Mazarin E-Book

Arthur Hassall

• Herausgeber: Blackmore Dennett
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2019

Beschreibung

It seems inevitable that Mazarin will always suffer by comparison with Richelieu. The latter, who has been described as the greatest political genius which France has ever produced, appeals to the imagination by the firmness and the success of his policy. The ability with which he managed the foreign affairs of France, and his creation of an administrative system which continued to the Kevolution, place Richelieu in the foremost rank of French statesmen. And yet his successor, though less illustrious, equally deserves to stand among those who have contributed most to the greatness of France. What MM. Hanotaux and d’Avenel have done for Richelieu’s memory has been done for Mazarin by M. Chéruel. Hehas made it impossible for us to regard Mazarin as a mere Italian adventurer, or to agree with Michelet that “ he was an unprincipled actor, libertine, and gambler, who subordinated every question of State policy to the meanest regard for his personal interests ; a miser whose glaring avarice was without a single redeeming quality.” It must be remembered that Richelieu advised the choice of Mazarin as his successor, that during the last year of Richelieu’s life Mazarin shared that statesman’s secrets, and that on the latter’s death Mazarin was at once admitted to the Council of State. In M. Chéruel’s opinion, and in that of all competent historians, Richelieu’s choice was fully justified. Unlike Richelieu, Mazarin had an Italian’s love of intrigue and diplomacy and, was always confident of his ability to bend his opponetns to his will.

The history of Mazarin from 1643 to 1661 is not only the history of France, but also the history of Europe. The difficulty, therefore, of writing an adequate biography of him is at once apparent. M. Chéruel’s two great works which deal with the period comprise no less than seven volumes, which contain ample materials for forming an estimate of Mazarin’s character and work. In that historian’s opinion Mazarin was an indefatigable and patriotic minister whose fame principally rests upon his success in making France illustrious by her victories and diplomatic triumphs, and in leaving her on his death the leading power in Europe.

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MAZARIN

by Arthur Hassall

Published 2019 by Blackmore Dennett

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I. THE EARLY YEARS OF MAZARIN’S MINISTRY

CHAPTER II. MAZARIN’S CONNECTION WITH THE REBELLIONS IN NAPLES AND ENGLAND

CHAPTER III. THE PEACE OP WESTPHALIA

CHAPTER IV. THE PARLIAMENTARY FRONDE

CHAPTER V. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE NEW FRONDE

CHAPTER VI. THE CLOSE OF THE FRONDE

CHAPTER VIII. THE LEAGUE OF THE RHINE AND THE PEACE OF THE PYRENEES

CHAPTER IX.MAZARIN’S DEATH, CHARACTER, AND WORK

IMPORTANT DATES

INTRODUCTION

It seems inevitable that Mazarin will always suffer by comparison with Richelieu. The latter, who has been described as the greatest political genius which France has ever produced, appeals to the imagination by the firmness and the success of his policy. The ability with which he managed the foreign affairs of France, and his creation of an administrative system which continued to the Kevolution, place Richelieu in the foremost rank of French statesmen. And yet his successor, though less illustrious, equally deserves to stand among those who have contributed most to the greatness of France. What MM. Hanotaux and d’Avenel have done for Richelieu’s memory has been done for Mazarin by M. Chéruel. Hehas made it impossible for us to regard Mazarin as a mere Italian adventurer, or to agree with Michelet that “ he was an unprincipled actor, libertine, and gambler, who subordinated every question of State policy to the meanest regard for his personal interests ; a miser whose glaring avarice was without a single redeeming quality.” It must be remembered that Richelieu advised the choice of Mazarin as his successor, that during the last year of Richelieu’s life Mazarin shared that statesman’s secrets, and that on the latter’s death Mazarin was at once admitted to the Council of State. In M. Chéruel’s opinion, and in that of all competent historians, Richelieu’s choice was fully justified. Unlike Richelieu, Mazarin had an Italian’s love of intrigue and diplomacy and, was always confident of his ability to bend his opponetns to his will. The history of Mazarin from 1643 to 1661 is not only the history of France, but also the history of Europe. The difficulty, therefore, of writing an adequate biography of him is at once apparent. M. Chéruel’s two great works which deal with the period comprise no less than seven volumes, which contain ample materials for forming an estimate of Mazarin’s character and work. In that historian’s opinion Mazarin was an indefatigable and patriotic minister whose fame principally rests upon his success in making France illustrious by her victories and diplomatic triumphs, and in leaving her on his death the leading power in Europe.

The multitude of Mazarinades which appeared, and the brilliant memoirs of the Fronde period, throw interesting side-lights on the shifting currents of public opinion in Paris during the stormy years between 1648 and 1653 ; but as real guides to an appreciation of Mazarin’s character and aims they are utterly untrustworthy. More light is cast on the objects of the cardinal’s policy and on his literary and artistic tastes by the invaluable collections of his own Letters, by the Inventaire de tous les meubles du Cardinal Mazarin (edited by the Duc d’Aumale), and by the Palais Mazarin by the Comte de Laborde. The perusal of the above will not only illustrate Mazarin’s private life, but will fully justify the conclusions arrived at by M. Chéruel.   Freed from the influence of the pamphlets of the Fronde period, the student of Mazarin’s life has now the means of estimating at their real worth Mazarin’s services to his adopted country.

As a foreign politician and diplomatist Mazarin has had few equals among French statesmen, and he deserves full credit for his great diplomatic triumphs. The Peace of Westphalia, the League of the Rhine, the English Alliance, the Peace of the Pyrenees, and the Treaty of Oliva form a brilliant list of successes unequalled in the life of any French minister. So fully engrossed was he in the complicated struggle with the Emperor and Spain, that he neglected the internal affairs of France and underrated the strength of the opposition headed by the parlement of Paris. He paid dearly for that miscalculation, though it is questionable if, under the existing circumstances, success abroad was at that time compatible or possible with administrative reforms at home and a policy of severity towards the nobles. Be that as it may, no sooner had the storm in Paris broken out than Mazarin addressed himself with vigour to the task of repressing internal disorder. After a long and weary period, from 1648 to 1653, he succeeded, and the monarchy was once more supreme in France. The last eight years of his life were then devoted to recovering for France that position in Europe which during the Fronde troubles she had temporarily lost. In 1661 he died, having completed Richelieu’s internal policy, and leaving that statesman’s administrative system in full working order. The destruction of the Hapsburg schemes had also been effected, and on his death Mazarin left France in a stronger position then she had enjoyed at any previous period in her history. Industrious, patient, subtle, and adroit, Mazarin proved to be one of the most sagacious and successful statesmen in French history. He was essentially a diplomatist, and his greatest triumphs were triumphs of diplomacy.

ARTHUR HASSALL.

Christ Church, Oxford, December 1902.

CHAPTER I. THE EARLY YEARS OF MAZARIN’S MINISTRY

1643-1646

Youth of Mazarin — His employment by Richelieu — Death of Richelieu and of Louis XIII.—Mazarin First Minister—The situation in France—Rocroi—Rise and fall of the Importants —Policy of the great nobles—Strength of the government— Financial difficulties—The opposition of the parlement of Paris—The battles of Düttlingen, Freiburg, Mergentheim, and Nördlingen—The war between Sweden and Denmark—Mazarin’s diplomacy—The Peace of Brömsebro—Results of V Nördlingen—The failure at Orbitello—The capture of Dunkirk —Mazarin’s position in 1646 and 1647—Arrival of some of his relations—Necessity for a vigorous foreign policy.

Richelieu died on the 5th of December 1642; on the following day Louis XIII. announced that he had chosen Mazarin to be First Minister. Giulio Mazarini, or Jules Mazarin, as the French call him, was born on July 14, 1602, at Piscina, a small village in the Abruzzi. His father was a certain Sicilian, by name Pietro Mazarini, his mother was Hortensia Buffalini, who was renowned for her beauty. To the latter the young Giulio owed much of his future success, for it was due to her efforts that he first studied under the Jesuits at the Roman

College, and later at the University of Alcalá in Spain. He had early shown signs of uncommon talents, and he was at the age of sixteen remarkable for his.handsome face and natural brightness. On his return to Rome about the year 1622, he entered the pontifical army, only to find that his real métier was diplomacy. He had studied civil law and had taken his degree of doctor in utroque jure, and under Cardinals Barberini and Sachetti he plunged into the tangled maze of Italian politics. Service under the Pope gave him an unrivalled opportunity of making himself acquainted with the political state of Europe, and of practising that adroitness and persuasiveness which proved so valuable when he became First Minister in France. Idleness was never one of his faults, and during these years in the service of his master at the Vatican Mazarin showed himself indefatigable, subtle, and successful. By his patience and industry he soon acquired an insight into diplomatic mysteries, and till the end of his life was pre-eminently a diplomatist of the first order. His ability was fully recognised by the Cardinals Barberini and Sachetti, and the war of the Mantuan succession brought him into contact with Richelieu.

On March 30,1630, the French had captured Pinerolo, the fortress commanding the exit of the chief pass from Dauphiné into Italy. The Spaniards and Imperialists offered to negotiate, and Mazarin, who was employed as papal legate, attracted the notice of the French cardinal. The negotiations came to nothing, as Richelieu refused to yield Pinerolo. When, later in the year, Cásale, besieged by Spinola, was hard pressed, Mazarin, in the absence of Richelieu, who had returned to France, arranged a truce at Rivalta on September 4, very much to the advantage of the beleaguered garrison, it is not to be wondered at that Richelieu should have decided to secure the services of the young Mazarin, for whom he procured a cardinal’s hat. Richelieu’s confidence in his protégé was not misplaced, and on his death-bed he recommended Mazarin to Louis as his successor.

Before, however, Mazarin could establish himself firmly in power, and continue and complete his predecessor’s policy, Louis XIII. died, and an opportunity was given for an outbreak of all the discontent which had been seething in France during Richelieu’s later years. Louis died on May 14, 1643; on May 18 the parlement of Paris, anticipating the action of its successor in 1715 on the death of Louis XIV., abolished the council which by the will of the late king had been set up, placed the supreme power in the hands of the queen-mother, Anne of Austria, an easy-natured but at the same time a proud and capable woman, and appointed Gaston, Duke of Orleans—a mere puppet in the hands of any strong man—lieutenant-general of the kingdom. This conduct of the parlement, and the attitude which it adopted, Vas due to the belief of its members that their political influence would be restored, that Mazarin would retire to Italy, and that the whole policy of Richelieu would be reversed. The parlement had thus modified the will of the late king, and had organised the regency. It had, in a word, returned again to political life, from which in 1641 it had been most carefully excluded by Richelieu ; and during the greater portion of Louis XIV.’s minority it played a prominent part in the politics of the time.   But its pretensions were odious to the queen-mother and to Mazarin, who, while endeavouring till the outbreak of the Fronde to preserve internal peace, was always jealous of any attacks on the royal prerogative. In her attitude of constant watchfulness over her son’s rights Anne was ever loyally supported by the cardinal, whom the parlement regarded with reason as its principal foe. The parlement had expected that Anne would prove pliable and carry out its wishes. Before long, however, the queen-mother definitely indicated the position which, as regent, she intended to adopt, and from that moment the rift between the parlement and the government became deeper and deeper.

On the evening of May 18, the queen-mother announced a decision which proved to be a momentous one in the history of the French monarchy. Mazarin was confirmed in his position as First Minister, and the hopes of the parlement were disappointed. The work of consolidating the French monarchy was not to be interrupted, and the policy of humbling the Austro-Spanish house was to be continued.

Hatred of Richelieu as First Minister had been general among the noble class during the greater part of Louis XIII.’s reign. Anne’s announcement presaged the continuance of a system of government which was odious to the feudal as well as to the legal aristocracy. The disaffected, therefore, at once resolved to resist the rule of Mazarin, and a system of uncompromising opposition to the supremacy of an Italian adventurer was organised.

The situation of France was at this time extremely critical. Richelieu’s death already had disastrous effects on the military administration, and energetic action on the part of the government was necessary. Ammunition was deficient, supplies of all kinds were with difficulty forthcoming, and the bonds of discipline had been seriously relaxed. While the ranks were weakened by frequent desertions, general officers had left their respective posts, and many of the subalterns were absent from their duty. It seemed very doubtful if the army of the North would be able to take the field. Equally serious had been the effects of the death of the great cardinal on the stability of the government. Many persons imprisoned or exiled by Richelieu now returned to Paris, and were ready to avenge their wrongs on his successor. Anxious to secure pensions .and offices, they were wanting in political responsibility, and cared nothing for the welfare of France. The return of these exiles rendered Mazarin’s position unspeakably difficult, and forced him for a time to adopt a policy of compromise.

The issue was, however, plain. Was the work of crushing the great nobles, and of making French influence supreme on the Continent, to be continued? Was the French monarchy to symbolise the unity of France? Mazarin embodied the continuance and development of Richelieu’s policy. He consistently aimed at abolishing feudalism and making the monarchy supreme. Consequently, he at once became the object of bitter attacks. All those who disapproved of Richelieu’s policy immediately ranged themselves in opposition to Mazarin, and resolved to abolish the post of First Minister. For some ten years the internal development of France was checked, while the feudal and legal aristocracies endeavoured to regain their lost positions, to reverse the foreign policy of the last two reigns, and to destroy Mazarin.   In consequence of the cessation of Richelieu’s drastic methods the nobles and parlement did succeed in plunging France into confusion, and by their action fully justified the measures by which they were ultimately suppressed. The new policy of leniency and concession in place of that of stern repression was, however, seen after a few years to have failed in every respect ; but it was not till 1653 that Mazarin was able to remedy the evil results of the easy rule of Anne of Austria from 1643 to 1648, and of his own neglect of the internal administration.

Mazarin, during the first years of his ministry, found himself in a very difficult position. Unlike Richelieu, who was supported by the king, Mazarin could only rely upon a woman and a child ; and Anne of Austria, by her good-nature and desire to satisfy everybody, made a stern policy for the time impossible. Opposed to him were “powerful rivals and redoubtable enemies,” and while he had the management of the kingdom placed in his hands, his work was continually hampered by the acts of the queen-mother’s friends, who, hitherto exiled and disgraced, were returning in large numbers to France. Fortunately he was able to unravel the various plots formed against him in France, while his intimate acquaintance with the political state of Europe stood him in good stead in directing the foreign policy of the kingdom. Before the first surprise occasioned by the confirmation of Mazarin in his post as First Minister had worn off came the news of the decisive victory of Rocroi. Nothing could have happened more opportunely for the minister. The government was strengthened, its enemies confounded, and the early years of the reign opened in brilliant fashion.    Mazarin had fortunately confirmed the Duke of Enghien, son of Prince Henry of Condé, in the command of the army of the North. His genius for war not being at the time generally known, the veteran l’Hôpital was chosen to guide and control his actions. On assuming the command, Enghien’s ascendency was at once felt. He restored the discipline and confidence of the army and made preparations for taking the offensive. The Spanish army, however, under Mello, forestalled his intentions, and as a preliminary to the invasion of France, and to a march upon Paris by the valleys of the Marne and the Aisne, the Spanish general besieged the small fortress of Rocroi. Putting aside l’Hôpital’s plea for caution, Enghien, ably supported by Grassion, a cavalry leader of great promise, rapidly advanced, and on May 19, 1643, the famous battle of Rocroi was fought. The Spanish army, which included many Italians and AValloons, numbered 27,000, against tlieir opponent’s 23,000. At first the French left wing was driven back and the victory of Spain seemed assured. But Enghien’s dash and skill restored the fortunes of the day, and he won a decisive victory over the renowned and experienced troops opposed to him. For the first time in a hundred years, Spain suffered a defeat at the hands of France. Until the fatal day of Blenheim the ascendency of French arms in Europe was established. Thionville was at once besieged, and, owing to Enghien’s engineering skill, surrendered on August 18. These successes strengthened the hands of the minister and enabled him to deal an overwhelming blow at the cabal of the Importants, who, headed by the Duke of Beaufort, were conspiring to bring about his downfall.

The conspirators—who included  the  Duchess of Chevreuse, Richelieu’s old enemy and the most famous political schemer of the day ; the Bishop of Beauvais, an intriguer of the first water, “the most idiot of idiots”; Montrésor, “ who had the outside of a Cato, but none of his virtues “ ; the Duchess of Montbazon and the beautiful Duchess of Longueville, two clever and unscrupulous court ladies; the Duke of Beaufort; and the rascally Abbé de la Rivière — had determined to play upon Anne of Austria’s good-nature, to destroy Richelieu’s system and change his policy, and, in a word, to seize the government. Mazarin himself was alive to the hatred which pursued Richelieu’s memory, and counselled toleration of all opinions. “Time,” he wrote, “will avenge that great man of all these insults, and those who blame him to-day will find out hereafter, perhaps, how much his guidance would have been necessary to complete the happiness of the realm—the happiness of which he has laid the foundation. Let us then suffer the malice of ignorant and prejudiced minds to evaporate freely, since opposition will only serve to irritate it.” These broad - minded views failed to conciliate the Importants, and when the Duchess of Montbazon was exiled for insulting the queen, Beaufort resolved to have the cardinal assassinated. The plot failed, and on September 2 Beaufort was arrested, and the Importants virtually ceased to exist. This vigorous action on the part of the government was received with general satisfaction. “The whole population,” wrote Mazarin, “was overjoyed.” It was now clearly manifest that, though Mazarin’s courtesy and gentleness bore a striking contrast to the domineering manner of his predecessor, Richelieu himself was no less resolute than the Italian cardinal. Men recognised that Richelieu’s mantle had indeed descended on Mazarin. “Il n’est pas mort : il n’a que changé d’âge,” was the first line of a rondeau composed after the coup d’état of September 2, 1643, in which it was wittily suggested that Mazarin was Richelieu himself.

Though the cardinal was now firmly established in power, and supported at court by many devoted friends, such as Antoine, Marshal of Gramont, René-Potier, the Count of Tresmes, Roger du Plessis, the Marquis of Liancourt, and others, he had many serious difficulties to face. The Duke of Orleans and the Condé family were mutually jealous and desirous of securing important provincial governments. Henry Condé demanded Languedoc for himself and the estates of Chantilly and Dammartin,—in fact, the whole of the domains of his brother-in-law, Henry of Montmorency. Enghien was to have Burgundy; and as the Duke of Longueville, Condé’s son-in-law, was governor of Normandy, it was evident that acquiescence with demands such as these would prove highly detrimental to the development of the French monarchy. Orleans, on his part, demanded Champagne with Sedan. Cardinal Bichi had advised Mazarin to bring about an understanding between Orleans and Henry Condé, and to rule by their means. Mazarin, however, made no attempt to carry out this suggestion. He preferred the safer plan of playing them off the one against the other; and for carrying out this policy he was by nature remarkably well suited. By giving Languedoc, on which Condé had set his heart, to Orleans, he preserved the friendship of the latter and stirred up strife between the two families. All through the year 1643 the provincial question had occupied his mind. The increase in taxation, and the severity and dishonesty of the methods of collecting taxes, had caused great discontent in the country districts, and in the autumn of 1643 the peasants of Rouergue rose, and their example was shortly afterwards imitated by the people in Lower Poitou, Saintonge, and the Angoumois. Langeron, to whom had been committed the duty of suppressing the rising, after meeting with serious resistance, put down the revolt in Rouergue with an armed force; but in the other districts the nobles themselves took part in the risings, and a state of things somewhat similar to that then existing in England was created. A small army was promptly sent to the disturbed districts, but measures of severity were rarely employed, and a general amnesty was granted. By this mixture of firmness in suppressing disorder and of humanity in sparing the people, Mazarin succeeded by the beginning of 1644 in restoring order in the provinces. Like the Norman kings, Mazarin had fully realised that it was politic to be generous to the mass of the nation, who would be, if well governed, a source of wealth to the crown. “ The queen’s absolute intention,” he wrote to the intendant of Languedoc, “ is that every possible facility may be given to the people to pay the subventions which the inevitable necessity of public affairs compels Her Majesty to require from them.” Meanwhile other but not less effective measures were being taken to ensure the stability of the government. Believing that the influence of the episcopacy was used against him, and fearing lest the queen should be affected by it, Mazarin ordered some sixty-two bishops to return from Paris to their dioceses. The cardinal’s triumph over the nobles, the bishops, and the court ladies was due in great measure to his personal influence with the queen. At the time the strength of this influence was never suspected, and Mazarin’s fall was confidently anticipated. The secret of this influence was for two centuries a source of difficulty, but from Michelet’s time historians of high authority have accepted the view that Mazarin and Anne of Austria were united by marriage. Mazarin had early gained not only the admiration, but also the affection of the queen-regent. To this affection was due the fidelity with which Anne adhered to the fortunes of the cardinal during the whole of the Fronde period. To this affection were due the earlier and later triumphs of Mazarin. Being only in deacon’s orders, Mazarin, though a cardinal, could lawfully marry.

So far the anxieties of the government had been the natural outcome of the changes consequent upon the deaths of Richelieu and Louis XIII. The initial difficulties of the new reign had been overcome and the rule of Anne of Austria and of Mazarin had been apparently firmly established. It remained to bring the war to a successful conclusion. To effect this desirable end, large supplies of money were absolutely necessary. Richelieu had left the finances in a desperate condition. The system of farming the taxes was a most ruinous one, and it was only by borrowing at an exorbitant rate of interest that funds could be procured. In 1644 the expenditure had risen from 99,000,000 livres in 1642 to 124,000,000, of which 59,000,000 never reached the treasury. It was necessary to raise money, and during the contests of the government with the parlement of Paris not only were the glaring defects of the French financial system made apparent, but many points of comparison between the situation in England and that in France could be observed.