Handbook of the History of Religions in China II E-Book

Zhongjian Mou

• Herausgeber: ibidem
• Kategorie: Religion und Spiritualität
• Serie: Chinesische Perspektiven: Geschichte
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 1067

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2020

Beschreibung

This book is part of an initiative in cooperation with renowned Chinese publishers to make fundamental, formative, and influential Chinese thinkers available to a western readership, providing absorbing insights into Chinese reflections of late, and offering a chance to grasp today’s China. In their influential book Handbook of the History of Religions in China, Zhongjian Mou and Jian Zhang present a panorama of the religions existing in China through time. In their fascinating History, they delineate the emergence and development of Daoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Islam, and Christianity and explore the roles they played in Chinese society and the interrelations between them. In China, also due to the encompassing Confucian idea of “living together harmoniously while maintaining differences,” religions—including newly arrived ones—came closer together than anywhere else in the world and reached a unique level of peaceful societal coexistence. Despite many frictions and conflicts, communication and reconciliation were indisputably predominant in China throughout history. Buddhism was peacefully introduced into China and, later on, a harmonious, symbiotic syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism developed—an exemplary process of how a diverse set of different religions can complement each other and contribute to a better life.

Leseprobe

ibidem-Press, Stuttgart

Contents

Preface

About the authors

About the translator

Major Dynasties in Chinese History

Chapter Six Religions in Liao, Song and Jin Dynasties and Western Xia (the Tangut Empire)

An Overview

Primitive Religions and Flourishing Buddhism in Liao

1) Traditional Khitan beliefs and the tendency of Sinicization

2) The prevalence of Buddhism and its characteristics

Religions in Song Dynasties: Syncretism and Evolution

1)Revising and perfecting the sacrificial codes applicable to the state religion

2) The equal importance of meditation and doctrine in Buddhist practice and the syncretism of Buddhism and Confucianism

3) Thriving Daoism

4) Manichaeism, Islam, Judaism and Zoroastrianism

Religions in Jin dynasty

1) Conventional customs of the Jurchen people and the creation of institutions with respect to the Jurchen state religion

2) The growing popularity of Buddhism

3) The emergence and growth of new Daoist schools in areas north of the Yellow River

Religions in the Western Xia Dynasty

1) Primitive sorcery and the cult of spirits

2) The introduction and growth of Buddhism

3) The Tangut Tripitaka and its significance

The second diffusion of Buddhism in Tibet and the formation of Buddhist sects

1) Well-known Buddhist figures and their contributions in the Houhong (Second Diffusion) Period

2) Sects of Tibetan Buddhism and their theories

Chapter Seven Religions in Yuan Dynasty: A Boom in Faith

An Overview

The Reconstruction and Characteristics of Official Religious Rituals

1) The grand ceremony of offering sacrifices to Heaven

2) The (Royal) Ancestral Temple

3) The Imperial shrine for Earth and Grain gods

4) The Imperial ceremony advocating the Kingship of Confucius

5) Offering sacrifices to gods of mountain, river and sea

6) Traditional Mongol customs

The development of Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism and the practice of the “Imperial Preceptor”

1) The Mongol aristocrats’ adoration of Buddhism

2) The development and administration of Buddhism in Yuan

3) The unique practice of the Imperial Preceptor in Yuan

4) The growth of Buddhist sects in the Central Plains

5) Buddhism and Yuan culture

The Introduction and Growth of Theravada Buddhism in Yunnan

1) The introduction of Theravada Buddhism into Yunnan

2) Theories and sutras of Theravada Buddhism

3) The sects, monastic hierarchy and monasteries in Theravada Buddhism

4) Theravada Buddhism and the Dai society

The Prevalence and Popularity of All Truth Daoism in the Lower Reaches of Yangtze River

1) Qiu Chuji and the rise and fall of All Truth Daoism

2) The flourishing Way of Orthodox Unity in the lower reaches of Yangtze River

3) The growing popularity of Jingming Dao in the lower reaches of Yangtze River

The Resuscitation of Yelikewen (Erkeun/Arkagun), Islam and Judaism

1) Yelikewen (Erkeun/Arkagun): The re-introduction of Christianity into China

2) The rapid growth of Islam in Yuan

3) The development of Judaism in Yuan

The Rise of the White Lotus Sect and Social Changes in Late Yuan Dynasty

1) The birth and growth of the White Lotus Sect

2) The White Lotus rebellions in the late Yuan

Chapter Eight Religions in Ming Dynasty: The Pluralistic Syncretism and Popularization

An Overview

Development and Perfection of Rituals and Ceremonies of the Patriarchal Religion

1) The grand ceremony of sacrificing to Heaven and Earth

2) Sacrifices to the Earth and Grain gods, the Sun and Moon, the Divine Farmer, the Goddess of Silkworms and the God of Matchmakers

3) Altars of various deities and Earthly and Celestial gods

4) Sacrifices to Emperors, holy Masters, men of virtue and outstanding Ministers of all ages

5) The Royal Ancestral Temple

6) Funerals and related dressing codes

Buddhism in the Syncretism of the Three Great Teachings

1) Ming’s religious policies and administration of Buddhism

2) Tsongkhapa’s religious reform of Tibetan Buddhism

3) Two great branches of the School of Meditation and their representative figures

4) Other Buddhist schools

5) The Great Four Buddhists in the late Ming dynasty

The Secularization of Daoism and the Growing Prosperity of the Daoist School of Fulu (Mysterious Symbols, Drawings and Incantations)

1) The royal family and Daoism

2) Two major Daoist schools: The Way of Orthodox Unity and All Truth Daoism

3) Zhengtong Daozang 正统道藏 and万历续道藏 Wanli xu Daozang

The Reintroduction of Christianity into China and Clashes with Traditional Chinese Culture

1) Missionaries entered China in every possible way

2) Matteo Ricci’s strategy of Confucianizing Catholicism

3) Nanjing Incident: The first conflict between Christianity and Chinese culture

4) The revival of Christian churches in the late Ming

The Growth of Islam in Ming

1) Islam and the Ming dynasty

2) The emergence of “Scripture-Hall Education”

3) The production of Chinese editions of Islamic writing

The Great Development of Popular Religions in Ming

1) The prosperity of popular religions and the evolution of White Lotus Teaching

2) The Luo Sect and its derivatives

3) The Yellow Heaven Sect and the Red Sun Sect

4) The Three-in-One Teaching

5) General characteristics of popular religions in Ming

Chapter Nine Religions in the Qing Dynasty: Differentiation, Development and Decline

An Overview

Sacrifices in the State Religion

1) Imperial Codes regarding state sacrifices

2) Changes in state sacrifices in the late Qing dynasty

3) The veneration of and sacrifice to Confucius

4) The preservation and evolution of traditional Manchu religious customs

5) The decline and persistence of traditional patriarchal religion

The Development and Decline of Buddhism in Qing

1) The Emperor’s adoration of Buddhism and the Imperial administration of Buddhism

2) The decline of Buddhist schools

3) The predominance of lay Buddhists

4) Secular scholars’ Buddhist studies

5) Tibetan Buddhism in Qing

The Continuity, Diffusion and Decline of Daoism

1) The decline of Zhengyi 正一 Daoism or the Way of Orthodox Unity

2) Quanzhen 全真 Daoism in Qing

3) Daozang jiyao 道藏辑要 and new Daoist writings

4) The continued diffusion of Daoism in the Chinese society

Popular Religions in Qing

1) The Ba’gua 八卦 (Eight-Trigram) Sect

2) Popular religions in the late Qing

The Growth of Islam in Qing

1) Chinese Tariqas

2) Chinese translations of Islamic writings

3) Chinese translations of the Koran

Christianity in Qing

1) A great progress of missionary work in the early Qing

2) The Controversy of Rites and the change of Kangxi’s policy on Catholicism

3) Stricter bans on Catholicism and missionary incidents in three reigns

4) Christianity in the late Qing

5) Christianity in the early modern China: Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde

Chapter Ten Religions in the Republican China (1912–1949)

An Overview

The Resuscitation and Reformation of Buddhism

1) The efforts to modernize Buddhist organization

2) The efforts to modernize Buddhist activities

3) The Grotto of Storing Scriptures in Dunhuang 敦煌

4) Buddhist gurus in modern China

5) Prominent Buddhist scholars’ remarkable achievements

6) Tibetan Buddhism in Republican China

The Fall and Rehabilitation of Daoism in Republican China

1) Political situations and the fate of Daoism

2) Efforts to rehabilitate Daoism

3) The rise of secular scholars’ studies of Daoism

New Growth of Islam in the Republican China

1) The birth and growth of Islamic social organizations

2) The vivid development of Islamic scholarship and culture

3) Eminent Chinese Muslim scholars and their contributions

4) Yang Zenxin 杨增新 (1864–1928) and Xinjiang

Rapid Growth of Christianity and its influence in Chinese society

1) The internal and external conditions for the rapid growth of Christianity

2) The growth of Christian orders

3) Christianity and Republican politics

4) Contributions Christianity made to Chinese society

Preface

Overall Description

Digging into the long history of China, this highly-acclaimed book investigates a variety of religions in a comprehensive and systematic way. These religions include: primitive religions and worship; archaic patriarchal religions; traditional Daoism; popular religions; and non-indigenous religions such as Buddhism, Christianity and Islam. Furthermore, the book discusses in detail the origin, growth, introduction—as well as dissemination—of religions in China. With insightful analysis, the two authors illuminate sects, doctrines, rituals and disciplines of Chinese religions, along with exchanges and interactions between religions, thoughts and cultures. To put it in a nutshell, this revised two-volume General History of Religions in China pulls together vast knowledge and understanding of the cultural roots, characteristics and impact of religions throughout Chinese history.

About the authors

Professor Mou Zhongjian 牟钟鉴 was born in 1939 in Yantai, a beautiful coastal city of Shandong Province. He studied in the Department of Philosophy at the prestigious Peking University. He devoted himself to the history of Chinese philosophy and was awarded his Master of Arts degree. Then, he spent more than 20 years (1966–1987) at the Institute of World Religions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), where his research focused on the Chinese philosophy and religions. In November 1987, he began teaching at Minzu University of China (i.e. Central University for Nationalities). Mr. Mou has been appointed to the highest level of professorship and is responsible for supervising Ph.D. programs in the University’s Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies. He has been rewarded with prestigious titles such as the National Outstanding Teacher Award. Prof. Mou’s major publications include: Lüshi Chunqiu yu Huainanzi sixiang yanjiu《吕氏春秋》与《淮南子》思想研究 (An intellectual inquiry into The Spring and Autumn of Master Lü and The Master Huainan); Zoujin Zhongguo jingshen走进中国精神 (Walking into the Chinese spirit); Ruxue jiazhi de xin tansuo儒学价值的新探索 (Ground breaking explorations of the value of Confucianism), and so forth.

Professor Zhang Jian 张践 works for the famous Renmin University, or the People’s University of China. He is also a Guest Research Fellow at the MOE’s Research Center for Buddhism and Theories of Religious Study and a Guest Professor at Minzu University. The International Confucian Association offered Prof. Zhang membership of Council and Directorship of the Committee of Dissemination. In addition, he serves as the Vice President of the China Society for Practical Learning. Prof. Zhang is a leading scholar in the fields of history of religions in China and history of Chinese philosophy. He has published numerous monographs such as: Zongjiao, zhengzhi, minzu宗教·政治·民族 (Religion, politics, and ethnicity); 中国民间宗教史 (History of popular religions in China); and Dexing yu gongfu—Zhongguo ren de xiuyang guan德性与功夫——中国人的修养观 (A priori virtues and a posteriori moralities: Chinese ideas of self-cultivation).

About the translator

Chi Zhen, Ph.D. (2007), National University of Singapore, is Associate Research Fellow at Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS). He has published monographs and articles on Chinese intellectual history. He devotes himself to the English translation of academic works authored by highly intellectual Chinese scholars. His latest translation work was Marxism and Religion (Brill, 2014).

Major Dynasties in Chinese History

General Name

Specific Name(s)

From

To

Xia 夏

2100 BC

1600 BC

Shang 商

1600 BC

1100 BC

Western Zhou 西周

1100 BC

771 BC

Eastern Zhou 东周

770 BC

256 BC

Spring and Autumn

春秋

770 BC

476 BC

Warring States

战国

475 BC

221 BC

Qin 秦

221 BC

206 BC

Western Han 西汉

206 BC

24 AD

Eastern Han 东汉

and

Three Kingdoms 三国

25 AD

220 AD

Wei 魏

220

265

Shu 蜀

221

263

Wu 吴

222

280

Western Jin 西晋

265

316

Eastern Jin 东晋

317

420

Southern and Northern

南北朝

Southern

Song 宋

420

479

Qi 齐

479

502

Liang 梁

502

557

Chen 陈

557

589

Northern

Northern Wei 北魏

386

534

Eastern Wei 东魏

534

550

Northern Qi 北齐

550

577

Western Wei 西魏

535

556

Northern Zhou 北周

557

581

Sui 隋

581

618

Tang 唐

618

907

Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms

五代十国

907

960

Northern Song 北宋

960

1127

Southern Song 南宋

1127

1279

Liao 辽

916

1125

Jin 金

1115

1234

Western Xia (Tangut Empire)

西夏

1038

1227

Yuan 元

1271

1368

Ming 明

1368

1644

Qing 清

1644

1911

Chapter SixReligions in Liao, Song and Jin Dynasties and Western Xia (the Tangut Empire)

 

An Overview

The historical period that will be discussed in this chapter begins with the founding of Northern Song dynasty in 960 A.D. and ends with the Southern Song’s tragic collapse in 1279. In over than three centuries, the Middle Kingdom sadly experienced another extremely turbulent era, in which central political authority declined, separatist regional regimes flourished, ethnic conflicts worsened, and wars between ethnic groups continued uninterrupted. It is a generally held view that the Song regime outshined the regimes of Liao辽, Jin 金and Western Xia夏, all of which were considered “barbarian.” Such a biased view of history should be abandoned. These so-called “barbarian” regimes were separatist local governments and, to be fair, they did contribute to the development of Chinese nation. Against the backdrop of predominance of Han Chinese culture, they were merely ethnically, culturally, politically, and economically different from the Han people. Examining the history of these “barbarians,” an egalitarian mentality was more useful. In the revisionist perspective, Liao was a Khitan society that occupied vast areas of north China and created a feudal state in imitation of the central authorities in the Central Plain. Jin was a Jurchen state, which rose in present-day Manchuria; it then occupied the lower eastern Liaoning in a southern expansion, annexed the Liao regime, extended down to Hebei and Henan, and finally was annihilated by the Mongol army. Western Xia was a Tangut regime that ruled in the northwest of China for 190 years and finally surrendered to the Mongols. Where the two Song dynasties were concerned, they were economically and culturally advanced, though both were militarily quite weak. Faced with the powerful troops of “barbarian” regimes, the territories under the Songs’ effective control were much smaller than those in the Tang Empire, due to their passive defense and rapid geographical shrinking from the Northern Song. The Northern Song still controlled the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River to the border with the Southern Song dynasty, which ruled over merely the tiny lower reaches of the Yangtze River.

As for the religious faith in the “barbarian” regimes, Liao, on the one hand, preserved the indigenous primitive religions, and on the other hand, exposed itself to the culture—religions included—of the Han Chinese. The traditional patriarchal religions and Buddhism exerted the most far-reaching influence on Liao. Following the example of the central authorities, rulers of Liao created their own institutionalized system of ancestral temples and used them as the divine bases for their rule. Of course, such institutions embraced some indigenous Khitan components. Buddhism prevailed in the Liao regime. Nevertheless, the Meditation School was not very popular due to the cultural backwardness and lack of Buddhist philosophers. Unlike Zen Buddhism, the schools of Avatamsaka, Esotericism and Pure Land enjoyed a much greater popularity among the Khitan people. The reputable Buddhist enterprises in Liao included the compilation of Khitan Buddhist sutras and continuous effort to inscribe Buddhist canons on steles in Fangshan of present-day Beijing.

Shamanism dominated the spiritual world of Jurchen people, who founded the Jin regime. Despite this, the ruling monarchs of Jin held Confucianism in high esteem and earnestly studied the orthodox institutions of building ancestral temples and sacrificing to deities at suburban altars. As a result, they created their own state academics and religions. In the meantime, Buddhism was not left unnoticed but given appropriate support, which ensured it could play a leading role in the religious life of ordinary people. Zen, together with schools of Avatamsaka, Vinaya and Pure Land, were all favorite pets of the Jurchen people. The Jin (Jurchen) collection of Buddhist sutras that was excavated in Zhaocheng County of Shanxi in the 1930s was invaluable to the scholarships of the history of Chinese Buddhism. Daoism was another important player in the spiritual world of Jin. The Daoist schools of Quanzhen (Completeness and Truth), Taiyi (Grand Unity) and Zhenda (Truth and Greatness) rose to prominence in Hebei, which was under the Jurchen regime’s control at that time. It is particularly worth mentioning that the Quanzhen School, a brainchild of Wang Zhe 王喆, gradually developed into the mainstream Daoism in north China and marked the new stage of growth for the Daoist faith.

The Western Xia almost exclusively embraced Buddhism. The Tangut regime occupied the Gansu Corridor, which played an important role similar to the Silk Road in bridging the Middle Kingdom and West Asia. It was in this Corridor that the branches of Buddhism of Western Region and China acted upon each other. Thanks to these interactions and exchanges Buddhist culture flourished greatly among the Tangut people. The earlier prosperity of Buddhism in Western Xia was still discernible in the preserved Dunhuang and Yulin 榆林 grottoes, where we can reflect on the Tangut devoutness to Buddhism and the beauty of Xia’s Buddhist artworks.

Inheriting the great cultural capital accumulated in Han and Tang empires, the two Songs enjoyed amazing cultural attainment. The Song states paid great attention to the adoption and revision of the traditional patriarchal religion and tried their best to perfect the institutions regarding sacrificial ceremonies held in ancestral temples and at royal suburban altars. The Emperor Zhen of Northern Song presided over the grandest ceremony of offering sacrifices to Supreme Gods at Feng and Shang altars at Mount Tai. It was the last “Feng-Shan” ceremony in the Chinese history. In Song, Zen Buddhism, represented by the Linji临济School, took the leading role among the various Buddhist sects. A quite significant change did take place in Zen Buddhism. Historically, Zen Buddhists refrained from writing doctrines in eras prior to Song. Now, they began composing Zen scriptures in an unrestricted way. Both talking Zen and teaching sutras were attached great importance. It was in the time of the two Song dynasties that the three great teachings—Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism—theoretically complemented each other and achiever an unprecedented integration. Among the Buddhists, Qihao 契蒿 and Zhiyuan 智圆 were the representatives promoting the trinity of three teachings. The brothers of Cheng Yi 程颐 and Cheng Hao 程颢, Zhu Xi 朱熹, and Lu Jiuyuan 陆九渊, who were the greatest Confucians in the two Song dynasties, were greatly influenced by Buddhist philosophies. Centering on the orthodox Confucian doctrines, they absorbed Buddhist intellectual wealth, in spite of their open verbal criticism against Buddhist thinking. Consequently, Confucian philosophy was brought to a new level. Some Song Emperors—the Emperors Zhen and Hui, for example—promoted greatly Daoism and enabled the indigenous Chinese religion to grow more powerful and influential. The teaching of External Alchemy had declined in Song dynasties and the School of Internal Alchemy became much more advanced and developed. The systematic doctrines of nurturing the life by Internal Alchemy had been formally formulated by Chen Tuan 陈抟 and Zhang Boduan 张伯端, who also exerted significant influence on the Songs’ symbolic Confucian “Lixue理学,” i.e. the Learning of Principle.

The political confrontation and military conflicts among the orthodox Song regimes and “barbarian” regimes of Liao, Jin and Western Xia are undeniable facts. Nevertheless, culturally, the Middle Kingdom was still well and solidly integrated. The four regimes were all firm proponents of Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. The religious exchanges between them was never cut off. In this regard, the religious culture and Confucianism played a great role in spiritually uniting various ethnic groups across the vast land of China.

Apart from traditional religions, Islam, Judaism, Manichaeism, and some popular religions also prevailed in China and they made contributions to the religious and cultural pluralism of the two Song dynasties.

In the case of Tibetan Buddhism, the Houhong (Second Diffusion) Period commenced as soon as the very long silence of Buddhism had been broken. Several major Buddhist sects emerged in the Plateau. Consequently, Buddhism became the mainstream Tibetan ideology and the most popular belief among Tibetans.

Primitive Religions and Flourishing Buddhism in Liao

1) Traditional Khitan beliefs and the tendency of Sinicization

The Khitan people were the principal constituents of Liao state. In Tang and earlier periods, they lived in a clan society. In the late Tang, the Khitan clans drastically transformed into a medieval Imperial state thanks to the exposure to the culture of the Central Plain. Yelüabaoji 耶律阿保机, the founding emperor of Liao, created a Khitan state in the strict sense and borrowed many Han institutions. Consequently, the rising Liao state preserved many primitive indigenous religions; however, the new powers accepted by degrees the patriarchal state religion that prevailed across the Central Plain. A mixed form of religion was discernible in the transforming Khitan society.

(A) The combined cults of Mount Muye, Heaven and Earth

The Mount Muye (literally, “very high”) was the most sacred place, believed to be the place where the Khitan people originated. In the myth regarding the creation of Khitan clan, a man mounting a white horse came to the Mount Muye via the River Tu土 (Laoha老哈) and a woman riding a blue ox arrived at the Mount down the River Huang 潢 (Xilamulun西拉木伦). They met each other and got married. The descendants of the legendary couple later created the earliest eight Khitan clans. One Khitan Khan, whose name was Yaonian Hula 遥辇胡刺, stipulated how the ritual of sacrificing to the sacred Mount be performed. When Yelüdeguang 耶律德光, the founding Emperor of Liao, was enthroned, he slightly Sinicized the ceremony, offering sacrifices to Heaven and Earth at the Mount Muye similar to the “Feng-Shan” ceremony performed by Han Emperors. The founding Emperor also held the Buddhist faith in high esteem. He had the Bodhisattva in White, which was originally worshipped in the Pavilion of Dabei (Great Compassionateness) of Prefecture You 幽, relocated to Mount Muye, where a Liao royal temple was created for the statue. The Bodhisattva was consequently venerated as the deity of the ruling family. According to the “Annals of Rites” in History of Liao, the ceremony of offering sacrifices to the sacred Muye should be performed in the following way. The altars dedicated to the supreme Heaven and Earth were built at the Mount and both altars looked to the east. In the middle, a tree standing in for the monarch was planted and was faced by dozens of smaller trees symbolizing the ministers in the Imperial court. Another two trees stood face-to-face, representing the gate of realm of deities. The sacrificed animals included reddish brown and white horses, black oxen, and red and white rams. The animals were all male and hung from the “tree of monarch” after being butchered. Putting on ceremonial robes, the mounted Emperor and Empress got down at the site of “tree of monarch” and met his ministers. Then, they offered sacrifices to the Heaven and Earth at the prescribed site and read the prayer. After the principal ceremony was finished, the auxiliary ceremonies would be performed, such as the ministers visiting the trees, circling the dual trees symbolizing the gate of realm of deities, burning incense, and offering fruits and other foods. In these ceremonies, the Emperor and Empress would personally take part many times; shamans and grand shamans would also be principal participants of these ceremonies. The entire sacrificial ceremony was very distinctive, demonstrating the great efforts made to integrate rituals of sacrificing to Heaven, Earth, the sacred Mount and trees, and chanting prayers by male and female shamans. In the case of the founding Emperor, he reverently visited the Hall of Bodhisattva after sacrificing to the deities at the Mount. Such an act of worship added Buddhist elements into the royal ceremony. Zongzhen 宗真, or the Emperor Xing of Liao, had a different procedure of sacrificing to gods. His sacrificial ceremonies were first performed at the Hall of Bodhisattva, at Mount Muye, and by the River Liao, where the god of the river was worshipped. Only when these ceremonies were finished would he hold the sacred ceremony dedicated to Supreme Gods. The ceremonial dresses and regulations changed greatly in the reign of Emperor Xing. In spite of being less magnificent and sophisticated than the grand “Feng-Shan” ceremony held in the Central Plain, the Liao sacrificial practices were in “silently accord with the [Confucian] proprieties in concretizing the Supreme God by planting trees, communicating with the supernatural beings by means of hanging butchered animals, offering sacrifices to the dead and chanting prayer in strict accordance with the established hierarchy, and drinking libations to the deities in expectation of blessings.”1 The sacrificial ceremony at Mount Muye was performed in each reign of Liao. The Emperor even held it many times in a single reign. The History of Liao shows that there were more than 20 sessions of sacrificial ceremonies at the sacred Mount. Such a ceremony was indeed given greater importance in the Khitan regime.

Apart from sacrificial ceremonies held at the Mount Muye, the ceremonies in the Mounts of Wugu, Wu, Hei, Qiu, Cui, Yong’an, Chi and Yin were performed in honor of Heaven. The sacrifices included deep blue oxen, white horses, rams in black and white, geese, black hares, wine, and dried meats, among which the deep blue oxen and white horses were the most popular and most prestigious. This is because riding was an honorable tradition for the Khitan ancestors. The ceremony of sacrificing to Heaven and Earth would not only be held in festivals. It could also be performed on numerous occasions such as ceremonies asking for productive hunting, successful battles, the emergence of something auspicious, praying for Heaven’s blessing, and so on. Such a ceremony was not fixed but flexible. Sacrificing to great rivers was another significant ceremony. The one that was dedicated to the River Huntong 混同 was held most often.

Originally there was the cult of celestial gods among some ethnic groups in China. However, the idea of celestial gods in the early Liao regime was influenced by the orthodox thinking of Han people. Unlike the archaic Khitan thinking, which was lively and simple, the new intellectual reformulation of a celestial god laid stress on the Liao Emperor’s “manifest destiny.” The founding Emperor said, “The lord who receives the Heaven-mandated destiny shall show reverence towards Heaven and gods.”2 He also said:

Heaven descends to the earth and brings happiness to the people. A sagacious lord or enlightened king appears only once in every ten thousand years. I, fortunately, am given the mandate of heaven, by which I lead the entire population. Each expedition is carried out in accordance with Heaven’s will. Therefore, the appropriate tactics lie in man himself and the expected result can be acquired magically.3

The purpose of the founding Emperor’s creation of the authority of Heaven was to have the monarchic power justified by the divine (Heavenly) right and legitimize his personal rule over the state. Now that the Emperor’s governance was assisted by Heaven, nobody would be allowed to act against the ruler himself. In this regard, the Khitan Imperial edict was very similar to that of the traditional Han emperors.

The ceremony of offering sacrifices to the sun, and the “sese” ceremony, were related to the cult of Heaven and Earth. In the ceremony of sacrificing to the sun, the Emperor built a terrace where he, accompanied by ministers, worshipped the sun according to strict proprieties. The “sese” ceremony was, however, sorcery praying for rain. A Heaven Pavilion with 100 pillars would first be built. On the day of ceremony, the Emperor would sacrifice to the ancestors and then twice shoot the standing branches of willow. Then, the princes and leading ministers shot the willow once. People who hit the target in the symbolic archery would put on the recorder’s cap and clothes; those who missed the target leave their caps and clothes to the recorder and offer libations to the recorder. The “pawned” caps and clothes would be finally return to the original owners. The next day, the targeted willow would be planted in the southeast of the Heaven Pavilion. The shamans would sacrifice to deities with wine and grains, and royal siblings performed ceremonial archery after the Emperor and Empress finished offering sacrifices to the God of the East. The Emperor would then grant a reward to all participants. If there was rain, the reward would be much more handsome.

(B) Sacrificial ceremonies dedicated to ancestors and funerals

Ancestor worship was very common for almost all ethnic groups in China. The practice of Liao nobles was “intermediate.” To put it another way, it was less complicated or inflexible in comparison with those customs that prevailed in the Central Plain. Yet it was more sophisticated and formal than the indigenous ceremonies, thanks to the existence of rituals of addressing and showing reverence towards the ancestral temples, sacrificing to the tombs, and burying the deceased. All of these were products of the nobles’ partial acceptance of traditional proprieties of the Han Chinese. The grand ancestral temple was created by the founding Emperor. Whenever there were significant events such as receiving the “jade slips” (legitimizing the throne) and leading an expedition by the Emperor himself, a grand ceremony would be held in the ancestral temple. If the Emperor visited the many capital cities, he performed sacrificial ceremonies in the related temple, where he would pay respect to the deceased Emperors, burn incense, and chant eulogies. In every season the newly-produced grain would be displayed in the temples. On the first day of the first month of winter, a magnificent ceremony presided over by the Emperor would be held in the Imperial mausoleum.

When an Emperor died, the heir needed to wail sincerely, sacrifice to the late Emperor, and himself carry the coffin to the mausoleum. In the funeral, the grand shaman performed rituals of exorcizing the evil and praying for blessings; sacrificial offerings such as clothes, bows, arrows, saddles, bridles, paintings, horses, camels, and effigies of guards were burned. In addition, rams were sacrificially butchered. These sacrificial acts were all traditional practices of the Khitan people. Originally, mourning dress was in the indigenous Khitan style. Emperor Tianzuo consulted Yelügu, who was the leader of the Imperial Academy, about proprieties regarding mourning dress. Then, the royal family adopted the slightly Sinicized mourning dress that had the edges properly cut.

Daoism was merely an insignificant player in the shadows of a dominant Buddhism in the time of Liao dynasty. Due to the extreme inadequacy of primary sources, we cannot draw a clear picture of Daoism in the Khitan regime. Merely in the light of some broken records, we know that a few Liao nobles were probably interested in the Daoist faith. Within the state of Liao there were Daoist temples and special places receiving non-Liao Daoist priests. Daoist priests could freely move between Liao, Tang and Song dynasties. Nevertheless, seemingly the Daoists of Liao failed to create a powerful Daoist sect; nor did they organize any large religious events related to Daoism. According to writing at the time, the third son of the Emperor Jing “was fond of Daoism when he was still a boy and felt happy whenever he saw a Daoist priest. … He built Daoist academy, where he received Daoists from abroad, recited Daoist scriptures, performed Daoist ceremonies, and offered vegetarian foods to Daoist gods.”4 Emperor Sheng “knew very well both Daoism and Buddhism and had obtained an insight into the essences of the two religions.” He even himself visited the Daoist Temple of Tongtian (Interconnecting Heaven) in the first year of Taiping (1021). Emperor Xing was also a fan of Daoism, demonstrated in his appointment of Wang Gang and other Daoist priests as senior officials and his order that required his concubines dress like Daoist nuns in the banquet. Some records said Liu Haichan 刘海蟾, a renowned Daoist priest, was from Liao. Liu was taught the magic formula of making elixir when he met Lü Dongbing吕洞宾. In the early Northern Song dynasty Liu commuted between Mount Zhongnan and Mount Taihua and, together with Zhang Wumeng and Zhong Fang, paid a formal visit to Chen Tuan 陈抟. These Daoist priests became good friends. It was also said that Zhang Boduan, the founding patriarch of the Southern Way of Golden Elixir, was one of the disciples of Liu Haichan. In fact, Liu was an active Daoist figure roaming around within Song. He never led activities in Liao. The history of Daoism in Liao was too hard to be reconstructed on the grounds that the related historical records are too scare.

Like the regimes in the Central Plain, Liao revered and sacrificed to Confucius, who was regarded as a god by the Khitan rulers. The regime of Liao treated Confucianism as a religion.

2) The prevalence of Buddhism and its characteristics

(A) The Khitan rulers and Buddhism

Originally the Khitan people believed in primitive Shamanism. The Buddhist faith was totally foreign to them. When the Tang Empire began to collapse, Yelüabaoji, who created the powerful Liao state, annexed by degrees various Khitan tribes and geographically extended his regime. In the process of founding his Empire, the great Khitan ruler emphasized the recruitment of talented Han people and the absorption of the advanced Han culture. As a consequence, he was brought to and convinced by Buddhism. In the second year of Tianfu of Tang (902 A.D.), the founding Emperor built the Temple of Kaijiao (Establishing Teaching) in the Longhua Prefecture, which was located in present-day Banner of Wengniute 翁牛特 in Inner Mongolia. Sixteen years later, or the third year of Shence of Liao (918 A.D.), the Liao Emperor issued an edict, which required the temples dedicated to Confucius, Buddhism and Daoism be built.5 In the sixth year of Shence (921 A.D.), the Khitan army conquered the Bohai 渤海tribe of Jurchen people. The Bohai tribe as a whole were followers of the Buddhist faith. The Liao ruler relocated 50 Buddhist monks, represented by Chongwen, to the Western Mansion (or the later Shangjing Huangfu, present-day Lindong of Inner Mongolia) of the capital city of Liao. The Emperor specially built the Temple of Tianxiong (Heavenly Prowess) for them. The supreme leaders of Khitan people and other nobles visited frequently the Temple, where they also held large religious activities such as grand prayers, posthumous rewards, donation of foods for monks, and so on. Later Yelüdeguang, or Emperor Tai, attacked and annexed the 16 prefectures in the vast regions of Yan and Yun (present-day northern parts of Hebei and Shanxi). The Yan-Yun region was renowned for its flourishing Buddhism. Consequently, the Khitan people were increasingly exposed to the Buddhist faith

Since the reign of the founding Emperor, the rulers of Khitan state were all Buddhist followers. They supported and protected Buddhism by means of various policies. In the reigns of Yelülongxu (982–1030), or Emperor Sheng, Yelüzongzhen (1031–1054), or Emperor Xing, and Yelühongji (1053–1100), or Emperor Dao, Buddhism received the unmatchable attention from Khitan rulers. The three Emperors kept building Buddhist temples, donating a great number of lands and farmers to monasteries, and even employing the Imperial treasuries to support the work of inscribing Buddhist sutras in the Temple of Yunju (Cloud Residence) in Fangshan of present-day Beijing. In the case of Emperor Dao, he was not only a great supporter of Buddhism but also an excellent Buddhist scholar. The Emperor had a very good mastery of Sanskrit and thoroughly researched the Avatamsaka Sutra. It was said:

Whenever the Emperor talked about the secular politics, he would end it with the profundity of Buddhist teaching. Whenever he lectured on the essence [of Buddhist teaching], the listeners would be enlightened and something extraordinary be grasped. Whenever he explored the completeness and perfection [of the Buddhist teaching] and worked out eulogies, something auspicious would be granted by the supranatural beings.6

Apart from lecturing on the Buddhist canon, composing numerous annotations on the Avatamsaka Sutra was also one of the more significant contributions that Emperor Dao made to Buddhist studies. These Emperors set an example by adoring Buddhism. Consequently, his subjects followed almost blindly. So many senior officials and nobles attempted to make themselves virtuous by donating handsomely to the monasteries. For example, the Princess of Grandness and Primacy, who was one of the younger daughters of Emperor Sheng, donated her private residence in the South Imperial City (present-day Beijing) and rebuilt it as the Grand Temple of Vast Heaven, to which she also gave 100 qing (approximately 10,000 mu) of farmland and 100 households of farmers. Madam Xiao, a celebrity from the Lanling Prefecture, contributed 3,000 qing (approx. 300,000 mu) of farmland, 10,000 dan of grains, 50 oxen, and 40 horses as a gift to the Temple of Jing’an (Tranquility and Stability), which was located in the Middle Imperial City (present-day Daming City of Inner Mongolia). The monastic economy in Liao underwent unchecked growth due to the unimaginable donations from powerful ministers and men of wealth. The monasteries occupied a huge number of lands and farmers. Many peasants paid half of the taxes that should be given to the state to various Buddhist temples. As a result, a special system, in which the farmers had to be taxpayers of both the monasteries and the state, was created.

The complete records regarding the bureaucracy applying to the monastic administration cannot be found in The History of Liao. According to the few available records, Liao established a Central Buddhist Registry in the five Imperial cities. In Yanjing (present-day Beijing), there were the Left and Right Buddhist Registries. In the agency that was specially created for monks, there were officials such as Buddhist Registrar, Rectifier and Judger, all of whom were registered monks. In the Imperial Registry’s local branches in prefectures, there were (regional) Rectifier, Chief Reciter and Chief Karmadana. The Chief Karmadana was not an official but a leader of the Buddhist community. At that time Buddhism was very popular among ordinary residents in Liao. Therefore, the professional monks and lay Buddhists formed the huge “community comprising of one thousand members” and recommended a renowned Buddhist layman to be the Chief Karmadana in charge of the community affairs. The monastic bureaucracy, however, was less strict than that of Song dynasties. “If a person wanted to become a monk, he did not need to pay the registration fee at all.”7 To put it another way, the state did not impose any limitation on monastic recruitment. Consequently, the numbers of monks and nuns were ever increasing in Liao and the state’s finances were seriously disturbed. The unchecked growth of Buddhism was one of factors that brought about the decline of the powerful Khitan regime. After the reigns of Emperors Sheng, Xing and Dao, the national politics of Liao state became extremely decadent. Buddhism played a very negative role in the collapse of Liao, though we cannot say that “it was Buddhism that paralyzed the Liao Empire.”

When the Liao state was annihilated by the rising Jurchen regime, Yelüdashi 耶律大石, or the eighth-generation grandson of Liao’s founding Emperor, led the Khitan people to go to the Western Region, where he founded the Western Liao state that covered present-day Xinjiang and other parts of Central Asia. The Khitan expatriates brought Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoist to these remote areas. According to disciples of Qiu Chuji 丘处机, a very famous Daoist priest in Song, when the leader of Uighur people held a grand welcome banquet, “there would be seated Buddhist monks, Daoist priests, and Confucians scholars.”8 Among the indigenous residents in the regions under Western Liao’s control, Islam had already prevailed. The ruling hierarchy had a very tolerant attitude to other religions, in spite of being pious followers of Buddhism. As a result, Islam, Buddhism and Nestorianism coexisted peacefully in this remote Khitan state.

(B) Buddhist schools, representative figures and writings in Liao

The Liao regime laid stress on the work of training qualified monks and created a sophisticated examination system. Only when a monk passed the examinations of Buddhist canons, vinayas and treatises would he be a good candidate for the “Teacher of Dharma.” Such an examination system gave a great incentive to the academic exploration of Buddhist doctrines. The Liao state had the entire spectrum of Buddhist schools that prevailed in the Central Plain. The Avatamsaka and Esoteric schools were the most popular and flourishing ones, both of which paid particular attention to Buddhist theories and ritualistic stipulations. In comparison with the two leading Buddhist sects, the schools of Zen, Vinaya, Pure Land, Consciousness-only and Abhidharma enjoyed less popularity among the Khitan people.

In the case of Avatamsaka School, it inherited the teachings that prevailed in Tang. Nevertheless, the lineage of the School in Liao could by no means be reconstructed. As far as the authors know, the earliest patriarch of Avatamsaka School in Liao was Haishan 海山, a Teacher of Dharma superintending the Temple of Haiyun (Sea Cloud), located on Juehua Island (present-day Juhua Island of Xingcheng, Liaoning). His birth and death dates are still unknown. Haishan was meant to be an active Buddhist in the reign of Emperor Xing. His secular name was Lang Sixiao朗思孝. Originally, he passed the highest level of Imperial Examination, and he gave up the secular life and chose to be a monk. Inasmuch as he “abided by the Buddhist rules in an extremely strict manner and gained a nationwide reputation,” the senior ministers and nobles were all friendly with him. Emperor Xing conferred honorary titles upon Haishan, such as “the Grand Master of Imperial Entertainments”, “the Principal Minister of Public Construction”, and “the Grand Preceptor in the Service of State Affairs.” He had a very good friendship with Emperor Xing, demonstrated in their written communication by poetry and essays. “Whenever Haishan wrote a memorandum to the Throne, he always signed with his name rather than with official titles,” wrote Wang Ji 王寂.9 Haishan deeply studied the teachings of Avatamsaka and wrote the one-volume Da Huayan jing xuantan chao zhunan ke大华严经玄谈钞逐难科 (Explorations of hard questions regarding the transcription of profound elaborations of the great Avatamsaka Sutra). He also wrote the two-volume Da Huayan jing xiuci fenshu大华严经修辞分疏 (Classified annotations on the rhetoric of the great Avatamsaka Sutra). The names of the two monographs were recorded in Xinbian zhuzong jiaozang zonglu新编诸宗教藏总录 (The new complete catalogue of sutras related to various Buddhist schools, or the “Yitian Catalogue”), a product of Yitian, a monk from Korea. Nevertheless, the two books have been lost.

Xianyan 鲜演 was another monk who was reputable for his academic exploration of the Avatamsaka Sutra. He was born in the Huai Prefecture (present-day Right Banner of Balin, Inner Mongolia), bearing the secular surname “Li.” He received a very good Confucian education when he was a child. After becoming a monk, he traveled to and studied in famous temples across northern China. As a result, he became very educated in Buddhist doctrines, among which the Avatamsaka teaching was his greatest specialty. Emperor Dao very much appreciated his talents:

The Emperor usually in winter and summer issued an edict, by which he invited Xianyan to be at the Imperial court. In the meetings, the Emperor consulted Xianyan about the profound and wonderful Buddhist teachings and the two discussed deeply something conducive to the state.10

The Emperor also cordially invited Xianyan to be the principal lecturer at the Grand Temple of Kailong, or the Palace of Yellow Dragon (present-day Nong’an of Jilin). He conferred upon Xianyan an “especially prestigious four-word title—Perfection, Thoroughness, Enlightenment and Principle.” Xianyan’s official title—“the Grand Master of Imperial Entertainments”—was consequently promoted to be the Grand Guardian of Imperial Inspection and Rectification. When Emperor Tianzuo was enthroned, he improved the grade of Xianyan’s Grand Guardianship. In the fifth year of Qiantong (1106), Xianyan was specially promoted to be the most prestigious Grand Imperial Mentor. He produced numerous Buddhist writings, among which the six-volume Huayan jing xuantan jueze华严经玄谈抉择 (Selections of profound elaborations of Avatamsaka Sutra) was the most well-known. Xianyan also annotated Chengguan’s 澄观Huayan jing shuchao xuantan华严经疏抄玄谈 (Profound elaborations of explanative transcription of Avatamsaka Sutra). Additionally, Xianyan was the author of the following: Renwang huguo jing rongtong shu仁王护国经融通疏 (The penetrative and explanative annotations on the Sutra on the Benevolent King’s Protection of the State); Pusa jiezuanyao shu菩萨戒纂要疏 (Explanations of the essence of Bodhisattva Precepts); Weishi duoqi tiyi chao唯识掇奇提异钞 (Transcriptions of something wonderful and extraordinary in the Treatise on Theory of Consciousness-Only); Moheyan lun xianzheng shu摩珂衍论显正疏 (Annotations in the expectation of expositing the correctness of Treatise on Mahayana); Puti jie xinlun菩提戒心论 (Heartfelt discourses on Bodhisattva Precepts); Zhu jing jie ben诸经戒本(Discourses on precepts related to various sutras); Sanbao liu shi waihu wen三宝六师外护文 (Discourses on Three Treasures, Six Teachers, and External Protections); and others. These writings touched on various aspects of the Buddhist faith. At that time, “In a region as remote as Korea was, there were monastic superintendents who admired Xianyan so much. In a state as vast as the Great Liao was, there were reputable monks and their disciples who were so eager to meet Xianyan.” Xianyan had been thrust into the limelight with his great mastery of teachings of Avatamsaka.

Yelühongji耶律隆基, or Emperor Dao, could also be regarded as a great scholar of Avatamsaka. He had produced the following: a ten-volume Huanyan jing suipin zan华严经随品赞 (Classified explanative discourses in praise of Avatamsaka Sutra); Huayan jing zan华严经赞 (In praise of Avatamsaka Sutra); and Huayan jing wu song华严经五颂 (Five Eulogies dedicated to Avatamsaka Sutra). In addition to prestigious monks such as Haishan and Xianyan and the powerful Emperor Dao, another Avatamsaka scholar was Zhishi 志实, who penned itemized explanations of the Emperor’s Suipin zan and titled them Huayan jing suipin zan ke华严经随品赞科 (Itemized explanations of Huanyan jing suipin zan). In addition, Daobi 道弼, who was an Avatamsaka scholar and a monk from the Temple of Huaya, located in the Mount Long of Xingzhong Prefecture. Daobi was the author of the six-volume Da Huayan jing yanyijixuan ji大华严经演义集玄记 (Collected profound writings with respect to the elaboration of the great Avatamsaka Sutra) and a one-volume Da Huayan jing yanyi zhunan ke大华严经演义逐难科 (Explorations of hard questions regarding the elaboration of the great Avatamsaka Sutra). These writings were all recorded in the Yitian Catalogue.

The Esoteric School was brought to the Middle Kingdom by the “Three Great Masters in the Kaiyuan Reign,” namely, Subhakarasimha, Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra. The School had prevailed in the Central Plain for several decades. Nevertheless, it was boycotted by many Chinese on the grounds that Buddhist esotericism ran counter to orthodox Confucian teaching. Consequently, it disappeared almost entirely in the late Tang dynasty. But in the region of Liao, the Esoteric school was very prevalent. The reason of the School’s popularity in Liao might be related to the culture character of the Khitan people. On the one hand, the Khitan people had never been exposed to strict and sophisticated cardinal principles and constant values formulated by the traditional Confucianism; on the other hand, primitive shamanism still persisted at the time, so that it was very easy for the Khitan people to accept the Buddhist Esoteric arts of having and safely delivering babies, praying for blessings, exorcizing evils, and healing illnesses. The leading figures of Buddhist Esotericism in Liao were Jueyuan 觉苑 and Daoshuo 道硕.

Nobody knows the dates when Jueyuan was born or when he died. He chose to be a monk in his childhood and extensively studied Buddhist sutras of various schools. When Cixian 慈贤, a Master of Tripitaka from Magadha of Western India, came to China and “resolved to disseminate the Esoteric teachings,” Jueyuan chose to study Buddhism under his instruction and “concerned himself with the Buddhist Esotericism.” Jueyuan’s works included: the five-volume Da piluzhena chengfo shenbian jiachi jingyi shiyan michao大毗卢遮那成佛变伽持经义释演密钞 (Esoteric transcription of elaborations of doctrines embedded in Mahavairocana Tantra); a one-volume Da ke大科 (Great itemized explanations); and the ten-volume Dari jingyi shiyan michao大日经义释演秘钞 ([a different edition of] Esoteric transcription of elaborations of doctrines embedded in Mahavairocana Tantra). Jueyuan gained a great reputation with his efforts to promote Esoteric teaching. He was offered prestigious titles such as the General Preceptor of Esoteric Teaching, the Grand Master of Imperial Entertainments in the Temple of Yuanfu (Perfected Happiness), the Grand Guardian of Imperial Inspection and Rectification, the Acting Minister of Imperial Entertainments, and others.

Like Jueyuan, the birth and death dates of Daoshuo are a mystery. Daoshuo’s secular surname was “Du” and he had a courtesy name Fachuang 法幢 (Pillar of Dharma). “As a younger child, he exposed himself to the Confucian and Buddhist canons,” it was written.11 He had good extensive knowledge of Zen and Vinaya teachings and gained an insight into the external and internal Buddhist doctrines. Later, Daoshuo focused exclusively on Buddhist Esotericism. His works were the two-volume Xianmi yuantong chengfo xinyao ji显密圆通成佛心要集 (Collected Comments on Achieving Buddhahood through the Manifestation of Esoteric Teaching and Perfection of the Wisdom) and an attached one-volume Gongfo lisheng yi供佛利生仪 (Ceremonies of Sacrificing to Buddha in Exchange of Blessings on Life). His writings included four parts—comments on manifest Buddhist teachings, discourses on esoteric Buddhist teachings, argumentations between manifest and esoteric teachings, and his own petitions. In the Preface that he himself penned for the book, Daoshuo writes,

Since Subhakarasimha came to Tang, the Five Mysteries prevailed in China. … Unfortunately, there were greater misunderstandings [about the Buddhist esotericism]. Some exposed themselves to the manifest teachings, so that they vilified the esoteric ones. Some concerned themselves with esoteric teachings, so that they dishonored the purport of manifest ones. … [In view of this,] I attempt to comment on the attainment of Buddhahood in the light of doctrines of both manifest and esoteric teachings, in spite of being merely equipped with poor talent. I sincerely hope that in future people will be intellectually completed and perfected.12

In the quotation, Daoshuo explicitly expresses that the Avatamsaka’s “completion and perfection [of wisdom]” and the esoteric teaching be united, and the dual study in and practice of manifest and esoteric teachings be principled. Such a unity and duality are precisely the characteristic of Liao’s Buddhist Esotericism.

In addition, Xinglin 行琳 finished compiling the 30-volume Shijiao zuishangceng mimi tuoluoni ji释教最上乘秘密陀罗尼集 (The collection of highest Buddhist esoteric dharani). Cixian, an Indian monk, translated the following: Da foding tuoluoni jing大佛顶陀罗尼经 (Dharni of Great Corona of Buddha); Da suiqiu tuoluoni jing大随求陀罗尼经 (Dharani of Great Protectress); Da cuisui tuoluoni jing大摧碎陀罗尼经 (Dharani of Great Obliteration); Miao jixiang pingdeng guanmen dajiaowang jinglüechuhumo yi妙吉祥平等观门大教王经略出护摩仪 (Abbreviated Ceremonies of worshipping fire in The Wonderful, Auspicious and Identical Sutra on King of Great Tantra), and the five-volume Miao jixiang pingdeng guanmen dajiaowang jing妙吉祥平等观门大教王经 (The Wonderful, Auspicious and Identical Sutra on King of Great Tantra). The translation of these esoteric sutras gave great impetus to the dissemination of Buddhist esotericism in Liao. Apart from the esoteric sutras, Zhunti zhou准提咒 (Incantations of Cundi), Liuzi daming zhou六字大明咒 (The Six-Word Mantra of Great Light), and Bada pusa mantuoluo jing八大菩萨曼陀罗经 (Mandala of Eight Great Bodhisattvas), were also very popular among the Liao people.

Thanks to the growing popularity of the teachings of Avatamsaka and esotericism, a trend of exploring Shi moheyan lun释摩诃衍论 (The Explanation of Treatise on Mahayana) swept over the Buddhist circle in Liao. For example, Fawu 法悟, the Master of Elaborating Perfection and Completing Penetration from the Temple of Bao’en (Requiting Favors) in the Middle Imperial City, wrote the five-volume Shi moheyan lun zan xuanshu释摩珂衍论赞玄疏 (Profound explanations of ode to Shi moheyan lun), the three-volume Zan xuanke赞玄科 (Writings in praise of profound prescriptive explanations [of Shi moheyan lun]), and a one-volume Da ke大科 (Great prescriptive explanations [of Shi moheyan lun]). Chunhui 纯慧, a guru residing in the Temple of Guiyi (Returning to Righteousness) of Yanjing, penned the ten-volume Shi moheyan lun tongzan shu释摩诃衍论通赞疏 (Annotations on penetrating odes to Shi moheyan lun). Zhifu 志福, a physician-shaman monk who lived in Mount Lü and was given the title “Penetrating Perfection and Benefiting Action,” produced the four-volume Shi moheyan lun tongxuan chao释摩诃衍论通玄钞 (Transcription of penetrating enlightenment regarding Shi moheyan lun), the three-volume Tongxuan ke通玄科 (Prescriptive explanations of understanding the profundity [of Shi moheyan lun]), and a one-volume Da ke. The lives of these three Buddhist gurus remain a mystery. Nevertheless, their monographs were representative among Buddhist writings in Liao.

In Liao, the belief in Pure Land was not unknown. The towering figure of Pure Land faith in the Khitan regime was Feizhuo 非浊 (?–1063), the Leader of Confession in the Temple of Fengfu (Bearing Blessings) in Yanjing, who was venerated as the Master of Purity and Wisdom. He spent much time and energy “collecting lost sutras and resuming the compilation of canons of wisdom.” One of the products of his great efforts was the twenty-volume Wangsheng ji往生集 (Collected writings on incarnation), of which Emperor Dao was very fond. The Emperor even “made himself the cover for the Book and wrote the preface … and slightly later he had it enshrined and included into the Buddhist Treasure.”13 Feizhuo was a very influential monk in the reigns of Emperors Xing and Dao. He was honorably given the purple clothing and appointed as the Leader of Central Buddhist Registry in the Upper Imperial City and of the Left Central Buddhist Registry in Yanjing. Later, the Emperors conferred upon him other prestigious titles such as the Minister of Imperial Entertainments, Grand Guardian of Imperial Inspection and Rectification, Grand Mentor, and Grand Protector.

Nor was the number of Buddhist who devoted themselves to the Vinaya School too small to be worth mentioning. Chengyuan 澄渊, who came from the same temple where Feizhuo lived, was renowned for his mastery of vinaya. He was the author of the 14-volume Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi xiang jizhu四分律删繁补缺行事详集注 (Detailed and collected annotations on the selected acts in the light of Dharmagupta Vinaya). Considering the fact that Chengyuan’s work was an annotative supplement to Xingshi chao行事钞 (Transcription of selected acts in the light of Dharmagupta Vinaya), Chengyuan was very probably a successor of the Nanshan branch of Vinaya School. Additionally, Haishan, the guru of Avatamsaka teaching mentioned above, also had a good knowledge of the vinaya. Haishan did make contributions to the growth of Vinaya School in Liao by means of penning Jinzhu wu jieyi近注五戒仪 (Recent explanations of five precepts), Jinzhu ba jieyi近注八戒仪 (Recent explanations of eight precepts), Ziyuan shou jieyi自愿受戒仪 (The ceremony of receiving precepts voluntarily), the three-volume Fa puti xinjie ben发菩提心戒本 (An elaboration of Precepts of Bodhi-Mind), and the four-volume Dcheng chanhui yi大乘忏悔仪 (The ritual of Mahayanan confessions).

Where the Consciousness-Only School in Liao was concerned, Quanming 诠明 (later changed to Quanxiao 诠晓due to the taboo on using the Emperor’s name), a monk from the Temple of Minzhong (Commiseration and Loyalty) of Yanjing, was the leading figure. He “lectured on all Buddhist sutras and combined various teachings.” Surprised at Quanxiao’s erudition in Buddhist studies, Emperor Sheng conferred the title “Great Master without Intellectual Barricade” upon him. In total, Quanxiao produced 73 volumes of Buddhist writings, among which there were: Fahuajing xuanzan huigu tongjin chao法华经玄赞会古通今钞 (Complete explanations of profound odes to Lotus Sutra); Jingang bore jing xuanjiang huigu tongjin chao金刚般若经宣讲会古通今钞 (Complete explanations of lectures on the Diamond Sutra); Mile shasheng jing huigu tongjin chao弥勒上生经会古通今钞 (Complete explanations of Sutra on Maitreya’s Ascension to Tusita Heaven); Cheng weishi lun xiangjing youwei xin chao成唯识论详镜幽微新钞 (The new transcription of detailed and penetrative understanding of the Vijnaptimatratasiddhi Sastra); and Baifa lun jintai yifu百法论金台义府 (The golden terrace and doctrinal treasury embodied in Satadharma-Prakasamukha Sastra). He was a reputable scholar in the field of elaborating the thoughts of Xuanzang, the founding patriarch of the Consciousness-Only School, and Kuiji 窥基, one of the most significant disciples of Xuanzang.

Against the backdrop of flourishing Zen Buddhism in the Song dynasty, the Zen School in Liao was very depressing. Only two temples devoted themselves to the teaching of Zen: the Temple of Wukong (Understanding Emptiness) at the foot of Mount Tanzhe in Xishan of Yanjing, and the Temple of Ganhua (Spiritual Transformation) in Mount Pan of Ji Prefecture. The Temple of Wukong was originally the place where Zhetan, an ancient Zen master, practiced meditation. In the early Baojing reign of Emperor Jing, or in 969 A.D., the temple was given the name “Wukong.” In the 19th year of Tonghe (1001) of Emperor Sheng, it was renamed “Wanshou” (Imperishableness). In the Taiping reign, the name was changed to “Taiping” (Great Peace). In the Dakang reign of Emperor Dao, a new name, “Huayan” (Flower Ornament), was conferred upon the temple. The casual changes of name show the weakness of the Zen temple in Liao. Nor could renowned Zen monks be found in the Khitan regime. Even the Altar Sutra, which was the unmatchable gem of Zen teaching, was regarded as something fake and illusory when Quanxiao, or the “Great Master without Intellectual Barricade,” had all existing Buddhist sutras textually examined. The copies of Altar Sutra were all tragically burned. Frankly, the role that Zen School played in the Liao state was infinitesimal.

(C) Buddhism and socio-cultural development of Liao

What marked Buddhism’s influence on the Liao state’s socio-cultural development was the printing of the Khidan Buddhist Treasure (the complete collection of all existing Buddhist sutras) and the continuous inscription of Buddhist canons on steles in Fangshan (present-day Beijing). The work of printing Khidan Buddhist Treasure started in the first year of Taiping (1022) of Emperor Sheng. The incentive that initiated the huge work was the Khitan ruler’s obtainment of the Sichuan edition of the Kaibao Buddhist Treasure that prevailed in Song. In order to show that Liao was not culturally inferior to the Song Empire, the Khitan Emperor organized a great number of monks to collect as many existing Buddhist sutras as possible. The monks were required to try their utmost to supplement the written texts that were missing in the Song edition. In terms of the format of book, the Khitan edition was stricter, demonstrated in the transformation of book rolls into folio volumes. In the first year of Chongxi (1032) of Emperor Xing, Liao began printing the completed collection of Buddhist sutras. Thirty years later, or in the eighth year of Qingning (1062) of Emperor Dao, the printing work was successfully finished. In total, there were 589 sets of canons. These works were named the “Khitan Treasure” on the grounds that it was in this year that Liao resumed its ethnic national title, “Khitan.” The Khitan Treasure was printed in Yanjing, present-day Beijing, and introduced to ancient Korea. It played a great role in the Korean effort to recollect and rectify Buddhist sutras, which came to be Korean Buddhist Treasure.

As far as the work of inscribing Buddhist canons on steles in the Temple of Yunju of Fangshan was concerned, it was initiated by Jingwan 静琬 in Sui dynasty, and was stopped by war in the late Tang. In the seventh year of Taiping (1027) of Emperor Sheng, Han Shaofang, a prefectural official wrote a memorandum, in which he requested the work of inscription be resumed. The Emperor immediately allocated funds to rehabilitate the invaluable cultural work. Later, the Emperors Xing and Dao also gave substantial supports to the work. In the third year of Jingning (1057), the craftsmen finished inscribing the Maha Prajna Paramita Sutra, which consisted of more than 600 pieces of stele. This newly-inscribed sutra, together with existing 2,730 pieces of stele, constituted the Great Four Sutras. Sixty years later, or the seventh year of Tianqing (1117), Emperor Tianzuo had 180 huge pieces of stele that were processed in the reign of Emperor Dao and 4,080 small ones that were rectified and inscribed by the Master of Tongli (Illuminating Principles) in the Temple stored in underground grottoes. On the site of the buried steles, a pagoda made of bricks was built and marked. It was Liao’s greatest effort to collect, sort out and rectify the existing Buddhist sutras. These stone sutras were textually and historically invaluable. The printed editions of Khitan Treasure have all been lost. Nevertheless, we can still draw a broad outline of the Treasure thanks to the well-preserved stone inscriptions. The work of printing and inscribing Buddhist sutras consumed a great deal of the Liao regime’s manpower and energy. In this sense, it was an extremely significant cultural event in the history of Liao. It can be clearly said that the Liao state made a great contribution to the protection of Buddhist culture.