once again. Since then, Christianity never left the country. In the early re-propagation of Christianity in China, there was the normal Sino-Western cultural exchange. After the First Opium War (1840–1842), Christianity was reproduced much more rapidly and extensively. In fact, the Christian mission at that time was already tinted with colonialism and sometimes the religions were used as tools of cultural invasion. As a consequence, there were many conflicts between Christianity and the Chinese masses. In the case of Christianity, the issue of cultural integration was not well-managed, unlike the Sinicization of Indian Buddhism after its arrival in China. But on the other hand, Christianity did bring some brilliant achievements of Western civilization to China. It was the Christian missionary work that create a new historical phase wherein the traditional/modernizing Chinese culture and modern Western culture conflicted with and influenced on each other.
The “Republican religions” in China were born in the 1911 Revolution and ceased to exist with the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. In comparison with other phases, the “Republican period” was much shorter. Nevertheless, it was a new epoch for Chinese history. The most drastic social changes in this phase lay in the overthrow of the 2000-year old monarchy, the disintegration of hierarchical patriarchal society and China’s search for modernity.
Where religions in China were concerned, the “patriarchal traditional religion,” which had acted as the spiritual law and had been closely attached to the patriarchal hierarchy and monarchy, collapsed totally in the wake of the end of the Imperial system. Consequently, the grand sacrifices orchestrated by Imperial agencies met their end as well. In the meantime, Confucianism, which had been exclusively honored as the official state philosophy for quite a long time, fell from the throne of orthodoxy. Confucianism was attacked by revolutionary movements so vehemently that it lost both its political advantages and its leading role in the efforts to re-orientate the Chinese culture.
In these conditions, the spiritual life in Chinese society had to endure the perplexity and pain brought about by the drastic transformation of faith, inasmuch as it was impossible for the country to immediately employ a new, common faith to fill the vacuum. In Republican China, liberal and communist thoughts, which were from the West and Russia respectively, sent shock waves throughout the country and shook the entire Chinese spiritual world. Buddhism and Daoism declined further, though both did strive for the transformation of their own faiths in different ways.
The particular geographical environment, national conditions, social customs and cultural traditions of China gave birth to Chinese religions. Therefore, religions in China did have unique characteristics that were very different from their counterparts in other parts of the world.
One of common features shared by many types of primitive religions all over the word was the unity of primitive worship and tribal organization. If the tribal society was in disintegration and then a hierarchical aristocratic society was created, the primitive religions in many countries and regions died one after another; often then the “creative type” (chuangshengxing创生型) of ancient religion would assume their position. The situation in China was, however, entirely different from that.
After the establishment of society based on the private ownership, the Middle Kingdom made use of original blood ties pertaining to clan to create a hierarchical patriarchal society that was bonded by the blood relationship between men. Such a patriarchal system underwent three stages: the total incorporation into the political system in the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties; the partial incorporation from the Han to Yuan dynasties; and the decline in the Ming and Qing dynasties. The patriarchal systems of religions did continue into the early years of Republican China, however they were increasingly challenged. Accordingly, significant forms of totem worship—for example, the worship of the dragon and the phoenix—were raised to a status connotating good luck or auspicious fortune across China, or transformed into fetish cults. Moreover, the worship of nature, spirits and ancestor was preserved very well.
When China became a “nation state” and entered the medieval—Imperial, of course—days, it did not encounter such an embarrassing situation—in which the original religion from the time immemorial had to change completely, or even suffer a rupture, and then be replaced with the “creative type” of religion. Instead, the hierarchical patriarchal society in later historical periods developed further, and consolidated the original type of religion to a great extent. The original religion that involved the worship of Heaven, ancestors and land/grain-gods became aligned closely with the monarchy and thus constituted the patriarchal state religion. The state religion’s system of altars and temples devoting to the ceremony of offering sacrifice became part and parcel of the state-sanctioned rites. The veneration of Heaven and ancestors, which characterized the state religion, underpinned the universal faith in Chinese society and thus became sacred and inviolable. In view of this, we might say that such a type of religion could be regarded as the national religion of China.
Such a predominant religion was so political that it combined political practices with the religious sacrifice. Meanwhile, it was so popular it managed to fuse the practice of sacrifice and the bonds of ethnicity. As for the social superstructure, state power depended the notion of divine right, which came directly from this religion. The Celestial God in the context of “divine right of kings” was precisely “Haotian Shangdi” (Supreme God of the Vast Heaven) or the “Huangtian Shangdi” (Supreme Sovereign God of Heaven) in the original type of religion. At the middle- and low-levels of Chinese society, the prevalent religious activity was no other than the ceremony of worshiping ancestors and supernatural beings. The state had the Imperial ancestral temple; the clan held the ancestral hall. On the level of an individual family, they maintained a shrine or ancestral tablets. The ceremony of offering sacrifices to ancestors was performed at all levels, creating a general mood of venerating ancestors and valuing filial piety.
But on the other hand, although this original type of religion promoted and continued these types of rituals, it had neither the advanced theology nor an independent religious group. In addition, the masses were not allowed to participate in the ceremony of offering sacrifices to Heaven. As a consequence, there was a vertical disconnection. In addition, the religion suffered from a horizontal disconnection due to the fact that activities of offering sacrifices to ancestors were always family-oriented. In light of this, we can conclude that such an original type of religion was not an advanced form of religion; nor would it be sustainable if it entered the modern world. Despite this, it was still the axis of Chinese religion for more than 2000 years.
As far as other types of Chinese religions and foreign religions were concerned, in the Middle Kingdom they all needed to adapt to the original religion and harmoniously co-exist with it. Daoism relied on this religion; Buddhism complemented it in a reciprocal way, and popular religions blended with it. Even Christianity had to accommodate itself to this religion. Consequently, not only was the original type of religion tinted with patriarchalism, but other religions in China were, more or less, patriarchal.
The monarchy kept its flag flying for millennia throughout Chinese history. The country was periodically owned by one family. Under the circumstances, the transfer of power strictly followed the rule that only the eldest son of the first, legal wife was able to inherit the throne. However, there were variations in practice: a ruler could pass his throne to his younger brother; a dying Emperor designated the heir in his edict; and the royal family and senior ministers chose a successor in secret meetings. Generally, the rule of Emperor was the most venerable and a monarch enjoyed supreme and unquestioned power. A few famous Chinese sayings shed light on this point. For example, “Where’er their arch the heavens expand, the king can claim the land below. Within the sea-bounds of the land, all at his summons come or go;”2 and “In Heaven there are not two suns; in a country there are not two kings.”3
The idea and practice of venerating/worshiping the Emperor took root in the Chinese society. In such a political and cultural tradition, all religious organizations must depend on and be in the service of the Imperial power. Religion would never exceed the power or influence of the monarchy; that was out of the question. Instead, the patriarchal power of traditional religion was under the direct control of the Emperor. Even influential Buddhist and Daoist groups yielded to the administrations and dared not to act against the ruler. Religious leaders in China could be given senior positions or titles of nobility; occasionally, they even could play a role in advising the Imperial politics. Nevertheless, it was impossible for them to act independently and stand up to the Emperor. Even though they were very popular, they were not allowed to join the most powerful political core. In contrast, the Pope in the medieval Europe had much greater power in politics. Historically, what China had was not “religious kings” but “religious courtiers.” For example, Dao’an 道安, a prominent monk in the Eastern Jin dynasty, had explicitly stated, “(If we) do not depend on the ruler of the state, (we) will not have the Buddhist affairs arranged.”
Buddhism and Daoism were at times highly valued by the Imperial court. For example, Emperor Wu of Southern Liang dynasty (502 A.D.–560 A.D.) respected Buddhism very much and attempted to take it as the state religion; Emperor Taiwu of the Northern Wei dynasty preferred instead Daoism, so that the Daoist Northern Way of Celestial Master was in full flourish. Even so, the right to determine significant military and administrative affairs could by no means be in the hands of religious leader. The program of governing the state was still exclusively carried out by the Imperial court revolving around the Emperor in accordance with Confucian principles and codes. The role of Buddhism and Daoism was, while important, still auxiliary.
Politically and economically, the Buddhist and Daoist groups were often in conflict with the Emperor. In such difficult cases, the Emperor had the responsibility to resolve any contradictions. Whenever the Imperial court felt that religion was becoming too disorderly to be controlled, it would command restrictions on the practice and teachings of religion. In some extreme cases, the Emperor even resorted to violence. For example, there were violent anti-Buddhist movements launched by Emperors such as: Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei; Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou; Emperor Wu of Tang; and Emperor Shi of Latter Zhou. In these circumstances, people in the religious community had to defend themselves and their moral ground. They used their wide social influence to preserve what they could of their religious force, hoping that by doing so they could stage a comeback in the future. There was no realistic scenario where religion could directly confront the ruling hierarchy. Since the Southern and Northern Dynasties, in the central government there were specialized agencies in charge of religious affairs. Such a centralized administration of religions usually grew much more restrictive. Significant monastic affairs such as the issuance of certificate of monkhood or nunhood, building of temples and quota of religious professionals in a certain monastery had to be approved by the Imperial agency or its local branches.
Traditional Chinese culture developed in the persistent confrontation and fusion with diverse cultures. It underwent a convergence of sources and emerged an integrated, pluralistic structure. In the pre-Imperial China, there were both antagonism and cross-fertilization between local cultures such as Zou-Lu (Shandong) Culture, Yan-Qi (Hebei) Culture, Sanjin (Shanxi) Culture, Jing-Chu (Hunan-Hubei) Culture, Ba-Qin (Sichuan) Culture, Wu-Yue (Jiangsu-Zhejiang) Culture, and so on. In Qin and Han dynasties, the “contention of a hundred schools of thought” transformed into the multi-faceted relationship between Confucianism and Daoism. Since the late Han dynasty, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism both confronted and complemented each other. Many sub-cultural systems, together with the four or five main religions, were mixing and integrating across the land of China. In this regard, Chinese culture was truly diverse. Confucius, one of the most significant founders of traditional Chinese culture, developed the great idea of “living together harmoniously while maintaining differences.” Later thinkers furthered his idea and said, “In all (the processes taking place) under heaven … they all come to the same (successful) issue, though by different paths; there is one result, though there might be a hundred anxious schemes.”4 Such open-minded, pluralistic thinking greatly influenced Chinese culture from the early years and created an all-embracing tradition.
Chinese society assumed a very tolerant attitude towards all types of religious beliefs. Religions could survive and grow in a normal way in the land of China and peacefully lived with each other. Many foreign religions were peacefully introduced into China by means of regular cultural exchange. For example, Buddhism, which started in India, claimed the most successful dissemination and Sinicization in China. The introduction and growth of Buddhism were, to a great extent, the consequence of China’s attitude of openness towards new initiatives and ideas. The Chinese effort to make pilgrimages in search for true Buddhist doctrines and scriptures continued for hundreds of years. Where the Chinese work of understanding, assimilating and remolding Buddhism was concerned, their serious perspective, careful thinking and perseverance were very impressive. Apart from Buddhism, in Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, Nestorianism, Islam, Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Catholicism and Protestantism entered China one after another. In most cases, such foreign religions were brought to China in a peaceful manner.
Of course, traditional Chinese culture emphatically talked about the difference between the “Chinese” (xia夏) and “barbarian” (yi夷) and occasionally narrow-minded nationalists objected to foreign cultures. But in most instances, Chinese sovereigns tolerated and supported the legal existence of religions. In many cases, enlightened officials defeated the conservative wing and assumed the dominant position. In China, we never saw the large-scale violent conflict and bloodshed between religions, let alone the long, brutal religious wars as was the case throughout the history of Western religions. Not only did Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism peacefully exist side by side, they also theoretically walked closer. The three teachings dialectically engaged with each other. The combination of the three teachings has always been at the heart of the people and become both the core of the social customs and the general mood. This was one of the most distinctive and unique characteristics of Chinese faith.
The strong confidence in the traditional Chinese philosophy pivoted around Confucianism and orthodox Chinese faith. This was centered on the veneration of Heaven and emulation of ancestors, which goes a long way to explain the Chinese tolerance of foreign religions. The Chinese employed the powerful assimilating force of traditional culture to influence and incorporate foreign religions into Chinese culture. The Confucian and Daoist thoughts constituted the significant psychological and cultural background in the Chinese assimilation of foreign religions. Without such a strong bolster, the Chinese would have neither assimilated foreign religions nor prevented their culture from being swallowed by them. Once a foreign religion entered China, the Sinicization was initiated immediately. The further that the foreign religion was Sinicized, the more influential it was throughout China. Even Judaism, a strikingly independent foreign religion, did not make headway changing this aspect of Chinese society.
This religious diversity and tolerance caused Chinese thought and culture to be very rich and vivid, as well as to be open to the world and persistently accommodating to the inspiration and nourishment from outside cultures. In this way, the Chinese thinking and culture grew more vital. Among the great five religions—with the exception of Daoism, an indigenous religion—in present-day China, four of them—Buddhism, Islam, Catholicism and Protestantism—were introduced from a foreign country and later became one of significant constituents of Chinese faith. China even raised the theoretical Buddhist thinking imported from India to new heights. Of course, such a development followed the Chinese way and it was thus part and parcel of Chinese culture.
The early Chinese religions had a very strong realistic character. The goal of worshipping gods by the ancient people did not lie in spiritual emancipation but in the wish that gods could be convinced to give men help in tackling issues of livelihoods—such as eliminating disasters, healing illness, expelling evil, increasing the population, having good harvests, and so on. In a word, it was very pragmatic. Sacrifices to the gods of Heaven, earth, grains, mountains, rivers, sun, moon, wind, rain, thunder and lightning bolts were carried out to pray for favorable weather for crops and good harvests. It was the characteristic of agrarian worship. Emperors through the ages grandiosely presided over ceremonies of praying for harvest and rain.
Another reason why Chinese politicians and thinkers held religion in high regard was that religion was thought to play an important role in promoting morality and stability in the social order. In China, religions had more of a communal focus; they emphasized neither what the “otherworld” would be, nor how to liberate an individual soul. Consequently, the patriarchal traditional religion became gradually immersed in social customs and rites, political institutions and educational systems. Such a secular development actually put a cap on the growth of Chinese theology. In the eyes of the ruling class, Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism were, first and foremost, methods of moralization and then personal beliefs. Confucianism founded by Confucius did have religious character, but it was not a religion. The sacrificial practice, to which Confucius and other Confucian thinkers attached great importance, in Confucianism was not religious but social. To put it another way, sacrifices could be used to purify the general mood and improve social customs. In the Chinese cultural (religious) tradition, the “spirit-like way” (shendao神道) was actually led to be in the service of humanity (rendao人道). As a result, although many Chinese people did have religious beliefs, in general they were rarely excessively devotional. Rather, Chinese believers were tolerant and adaptable; moreover, they paid much attention to external rites while treating the religious abstract purification lightly.
As for the “patriarchal traditional religion,” it grew more and more formalistic as time went on. In the later stages, it placed particular emphasis on the scale and hierarchy of the sacrificial site and ceremony, and the rank and social status of participants. It was, however, indifferent to everyday human feeling. In popular religions, a kind of pluralism was flourishing. It was commonplace to see Chinese kowtowing to any god they saw, burning joss stick at any temple they visited, and kissing Buddha’s feet whenever they were in trouble. In addition, the Chinese liked to have human beings deified as well as have gods personified. They worshipped heroes such as Huang Di (The Yellow Emperor), Yan Di (The Flame/Red Emperor), Three Sage Kings (Yao, Shun and Yu), Marquis Wu (Zhuge Liang, the Chancellor of Shu Kingdom) and Lord Guan (Guan Yu, the General). The common feature of such objects of worship lay in the unity of divinity and humanity. In this regard, such a type of worship could be regarded as both a religious cult and cultural commemoration. Grand sacrifices dedicated to Confucius, who was the most significant sage in Chinese history, might be the most intensive embodiment of such a type of worship.
Due to the influence of strong humanistic spirit of Chinese culture, secular aspects stood out as well in Buddhism and Daoism. Originally, Buddhism in ancient India could be described as profoundly pessimistic. It denied the significance of everyday life and required that people abandon the secular life and become Buddhist monks in order to ultimately achieve deliverance in Nirvana. In contrast, Chinese Buddhism represented by the Zen School employed the realistic spirit to enrich and remold the original Buddhist thinking and completely changed it. Zen gurus contended that the Buddha-Nature (Foxing佛性) was born simultaneously and independent of any form of external force; Buddhism could be practiced immediately and the Truth approved in secular ways. Buddhist practice could be carried out in the everyday ethics and deliverance achieved in real life. In this way, the Humanistic Buddhism (Renjian Fojiao人间佛教) was created. In the case of Daoism, it attached importance to the practice of bettering the body and set the goal of achieving immortality. Therefore, Daoism actively engaged to protect and perfect the existing life, more than any other religion had done in the past.
The Chinese faith was a tripartite structure consisting of official, scholarly and popular religions. While the three types of religion were interconnected, they were actually independent of and even disconnected from each other at times. In view of this, we cannot apply a simplistic judgment to the general character of Chinese faith.
There were two types of official religion in the Chinese history. One was the traditional state religion centered on the veneration of Heaven and emulation of ancestors. According to the religion, the power of monarch is given by Heaven; wealth and honor are given to people who are protected by the ancestors. The other official religion was the politicized Confucianism, advocating the moral guidance of the state through systems of rites and music. In addition, the authorities granted a legal and prestigious status to Buddhism and Daoism, and had them assist the religion and education orchestrated by the state. The official faith characteristically politicized religions and put religion and philosophy under the tight control of state authorities. The implementation of the official religion(s) relied on political force. The goal of official religion was to play a role in the consolidation of state power.
The roles official religion played in the Chinese society were twofold. On the one hand, it made the existing thinking and culture stronger. To put it another way, with the help of official religion(s), the culture and some (political) thoughts could be employed to stabilize the social order, promote education and even prevent in some degree the nobilities from perpetrating horrible crimes. On the other hand, the official religion would readily distort philosophy and faith, suppress vivid, liberal thinking, and deprive philosophy and faith of the creativity to such an extent that both finally became ossified, dogmatic and abominable.
On the basis of teachings by Lao Zi and Confucius, a vibrant scholarly community was founded in archaic China. During the “contention of a hundred schools of thought” that was staged in the Warring States era, the community became very active. Then in Han and Wei dynasties, it continued to grow. After Tang and Song dynasties, it still gained momentum. Generally, the community adapted itself to the state-sanctioned religion and philosophy, while keeping an independent “intellectual orthodoxy” (xuetong学统), which was critical of the “political orthodoxy” (zhengtong政统). In the cases of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism, they all had their own academic traditions. The mainstream schools of the three teachings shared such an intellectual tradition that they thought very highly of the (moral) Way/humans while looking down on political power/supernatural beings.
In the post-Han era, the faith of Chinese scholar-gentry focused on philosophy rather than religion. They paid greater attention to Confucianism and occasionally attended to Daoism. They nestled their spiritual life in the relationship between Confucianism and Daoism. At that time, not only was Confucianism a type of knowledge, it was also a moral philosophy teaching people how to behave. Confucianism prepared a wisdom of positively engaging in this world and entirely transcending the self; this inspired Chinese intellectuals to explore their inner lives, engage with the spiritual world, and identify the value of personal life in the contexts of vicissitudes of the nation and the growth of the universe. In doing so, the Chinese intellectuals gradually had a very lofty ideal.
Differing from Confucianism, Daoism emphatically upheld the “female feebleness” (ci雌), cherished the “softness/weakness” (ruo弱) as the most honorable thing; it inspired devotion to the search for “stillness/tranquility” (jing静) and “simplicity” (pu朴). The religion was flexible as well as tenacious. The Daoist teaching could precisely make up for what Confucianism had already lost. The Chinese scholar-gentry loved Daoism as well and employed it to resist the dangerous, mutating social environment, hoping that by doing so they could prevent the spiritual self from being completely ruined. In the eyes of many Chinese intellectuals, seeking solace in religion was entirely unnecessary, inasmuch as they could resort to the Confucian and Daoist thinking alternatively; they therefore always had room to maneuver, advance or retreat, regardless of what the external situation would be.
Indeed, a small number of intellectuals finally converted to Buddhism and Daoism and became prominent monks or Daoist priests, gaining insight into the profundities of human life. Despite this, such Buddhist and Daoist converts still belittled religion and preferred philosophy instead. The principle of these converted scholars was “mingxinjianxing明心见性” (enlightening the mind and manifesting the nature). Such sober-minded converts were much less enthusiastic about religious sacrifices, because in their eyes worshiping spirits was merely an expedient. Nevertheless, they tended to be pantheistic or even atheistic. The learning wherein they spiritually dwelled could be called “scholarly Buddhism” or “scholarly Daoism.” Gurus in the Zen School transformed Buddhist religion into a Buddhist school of learning; masters from the All Truth Daoism (Quanzhen dao全真道) intellectually led the Daoist religion to return to Daoist thinking. Such an intellectual-reconstruction effort was precisely the embodiment of the deep-seated humanistic tradition cherished so much by Chinese intellectuals.
Ordinary Chinese people constituted the underclass of the hierarchical Chinese society. They performed arduous manual labor and suffered all types of exploitation and oppression. They had no opportunity to be educated; they were unable to read the Confucian classics, Buddhist canons or Daoist scriptures, let alone understand the profundity of such holy writings. Nevertheless, as it was the masses who endured the most horrible hardships imposed on them by the society, there was no beautiful future within their grasp. They needed religion, which could be a spiritual home and destination for their life voyage. For them, religion was necessary and inescapable.
The overwhelming majority of Chinese peasants were religious believers. Their religious beliefs, however, were very complex, disorderly and changeable. In their humble ceremonies, they offered sacrifices to celestial gods, ancestral spirits, Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, Taishang laojun太上老君 (The Grand Supreme Elderly Lord, one of Daoist paramount gods), LüDongbin吕洞宾 (one of eight revered Daoist immortals), natural deities, deified (historical) figures, gods of utensils, patron saints of differing professions, and even wandering ghosts. The relationship between Confucius and the masses was much less close than that between the masses and popular gods such as the Old Lord of Heaven, Kitchen God and Lord Guan. Admittedly, even the official and powerful Confucianism had to rely on popular religious sacrifices, rite and writings in its effort to reach and influence the people.
In the world of popular religions, the disorganized ones could be regarded as “folk customs”; and the organized ones, “religious sects.” In the cases of Buddhism and Daoism, reciting scriptures, praying for blessings and offering sacrifices had been integral parts of the religious life of underprivileged Buddhists and Daoists. Such popular religious activities, together with what lay Buddhists and Daoists did in their own homes, constituted popular Buddhism and Daoism. Generally, popular religions focused on ritual rather than on philosophy. As a consequence, the popular understanding of religious doctrines differed greatly from that of eminent Buddhist and Daoist professionals.
It is thus clear that religion and philosophy were working hand in hand to bolster the Chinese faith. The fate of religion and philosophy differed in differing social groups. We cannot say that there was a universal, religious faith among the Chinese; nor can we assert that the Chinese was totally devoid of religious convictions. The fact could only be that the elite scholar-gentry was fond of philosophy while the underclass was inclined to embrace religion and ritual. It was a unique Chinese phenomenon that is rarely found or understood in the West.
The pattern of influence of traditional Chinese religion throughout Chinese history was multifaceted and dynamic. In view of this, the authors try their utmost not to analyze and appraise roles the traditional Chinese religion played in the Chinese history from an oversimplified and one-sided perspective but to (re-)examine it through the lens of diversity and development.
(A) In pre-Imperial China, there was a fusion of religion, political systems and political life. At that time, not only was religion a national belief system, but it was also a state event. Simply put, religion was politics. The authors deem Chinese religion(s) in this sense a “politico-religious” complex.
Historical records indicate that in the pre-Imperial China it was a generally held view that the most significant and decisive events of the state lay in war and (religious) sacrifices. Then in the post-Qin/Han era, with the exception of “patriarchal traditional religion,” which was directly incorporated into the state’s political institutions, all religions—for example, Buddhism and Daoism—assumed an organizational independence. In other words, religions were not “political” but “social”. The social religions were more independent and stable in comparison with political entities. In practice, these “social” religions were still under political control and could by no means deviate from established politics. But on the other hand, these religions could operate independently. As a whole, religions in Imperial China were neither fully incorporated into the “politico-religious complex” nor completely independent entities. In reality, not only was the state responsible for the confirmation of validity of religion, but it was also able to demonstrate support for certain religions and intervene in religious affairs. It was in Republican China that the idea of separation of religion from the state was fulfilled in practice. Overall, the relationship between religion and the state changed by degrees from “intimate” to “distant.” Such changes were the demonstration of the gradual separation of the political system from the social system. This was not a sudden event; it was a progressive transformation.
(B) The “patriarchal traditional Chinese religion” gave expression to a fusion of politics and religion, the unity of nation and spirituality. The basic principles of the “patriarchal traditional religion” lay in the divine power of sovereign and inviolability of “law of forefathers.” Sacrificial activities related to religion were incorporated into state-sanctioned ritual codes and led by state organs or clans. Sacrifices played quite an important role in consolidating established power. Undoubtedly, such religious sacrifices were of a particularly strong political character.
Patriarchal traditional religion played both a positive and negative role. On the one hand, when the ruling oligarch(s) disregarded the basic principles of governing a state and acted recklessly, enlightened and conscientious ministers or aristocrats could admonish and even fulminate against them by invoking the divine power. Even the Emperor or Son of Heaven was not exceptional. In some cases, the improvement of Imperial politics was carried out in the name of Heaven, the highest god in traditional Chinese religion. In the long run, such political amelioration, under the idea of divine duty, was conducive to social progress. But on the other hand, when the ruling hierarchy as a whole became irreversibly corruptible and increasingly reactionary, the “patriarchal traditional religion” could be used by the decadent establishment into a tool of oppression. In this regard, religion exerted very negative influence on the wider Chinese society.
(C) Buddhism and Daoism, both of which were legitimized by the state and enjoyed a degree of independence in their operations, were the most influential religions in ancient China. There are three key points regarding the political influence the two religions exerted on Chinese politics.
First, some leading Buddhists or Daoists, who had won the trust and favor of the ruling hierarchies, directly participated in Imperial politics. For example, Emperor Wu of Southern Liang dynasty thought very highly of Huilin 慧琳, an eminent Buddhist monk, and went to him for advice regarding state affairs. Therefore, people at that time called Huilin the “Prime Minister in Black (Kasaya).” Like Huilin, Tao Hongjing 陶弘景, a reputable Daoist priest, became one of the senior advisers in the service of Emperor Wu and was consequently called the “Prime Minister in Mount.” Qiu Chuji 丘处机, one of the most famous priests of Quanzhen 全真 (All Truth) Daoism, played a similar role in the court of the powerful Genghis Khan. The unprecedentedly prestigious “Imperial Preceptor,” a role played exclusively by eminent Tibetan monks, in Yuan, or the Mongol Empire, was the most intensive embodiment of a Buddhist monk’s direct involvement in state politics. Similarly, the goal of giving preferential treatment to Tibetan monks in Ming and Qing dynasties lay in the aspiration for more solid national solidarity.
Second, Buddhist and Daoist doctrines and precepts—for example, karmic retribution, bifurcation of paradise and hell, tolerance plus obedience, accumulation of virtues and merits, loyalty and filiality, inner tranquility and nonaction, and so on—could be used to enforce a moral code among the people and prevent them from committing sins and rebellions. In short, basic Buddhist and Daoist teachings were conducive to the work of consolidating the state power and reinforcing order in society. In rulers’ own words, the role the two religions played was the “secret help to the sovereign’s effort to moralize the nation.” This explains why nearly all kings and Emperors through all ages supported Buddhism and Daoism.
Third, for the ruling hierarchies, Buddhism and Daoism were like the strong spiritual pillars, by which they could gain stronger self-confidence to govern the country. For example, Emperor Wu of Southern Liang tried to bring Buddhist elements into his governance by aiming for a world where Buddhahood could be universally acquired. In Tang Empire, the Emperors, whose surname was Li李, employed Li Er 李耳 (the full name of Laozi, the founder of Daoist School) to deify the royal family in expectation of a long and stable rule over the country. In the case of Emperor Hui of the Northern Song dynasty, he went to extremes in considering himself an immortal Daoist god, which would justify his reign over all under heaven.
Nevertheless, there were contradictions and even conflicts between the two religions and the sovereigns. Due the organizational independence, self-styled sacredness and realistic interests, sometimes the two religions acted against the political or economic interests of the rulers. Under these circumstances, the ruling hierarchies usually employed administrative, legal or cultural means to restrict religion. In certain circumstances, the government could deal a heavy blow to Buddhism or Daoism. For example, Huiyuan 慧远