Cardinal Mazarin E-Book

Arthur Hassall

• Herausgeber: Ozymandias Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch
• Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2018

Seitenzahl: 242

Beschreibung

Richelieu died on the 5th of December 1642; on the following day Louis XIII. announced that he had chosen Mazarin to be First Minister. Giulio Mazarini, or Jules Mazarin, as the French call him, was born on July 14, 1602, at Piscina, a small village in the Abruzzi. His father was a certain Sicilian, by name Pietro Mazarini, his mother was Hortensia Buffalini, who was renowned for her beauty. To the latter the young Giulio owed much of his future success, for it was due to her efforts that he first studied under the Jesuits at the Roman College, and later at the University of Alcalá in Spain. He had early shown signs of uncommon talents, and he was at the age of sixteen remarkable for his handsome face and natural brightness.

Leseprobe

CARDINAL MAZARIN

Arthur Hassall

OZYMANDIAS PRESS

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Copyright © 2016 by Arthur Hassall

Published by Ozymandias Press

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ISBN: 9781531267322

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE EARLY YEARS OF MAZARIN’S MINISTRY

MAZARIN’S CONNECTION WITH THE REBELLIONS IN NAPLES AND ENGLAND

THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA

THE PARLIAMENTARY FRONDE

THE EARLY YEARS OF THE NEW FRONDE

THE CLOSE OF THE FRONDE

THE SPANISH WAR AND THE ENGLISH ALLIANCE 1648-1659

THE LEAGUE OF THE RHINE AND THE PEACE OF THE PYRENEES

MAZARIN’S DEATH, CHARACTER, AND WORK

IMPORTANT DATES

THE EARLY YEARS OF MAZARIN’S MINISTRY

1643-1646

Youth of Mazarin — His employment by Richelieu — Death of Richelieu and of Louis XIII.—Mazarin First Minister—The situation in France—Rocroi—Rise and fall of the Importants —Policy of the great nobles—Strength of the government— Financial difficulties—The opposition of the parlement of Paris—The battles of Düttlingen, Freiburg, Mergentheim, and Nördlingen—The war between Sweden and Denmark—Mazarin’s diplomacy—The Peace of Brömsebro—Results of V Nördlingen—The failure at Orbitello—The capture of Dunkirk —Mazarin’s position in 1646 and 1647—Arrival of some of his relations—Necessity for a vigorous foreign policy.

Richelieu died on the 5th of December 1642; on the following day Louis XIII. announced that he had chosen Mazarin to be First Minister. Giulio Mazarini, or Jules Mazarin, as the French call him, was born on July 14, 1602, at Piscina, a small village in the Abruzzi. His father was a certain Sicilian, by name Pietro Mazarini, his mother was Hortensia Buffalini, who was renowned for her beauty. To the latter the young Giulio owed much of his future success, for it was due to her efforts that he first studied under the Jesuits at the Roman College, and later at the University of Alcalá in Spain. He had early shown signs of uncommon talents, and he was at the age of sixteen remarkable for his.handsome face and natural brightness. On his return to Rome about the year 1622, he entered the pontifical army, only to find that his real métier was diplomacy. He had studied civil law and had taken his degree of doctor in utroque jure, and under Cardinals Barberini and Sachetti he plunged into the tangled maze of Italian politics. Service under the Pope gave him an unrivalled opportunity of making himself acquainted with the political state of Europe, and of practising that adroitness and persuasiveness which proved so valuable when he became First Minister in France. Idleness was never one of his faults, and during these years in the service of his master at the Vatican Mazarin showed himself indefatigable, subtle, and successful. By his patience and industry he soon acquired an insight into diplomatic mysteries, and till the end of his life was pre-eminently a diplomatist of the first order. His ability was fully recognised by the Cardinals Barberini and Sachetti, and the war of the Mantuan succession brought him into contact with Richelieu.

On March 30,1630, the French had captured Pinerolo, the fortress commanding the exit of the chief pass from Dauphiné into Italy. The Spaniards and Imperialists offered to negotiate, and Mazarin, who was employed as papal legate, attracted the notice of the French cardinal. The negotiations came to nothing, as Richelieu refused to yield Pinerolo. When, later in the year, Cásale, besieged by Spinola, was hard pressed, Mazarin, in the absence of Richelieu, who had returned to France, arranged a truce at Rivalta on September 4, very much to the advantage of the beleaguered garrison, it is not to be wondered at that Richelieu should have decided to secure the services of the young Mazarin, for whom he procured a cardinal’s hat. Richelieu’s confidence in his protégé was not misplaced, and on his death-bed he recommended Mazarin to Louis as his successor.

Before, however, Mazarin could establish himself firmly in power, and continue and complete his predecessor’s policy, Louis XIII. died, and an opportunity was given for an outbreak of all the discontent which had been seething in France during Richelieu’s later years. Louis died on May 14, 1643; on May 18 the parlement of Paris, anticipating the action of its successor in 1715 on the death of Louis XIV., abolished the council which by the will of the late king had been set up, placed the supreme power in the hands of the queen-mother, Anne of Austria, an easy-natured but at the same time a proud and capable woman, and appointed Gaston, Duke of Orleans—a mere puppet in the hands of any strong man—lieutenant-general of the kingdom. This conduct of the parlement, and the attitude which it adopted, Vas due to the belief of its members that their political influence would be restored, that Mazarin would retire to Italy, and that the whole policy of Richelieu would be reversed. The parlement had thus modified the will of the late king, and had organised the regency. It had, in a word, returned again to political life, from which in 1641 it had been most carefully excluded by Richelieu ; and during the greater portion of Louis XIV.’s minority it played a prominent part in the politics of the time. But its pretensions were odious to the queen-mother and to Mazarin, who, while endeavouring till the outbreak of the Fronde to preserve internal peace, was always jealous of any attacks on the royal prerogative. In her attitude of constant watchfulness over her son’s rights Anne was ever loyally supported by the cardinal, whom the parlement regarded with reason as its principal foe. The parlement had expected that Anne would prove pliable and carry out its wishes. Before long, however, the queen-mother definitely indicated the position which, as regent, she intended to adopt, and from that moment the rift between the parlement and the government became deeper and deeper.

On the evening of May 18, the queen-mother announced a decision which proved to be a momentous one in the history of the French monarchy. Mazarin was confirmed in his position as First Minister, and the hopes of the parlement were disappointed. The work of consolidating the French monarchy was not to be interrupted, and the policy of humbling the Austro-Spanish house was to be continued.

Hatred of Richelieu as First Minister had been general among the noble class during the greater part of Louis XIII.’s reign. Anne’s announcement presaged the continuance of a system of government which was odious to the feudal as well as to the legal aristocracy. The disaffected, therefore, at once resolved to resist the rule of Mazarin, and a system of uncompromising opposition to the supremacy of an Italian adventurer was organised.

The situation of France was at this time extremely critical. Richelieu’s death already had disastrous effects on the military administration, and energetic action on the part of the government was necessary. Ammunition was deficient, supplies of all kinds were with difficulty forthcoming, and the bonds of discipline had been seriously relaxed. While the ranks were weakened by frequent desertions, general officers had left their respective posts, and many of the subalterns were absent from their duty. It seemed very doubtful if the army of the North would be able to take the field. Equally serious had been the effects of the death of the great cardinal on the stability of the government. Many persons imprisoned or exiled by Richelieu now returned to Paris, and were ready to avenge their wrongs on his successor. Anxious to secure pensions .and offices, they were wanting in political responsibility, and cared nothing for the welfare of France. The return of these exiles rendered Mazarin’s position unspeakably difficult, and forced him for a time to adopt a policy of compromise.

The issue was, however, plain. Was the work of crushing the great nobles, and of making French influence supreme on the Continent, to be continued? Was the French monarchy to symbolise the unity of France? Mazarin embodied the continuance and development of Richelieu’s policy. He consistently aimed at abolishing feudalism and making the monarchy supreme. Consequently, he at once became the object of bitter attacks. All those who disapproved of Richelieu’s policy immediately ranged themselves in opposition to Mazarin, and resolved to abolish the post of First Minister. For some ten years the internal development of France was checked, while the feudal and legal aristocracies endeavoured to regain their lost positions, to reverse the foreign policy of the last two reigns, and to destroy Mazarin. In consequence of the cessation of Richelieu’s drastic methods the nobles and parlement did succeed in plunging France into confusion, and by their action fully justified the measures by which they were ultimately suppressed. The new policy of leniency and concession in place of that of stern repression was, however, seen after a few years to have failed in every respect ; but it was not till 1653 that Mazarin was able to remedy the evil results of the easy rule of Anne of Austria from 1643 to 1648, and of his own neglect of the internal administration.

Mazarin, during the first years of his ministry, found himself in a very difficult position. Unlike Richelieu, who was supported by the king, Mazarin could only rely upon a woman and a child ; and Anne of Austria, by her good-nature and desire to satisfy everybody, made a stern policy for the time impossible. Opposed to him were “powerful rivals and redoubtable enemies,” and while he had the management of the kingdom placed in his hands, his work was continually hampered by the acts of the queen-mother’s friends, who, hitherto exiled and disgraced, were returning in large numbers to France. Fortunately he was able to unravel the various plots formed against him in France, while his intimate acquaintance with the political state of Europe stood him in good stead in directing the foreign policy of the kingdom. Before the first surprise occasioned by the confirmation of Mazarin in his post as First Minister had worn off came the news of the decisive victory of Rocroi. Nothing could have happened more opportunely for the minister. The government was strengthened, its enemies confounded, and the early years of the reign opened in brilliant fashion. Mazarin had fortunately confirmed the Duke of Enghien, son of Prince Henry of Condé, in the command of the army of the North. His genius for war not being at the time generally known, the veteran l’Hôpital was chosen to guide and control his actions. On assuming the command, Enghien’s ascendency was at once felt. He restored the discipline and confidence of the army and made preparations for taking the offensive. The Spanish army, however, under Mello, forestalled his intentions, and as a preliminary to the invasion of France, and to a march upon Paris by the valleys of the Marne and the Aisne, the Spanish general besieged the small fortress of Rocroi. Putting aside l’Hôpital’s plea for caution, Enghien, ably supported by Grassion, a cavalry leader of great promise, rapidly advanced, and on May 19, 1643, the famous battle of Rocroi was fought. The Spanish army, which included many Italians and AValloons, numbered 27,000, against tlieir opponent’s 23,000. At first the French left wing was driven back and the victory of Spain seemed assured. But Enghien’s dash and skill restored the fortunes of the day, and he won a decisive victory over the renowned and experienced troops opposed to him. For the first time in a hundred years, Spain suffered a defeat at the hands of France. Until the fatal day of Blenheim the ascendency of French arms in Europe was established. Thionville was at once besieged, and, owing to Enghien’s engineering skill, surrendered on August 18. These successes strengthened the hands of the minister and enabled him to deal an overwhelming blow at the cabal of the Importants, who, headed by the Duke of Beaufort, were conspiring to bring about his downfall.

The conspirators—who included the Duchess of Chevreuse, Richelieu’s old enemy and the most famous political schemer of the day ; the Bishop of Beauvais, an intriguer of the first water, “the most idiot of idiots”; Montrésor, “ who had the outside of a Cato, but none of his virtues “ ; the Duchess of Montbazon and the beautiful Duchess of Longueville, two clever and unscrupulous court ladies; the Duke of Beaufort; and the rascally Abbé de la Rivière — had determined to play upon Anne of Austria’s good-nature, to destroy Richelieu’s system and change his policy, and, in a word, to seize the government. Mazarin himself was alive to the hatred which pursued Richelieu’s memory, and counselled toleration of all opinions. “Time,” he wrote, “will avenge that great man of all these insults, and those who blame him to-day will find out hereafter, perhaps, how much his guidance would have been necessary to complete the happiness of the realm—the happiness of which he has laid the foundation. Let us then suffer the malice of ignorant and prejudiced minds to evaporate freely, since opposition will only serve to irritate it.” These broad - minded views failed to conciliate the Importants, and when the Duchess of Montbazon was exiled for insulting the queen, Beaufort resolved to have the cardinal assassinated. The plot failed, and on September 2 Beaufort was arrested, and the Importants virtually ceased to exist. This vigorous action on the part of the government was received with general satisfaction. “The whole population,” wrote Mazarin, “was overjoyed.” It was now clearly manifest that, though Mazarin’s courtesy and gentleness bore a striking contrast to the domineering manner of his predecessor, Richelieu himself was no less resolute than the Italian cardinal. Men recognised that Richelieu’s mantle had indeed descended on Mazarin. “Il n’est pas mort : il n’a que changé d’âge,” was the first line of a rondeau composed after the coup d’état of September 2, 1643, in which it was wittily suggested that Mazarin was Richelieu himself.

Though the cardinal was now firmly established in power, and supported at court by many devoted friends, such as Antoine, Marshal of Gramont, René-Potier, the Count of Tresmes, Roger du Plessis, the Marquis of Liancourt, and others, he had many serious difficulties to face. The Duke of Orleans and the Condé family were mutually jealous and desirous of securing important provincial governments. Henry Condé demanded Languedoc for himself and the estates of Chantilly and Dammartin,—in fact, the whole of the domains of his brother-in-law, Henry of Montmorency. Enghien was to have Burgundy; and as the Duke of Longueville, Condé’s son-in-law, was governor of Normandy, it was evident that acquiescence with demands such as these would prove highly detrimental to the development of the French monarchy. Orleans, on his part, demanded Champagne with Sedan. Cardinal Bichi had advised Mazarin to bring about an understanding between Orleans and Henry Condé, and to rule by their means. Mazarin, however, made no attempt to carry out this suggestion. He preferred the safer plan of playing them off the one against the other; and for carrying out this policy he was by nature remarkably well suited. By giving Languedoc, on which Condé had set his heart, to Orleans, he preserved the friendship of the latter and stirred up strife between the two families. All through the year 1643 the provincial question had occupied his mind. The increase in taxation, and the severity and dishonesty of the methods of collecting taxes, had caused great discontent in the country districts, and in the autumn of 1643 the peasants of Rouergue rose, and their example was shortly afterwards imitated by the people in Lower Poitou, Saintonge, and the Angoumois. Langeron, to whom had been committed the duty of suppressing the rising, after meeting with serious resistance, put down the revolt in Rouergue with an armed force; but in the other districts the nobles themselves took part in the risings, and a state of things somewhat similar to that then existing in England was created. A small army was promptly sent to the disturbed districts, but measures of severity were rarely employed, and a general amnesty was granted. By this mixture of firmness in suppressing disorder and of humanity in sparing the people, Mazarin succeeded by the beginning of 1644 in restoring order in the provinces. Like the Norman kings, Mazarin had fully realised that it was politic to be generous to the mass of the nation, who would be, if well governed, a source of wealth to the crown. “ The queen’s absolute intention,” he wrote to the intendant of Languedoc, “ is that every possible facility may be given to the people to pay the subventions which the inevitable necessity of public affairs compels Her Majesty to require from them.” Meanwhile other but not less effective measures were being taken to ensure the stability of the government. Believing that the influence of the episcopacy was used against him, and fearing lest the queen should be affected by it, Mazarin ordered some sixty-two bishops to return from Paris to their dioceses. The cardinal’s triumph over the nobles, the bishops, and the court ladies was due in great measure to his personal influence with the queen. At the time the strength of this influence was never suspected, and Mazarin’s fall was confidently anticipated. The secret of this influence was for two centuries a source of difficulty, but from Michelet’s time historians of high authority have accepted the view that Mazarin and Anne of Austria were united by marriage. Mazarin had early gained not only the admiration, but also the affection of the queen-regent. To this affection was due the fidelity with which Anne adhered to the fortunes of the cardinal during the whole of the Fronde period. To this affection were due the earlier and later triumphs of Mazarin. Being only in deacon’s orders, Mazarin, though a cardinal, could lawfully marry.

So far the anxieties of the government had been the natural outcome of the changes consequent upon the deaths of Richelieu and Louis XIII. The initial difficulties of the new reign had been overcome and the rule of Anne of Austria and of Mazarin had been apparently firmly established. It remained to bring the war to a successful conclusion. To effect this desirable end, large supplies of money were absolutely necessary. Richelieu had left the finances in a desperate condition. The system of farming the taxes was a most ruinous one, and it was only by borrowing at an exorbitant rate of interest that funds could be procured. In 1644 the expenditure had risen from 99,000,000 livres in 1642 to 124,000,000, of which 59,000,000 never reached the treasury. It was necessary to raise money, and during the contests of the government with the parlement of Paris not only were the glaring defects of the French financial system made apparent, but many points of comparison between the situation in England and that in France could be observed.

Early in 1644 Particelli d’Emery, the dishonest controller-general of finance, imposed a tax of forty sous on every toise of land built upon, outside the walls of Paris. The inhabitants affected appealed to the parlement, and a contest arose between that body and the government. Simultaneously in the provinces riots took place against the imposition of certain taxes. The danger of a general uprising all over the country was a real one, and before it the government recoiled. It was resolved to withdraw the edict of the toisé, and to substitute a taxe des aises which would not fall on the poorer classes. By this tax Emery expected to obtain about forty millions. But the parlement, on the suggestion of Omer Talon, the advocate-general, demanded that the whole of the legal class should be exempted from the operation of this measure. As many others also obtained exemption, it resulted that upon the farmers of the revenue would fall the full force of the exaction. This necessary but unpopular class at once raised a great outcry. If they were abandoned by the court they would no longer furnish the required supplies. The public credit would be ruined and the government would be helpless. Recognising that the numerous exceptions had destroyed the utility of the tax, Emery at once withdrew it, and in March 1645 reimposed the toisé. The opposition which this measure provoked was so violent that Anne arrested and exiled some of the members of the parlement. In an interview held previously, Anne had silenced the President Gayant with the words, “ Taisezvous ; je vous connais vieux fou.” In spite of the energy shown by the government, Mazarin recognised the existence of deep discontent in the country. Had it not been for the victory of Enghien and Turenne at Nördlingen in August 1645, an early outbreak of the Fronde might have taken place. The victory, however, enabled the court to adopt a bold attitude, and Mazarin hoped that other successes such as that won at Nördlingen would enable him to make a satisfactory peace, to be followed by the establishment of order and prosperity in France.

After the Rocroi and Thionville campaign, a force under Rantzau had penetrated into Germany, where it was defeated at Düttlingen by Mercy, the Austrian general. That reverse was, however, compensated for by the French success in three desperate battles at Freiburg in 1644, where Turenne and Condé both showed great skill By the end of 1644 French armies were in occupation of the Rhine Valley. In 1645 Turenne, like Villars in the Spanish Succession War, made an attempt to unite with the Swedes in a concerted advance upon Vienna. Ragotsky, Prince of Transylvania, had been won over by Mazarin, and had engaged to aid the Swedish general Torstenson, while Turenne marched on Vienna through Swabia. Unfortunately for the success of the scheme,’Turenne, on May 5, 1645, was defeated at Mergentheim, and Torstenson was incapacitated by illness. Reinforced by Enghien and eight thousand men, Turenne avenged the check which he had received by aiding his brilliant colleague to win the battle of Nördlingen on August 3. In this desperate struggle, in which both sides suffered heavily, Mercy was killed ; but so severe were the French losses that, though the road to Vienna lay open, Turenne was unable to advance. Moreover, as Ragotsky and Torstenson, who had recovered from his illness, had both retreated, and as Enghien was ill, it would have been folly to have moved forward with a weakened force. As it was, however, the reputation of the French arms was fully re-established, and the hands of the opposition, exultant after Mergentheim, were weakened.

A few days after the battle of Nördlingen, Mazarin had achieved a valuable diplomatic success. Since the beginning of 1644 Sweden and Denmark had been at war—the result of Austrian intrigues at Copenhagen. Torstenson and Horn thereupon invaded Denmark, leaving France to bear the weight of the struggle in Germany. This diversion of the Swedish forces tended to prolong the war against the Hapsburgs, and Mazarin hastened to intervene at Copenhagen and Stockholm in favour of peace. He was supported by the presence of a Dutch fleet in the Baltic ; preliminaries of peace were signed at the end of the year 1644, and Torstenson returned to Germany with his troops. Under the mediation of the French ambassador, la Thuillerie, conferences between the Danish and Swedish envoys were opened at Brömsebro. Influenced by the successes of the Swedes in Germany and Bohemia, where, in April, Torstenson defeated the Austrians at Jankowitz, and by the determination of the Dutch to support Sweden, Christian IV. of Denmark consented to the proposed terms, and on August 14, 1645, the Treaty of Brömsebro was signed. France had not only brought about peace, but had secured definite territorial advantages for her ally. At the same time Mazarin recognised the advantage of conciliating Denmark, and on November 25, 1645, he made a treaty with that power advantageous to French commerce. He also endeavoured to strengthen the French alliance with Poland and Transylvania, and spared no pains to gain for France the position of protectress of the German princes and German liberties. The military successes of Turenne and Enghien in Germany, of Gassion and Rantzau in Flanders, and of Harcourt and of la Mothe-Houdancourt in Spain, tended to place France in the first rank among the European powers. This position had been won by an unpopular Italian cardinal, who, while conducting complicated negotiations, and superintending distant military operations, was engaged at home in a continuous struggle with a violent and unpatriotic opposition, and with increasing financial difficulties. Taking advantage of the victory of Nördlingen, Mazarin determined to strike a blow at the opposition without delay.

On September 7, 1645, a few weeks after Nördlingen, a lit de justice was held. The parlement adopted a submissive tone and registered nineteen financial edicts, creating many new offices and taxing various trades ; while the government wisely withdrew the toisé and the taxe des aises. Mazarin had triumphed, but his triumph was mainly due to the opportune victory of Nördlingen. This success gave the government three years of breathing-time, during which the opposition of the parlement to the minister increased. For the moment, however, Mazarin had won a distinct success. His power increased, and he was given the duty of superintending the education of the young king. In spite of his momentary triumph over his enemies, the opposition to the minister grew steadily during the years succeeding the battle of Nördlingen. Mazarin was continually attacked both openly and covertly by his enemies. Even Orleans, influenced by such men as Louis d’Astarac, the Marquis of Fontrailles, one of the most dangerous characters of the day, and by the ambitious Duchess of Montbazon, took up an attitude of opposition, which, while not a serious danger, tended further to increase the difficulties of the government.

More dangerous was the hostility of Henry of Condé. His hatred of Mazarin had never ceased, and he now took advantage of the battle of Nördlingen to demand for his son Enghien the sovereignty of Charleville-sur-Meuse. On Mazarin’s refusal, Condé took every opportunity, in conjunction with the Count of Chavigny, to oppose and hamper the minister. At the same time Paul Gondi, coadjutor of his uncle, the Archbishop of Paris, began his celebrated career of hostility to Mazarin and to the French government. Richelieu would have cut short these numberless intrigues by arrests and executions : Mazarin met them by dissimulation. An adept himself in the art of intrigue, he eventually defeated his enemies with their own weapons. But the opposition was so widespread, and had now, by the leniency of the government, been allowed to become so powerful, that there is little doubt that, in spite of Nördlingen and other victories, Mazarin would have been driven from France had he not continued to possess the full confidence and affection of the queen-regent. If, as has been taken for granted, the cardinal and Anne of Austria were united by a secret marriage, it is easy to explain the constant support which Mazarin received from Anne. In 1646 the intrigues continued. The French, on June 14, had been defeated at Orbitello, and the defeat had given the signal for renewed attacks on the minister ; while Enghien’s capture of Dunkirk later in the year, so far from strengthening the government, only served to render more emphatic the contrast between the plans of the minister and those of the general. Attacks on Mazarin and the queen were circulated : the period of Mazarinades had definitely begun. Ignoring these anonymous publications, Mazarin now took steps to check his enemies. Orleans, who ‘had returned to Paris in September 1646, after the capture of Mardyke, was not again given a command ; Henry of Condé was treated with quiet contempt, and not allowed any active share in the administration.